Last week, on Jan. 19, U.S. President
Barack Obama released a video called "America and Israel: An Unbreakable
Bond."
The seven-minute clip is an
amalgamation of sound bites from the president's own speeches, interspersed with
statements made by different prominent Israeli leaders, among them Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Its apparent purpose is to refute claims on the
part of the Republicans that the Obama administration is anti-Israel. Its true
goal is to keep the president's campaign afloat with Jewish cash.
To achieve this objective, the video
features the voices of President Shimon Peres, Defense Minister Ehud Barak,
Former Mossad chief Efraim Halevy, Deputy Foreign Minister Danny Ayalon, Israeli
Ambassador to the U.S. Michael Oren, and Netanyahu himself waxing poetic about
Obama.
It's a neat trick.
In his first three years in office,
Obama has emerged as the most openly hostile U.S. president Israel has ever
known. This is no surprise, given his oft-stated commitment to "outreach and
dialogue" with sworn enemies across the globe, chief among them Iran.
Nor is it peculiar that, in spite of
the above, Obama continued to take the Jewish vote for granted. After all, it is
no secret that American Jews -- even many who do care about Israel's fate and
survival -- would rather be nuked by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's mullahs than cast
their ballots for a Republican candidate.
What Obama didn't bank on, however,
was getting a cold financial shoulder from Jewish backers he assumed he would
have in his pocket, along with their millions. Imagine his horror when figures
like TV and media magnate Haim Saban, of “Power Rangers” fame, decided to cut a
substantial amount of his support for the very president he had helped usher
into the White House. Nor was Saban the only Jew to grow uncomfortable with
Obama's blatant aggression against Israel in word and deed.
What Obama and his team came to grasp
was that, of all the factors which had handed him a landslide into the Oval
Office, an empty till was not one of them.
With fiasco after disaster under his
belt by now -- and a Middle East on fire not with democracy, but with increased
anti-Western radicalism -- the inept incumbent can ill afford, both literally
and figuratively, to lose Jewish money.
This predicament is compounded by the
fact that, like his sycophants in the liberal mainstream media, Obama has been
only too happy to blame Wall Street, not his own socialist policies, for the
economic woes of the American people. Nevertheless, he still has to hedge his
bets on hedge-fund bucks.
It remains to be seen whether his
campaign managers' transparent attempt at assuring rich Jews that Obama is
Israel's best friend will have the desired effect. It will certainly be welcomed
by the Peace Now-niks and JStreeters who want Obama to win, precisely so that he
will continue to pressure Israel to make concessions in exchange for
nothing.
But it should also serve as a lesson
to Netanyahu and co. for being so foolish as to have made public statements
about Obama's undying loyalty and friendship which they knew to be patently
false.
Though it is, and always has been,
par for the course for Israeli leaders to behave with deference to the U.S.
administration, it is neither necessary nor desirable for them to bend over
backwards to defend American moves that run contrary to Israeli interests.
Netanyahu's tight spot with a president who was caught on tape commiserating
with counterpart Nicolas Sarkozy about having to "deal with" Netanyahu on a
regular basis deserves no small degree of empathy.
But his response to it has been worse
than counter-productive. Going out of his way (with the help of Oren) to laud
Obama at synagogues and AIPAC conferences is taking the need to stress the
U.S.'s friendship way beyond the call of duty. And all it has accomplished is to
provide the president with grist for his PR mill.
Ruthie Blum is a former senior
editor and columnist at The Jerusalem Post. She is currently writing a book
about the radicalization of the Middle East, to be published by RVP Press in the
spring.