The blood bond between the State of Israel and the Druze community living in its midst had always seemed unshakable, but then came the nation-state law and threatened to rattle this bond's main symbol – the Israel Defense Forces.
The largely symbolic but highly controversial Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People, which states that "Israel is the historic homeland of the Jewish people and they have an exclusive right to national self-determination in it," incensed Arab lawmakers, who labeled it "racist"and discriminatory against Israel's non-Jewish citizens, who make up some 20% of the population.
The Druze – a unique religious and ethnic minority among Israeli Arabs, who serve in the IDF and hold key positions in Israeli politics and public service – were particularly offended by the law, which community leaders said is an "extreme act of discrimination" against the country's minorities.
Two Druze officers resigned from the IDF this week over the new law, saying they could not serve in the military of a state whose laws label them "second-class citizens." The move reflected the frustration felt by many and echoed the growing call within the Druze community for young people not to enlist in the IDF and for those already serving to quit.
No other minority has or does contribute to the State of Israel like the Druze. This is true quantitatively and qualitatively, so when Likud MK David Bitan remarked this week that "there's no need to make a big deal out of 120,000 people," his blunder was double, as he both unnecessarily offended the Druze community and proved his complete lack of understanding of its importance. A short visit to Israel's military cemeteries would have taught him that no other minority has sacrificed as much to prove its loyalty to the state.
For 70 years, Israel has been fighting to integrate into the region and acquire allies. It cannot afford to offend those who have fought on its behalf and who have tied their fate with ours. One must remember that he who struggled to find partners among his opponents cannot afford to offend his friends.
Prime Minister Netanyahu's understanding of this point came belatedly, and prompted legislative changes that would anchor the Druze community's status – and that of the few other minorities serving in the IDF – by law. One must wonder why lawmakers ignored the writing so clearly on the wall in this case, and why it took protest and a potential social rift to achieve the obvious.
It seems no one felt the flames until they licked the military's boots. The discussion about the nationality of the Muslim doctor or the Muslim cashier in the supermarket has been pushed aside, but the Druze are a different story. In a country where the military is the social litmus test it was easy for them to prove their point.
The Druze are the only minority legally bound to serve in the IDF. The other minorities – Christians, Bedouins and Circassians – volunteer for service. On average, three out of every four Druze men enlist in the military and IDF ranks currently number 2,019 Druze soldiers in compulsory service and 1,300 career officers, many of whom serve in combat units, including in some of the military's classified ones.
Stand by your brethren
The uproar among Druze soldiers and officers meant IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Gadi Eizenkot was facing a problem. One the one hand the nation-state law is a legitimate law, properly enacted via a parliamentary vote, but on the other hand, all IDF soldiers are equal and Jewish soldiers are not "worth" more than their non-Jewish counterparts. When the protest began bubbling on the ground, it was clear that any demonstration in uniform was off limits, but it was also clear that the top command had to make a statement.
This fueled the reservists' letter of support for the Druze community, as well as Eizenkot's statement, saying, "As the nation's military, whose purpose is to keep the Israeli public safe and win its wars, we are committed to preserving human dignity, regardless of race, religion or gender. This is how it has always been and this is how it will always be. We have the obligation to keep controversial political issues out of the military.
"We pledge that our shared responsibility and camaraderie with our Druze and Bedouin brethren and other minority members serving in the IDF will continue to lead our way."
The Druze ethos, which is instilled in the community's youth from a very young age, is one of contribution to their country. All one needs to do is look at the top military echelon to understand that: IDF ranks include one Druze general – Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories Maj. Gen. Kamil Abu Rokon; until recently there were also five Druze brigadier generals who served concurrently, including one in a highly classified intelligence unit; and 11 Druze colonels. These numbers are substantially higher among mid-level and junior officers, as Druze can serve everywhere in the military, including in the most classified units.
After two Druze officers resigned this week, senior officers scrambled to stop their move from becoming a trend. Abu Rokon, Paratroopers' Brigade Commander Col. Ghassan Alian, and Col. (res.) Hasson Hasson, President Reuven Rivlin's former military secretary, to name a few, made it a point to reach out to Druze soldiers and potential recruits alike to try and allay their concerns and especially their feeling of affront and outrage.
The controversy caught one senior Druze officer in Poland, where he headed a delegation of teens. In a country like Israel, where nothing can be taken for granted, the irony became particularly poignant when the loyalty to its homeland of a Druze delegation learning about the Jewish Holocaust came under question.
The IDF's main concern was a mass resignation of career officers and a trend of refusing to enlist among Druze youth. In addition to the two officers who resigned, a third officer was suspended for 14 days after defying military directives barring officers from publically expressing their political opinions, and decrying the bill on social media.
Rumors of other Druze officers who had resigned were little more than fake news, and senior Druze officers' actions seemed to have stopped any plans to stage a mass resignation in its tracks.
Druze leaders also understood that such a move would prove a double-edged sword, as you cannot profess your loyalty to the state while simultaneously undermining it from within.
The pressure exerted – inward to prevent mass protest and outward to find a solution – did the trick. The understanding that Israel was on the brink of an unprecedented rift with the Druze community, and as a result with other minority groups, prompted almost every defense official to take part in this effort, and anyone looking to score political gains or ram the government did so of their own accord. This effort was free of any foreign funding or opposition parties – this was a genuine effort by those who spent most of their lives fighting side by side with their Druze brethren.
Not the final word
As of Thursday, the storm seemed to have ebbed; it seemed that a solution has been devised. Many in the Druze community protested the understandings that had been formulated, arguing that nationality belongs not only to those who serve in the army, but to all of the nation's citizens, who are entitled to equality.
Some feared the community would be perceived as opportunistic, as one that has abandoned its core values for a slightly larger piece of the pie.
This discussion will continue to simmer, presumably depending on the progress and implementation of the compromise. It is doubtful it will have an immediate effect, but at least at the moment, things seem to be under control.
Still, there is cause for concern. The young generation, high school students, protested this week, both on the ground, in their villages and on social media. They do not like the nation-state law or the approach it champions, and unlike the older generation, it is hard to appease them with a few promises. They want to be equal, period.
In the next few years these youths are supposed to join the IDF. Their matriculation results are skyrocketing, with some schools surpassing the best Jewish schools in Israel. The state wants them and the IDF needs them, but the challenge will be to convince them that this is their home – that they are partners, not just blood donors.
Those who fail to invest in this today on the political, municipal, and educational levels, may discover in the future that nothing has really been resolved.
