The massacre of the Alawite community that occurred over the weekend is becoming a defining event in the days of the new Syria. The new dictator, Abu Mohammad al-Julani, has made it clear to anyone who harbored illusions – the luxury suits, private jets, and time spent with world dignitaries haven't really softened the man who ousted Bashar Assad.
In this sense, his participation in the great theater of the Middle East, where dictators disguise themselves as popular and legitimate leaders, is only for the sake of diplomacy. In practice, it's a Western, modern, and easy-to-digest packaging of jihadists past and present.
This is how al-Julani can, with one hand, loosen the reins for armed fighters to slaughter members of the old elite, and with the other hand, order the establishment of an investigative committee for the events. This is how he can disavow the actions in international media, while simultaneously allowing his people to issue threats and document the humiliations they inflict on the Alawites.
Earlier this week, Alawites who spoke with Israel Hayom pleaded for help from Israel and the world, and called for the immediate removal of al-Julani. Help did not come, and the other communities in Syria understood the message clearly. In the end, no one will save them from the wrath of the new masters. Accordingly, the leader of the Kurdish forces, Mazlum Abadi, who until recently expressed willingness to accept aid from Israel, hurried to sign an agreement with the new government.
Under the contract with al-Julani, he agreed to integrate the Kurdish fighters into the new government and hand over the critical control of oil and gas fields – an immeasurably important source of income. The general also committed to assist Damascus in fighting against Alawite armed fighters identified with the previous regime.
The Druze agreements in the Al-Suwayda province are another example. A leaked draft details the various benefits offered to the community: payment of frozen salaries to officials, administrative reforms, use of previous regime buildings, and integration into the general security system. The provincial leadership reported that this is a list of demands that al-Julani's representatives promised to fulfill, but negotiations are still ongoing.
Moreover, government representatives met with the community leader Sheikh Hikmat al-Hajri. At the end of the meeting, it was reported that additional understandings were reached, such as regulating the status of local militias and resuming police work to address the wave of crime in the area.
Either way, the policy of carrots and sticks is proving itself. Those who rebel will be punished with an "iron fist," as one of the armed fighters described it before the Alawite massacre. Those who rush to forge alliances will take their place in the new governmental structure.
In contrast to this policy, it seems that Israel has modest aspirations regarding Syria. In Jerusalem, hopes are pinned on the Druze residents who live in areas near the border, such as the Quneitra province. These residents are offered work in the Golan Heights, and according to Arab reports, they can also visit Israel. The result is that two types of voices are heard among the Druze public in Syria. There are those who distance themselves from normalization with Israel, knowing that the connection will not bear fruit anyway.
On the other hand, there are those who actually embrace the southern neighbor, and not without reason. In this sector, Israel proves that it is not afraid to act forcefully against weapons stockpiles that could leak to the Islamist government in Damascus. The question is how long this policy will hold.
