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Home News Middle East Peace Process Trump Plan

Trump ties Saudi F-35 deal to normalization with Israel

Although President Donald Trump declared Saudi Arabia his "top non-NATO ally," the practical results of his meeting with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman fell far short of what both leaders had hoped to achieve.

by  Danny Zaken
Published on  11-29-2025 22:47
Last modified: 11-29-2025 22:47
Why Bin Salman's visit to Washington matters

President Donald Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman meet at the White House. Photo: AP

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The meeting between Trump and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman ended before the cameras with sweeping statements. Trump defended the crown prince when asked by reporters and said Saudi Arabia was his "top non-NATO ally."

Even so, the tangible outcome of the meeting was far from what both leaders had sought. Israel Hayom reported at the time that Washington was furious with the Saudi leadership for refusing to move forward on a process toward normalization with Israel.

According to diplomatic sources, after early rounds of talks between senior Saudis and Americans yielded no progress, Trump pressed the crown prince during their White House meeting to take at least one symbolic step toward normalization, any gesture that would signal expected movement in the near future once conditions matured.

Trump and bin Salman at the White House. Photo: AFP

Bin Salman spoke of his internal difficulties and of public opinion in Saudi Arabia. At that point Trump intervened and told him to take an example from his counterpart, United Arab Emirates leader Mohammed bin Zayed, who benefited from joining the Abraham Accords. Bin Salman did not change his position, so although Trump announced a future sale of F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia, he made it subject to two conditions.

The first was American. Saudi investments that had been announced, needed to begin materializing. In Trump's previous term, hundreds of billions of dollars in Saudi investments were announced, but only a small portion ever materialized.

The second was the start of a practical move toward normalization with Israel and entry into the Abraham Accords. The issue of a Saudi nuclear reactor was handled in a similar but even more stringent manner. Washington essentially rejected the Saudi request to enrich uranium on Saudi soil. Israel had conveyed its objection to enrichment to Washington, and Trump agreed to assist the Saudis in establishing a nuclear energy facility built by American companies. The UAE, incidentally, also has such a reactor.

A political source said the Americans made clear that in their view the ceasefire in Gaza should have served as a springboard for expanding the Abraham Accords, and that Saudi opposition was handing Hamas, the terrorist organization blocking progress toward ending the war, the key to Trump's vision of peace.

Mohammed bin Salman, Trump and Netanyahu. Photo: AP, AFP

Peace nowhere in sight

That peace, or at least an end to the war in Gaza, is currently nowhere on the horizon. Egyptian attempts to pressure senior Hamas officials into accepting a framework for surrendering power and weapons face setbacks and obstinacy from at least part of the terrorist organization's leadership. Even softer proposals, such as storing weapons as "deposits" in warehouses under the new civilian authority's control, are making no headway.

One actor currently missing from efforts to pressure Hamas is Turkey. The Turks, who played an important role in the ceasefire deal and in convincing Hamas to release all the hostages, have removed themselves at this stage from direct involvement. According to an Arab diplomatic source, this step followed Israel's veto on including Turkish troops in the planned multinational force expected to enter Gaza.

Turkey has significant leverage over Hamas because the terrorist organization's financial hub is based in Istanbul. Ankara used this leverage in the previous phase but is avoiding doing so now. Moreover, Israel Hayom reported that Israel passed intelligence to the US regarding Hamas and Hezbollah terrorist cells operating out of Turkey with the knowledge of Turkish authorities. Shortly afterward, Israel published details about these cells and the attack attempts that were thwarted.

The Gaza Strip. Photo: Reuters

Hamas, for its part, is demanding that before talks officially resume, Phase A be completed. Chiefly, this means opening the Rafah Crossing for the movement of people and significantly increasing the number of supply trucks and goods entering territory under its control. These supplies are currently Hamas' main source of funding and of leverage over the population under its rule.

An Israeli source said Hamas must first return the final two deceased hostages, and then it must be ensured that most of the incoming supplies do not fall into Hamas' hands, a condition described as nearly impossible. American officials believe the two remaining bodies will be located and handed over in the coming days.

Despite the deadlock on the path to Phase B, intensive efforts continues at the multinational headquarters in Kiryat Gat, the Civil-Military Coordination Center in southern Israel. The work is expanding, and representatives from no fewer than 24 countries, in addition to Israel and the US, are now present.

The latest arrival

Israel Hayom has learned that the most recent arrival was Bahrain's representative. Bahrain, one of the Abraham Accords countries, joined the working teams at the headquarters last week. The site consists of three main floors: the Israeli floor, the American floor and, between them, the multinational floor.

Netanyahu and Trump at the Signing of the Abraham Accords (Archive). Photo: AFP AFP

The UAE has the largest and most active contingent apart from Israel and the US. Personnel on site are organized into working groups in various fields: a security team that continuously monitors events in the Gaza Strip using information from the IDF, the Americans and the Egyptians; a humanitarian team that coordinates and monitors the entry of supply trucks and tries, with limited success, to prevent Hamas operatives from confiscating them.

There is also a multinational security-force team preparing coordination, communications and mission infrastructure for the future force; a civilian governance team working on the administrative and organizational foundations of the new governing body; a reconstruction and infrastructure team planning both short-term relief work such as clearing debris and long-term rebuilding; and a top-level planning team preparing complex construction plans for Gaza's future, including housing, commercial districts, industrial zones and tourism areas.

Those present at the headquarters report excellent cooperation and a friendly atmosphere. Israeli and Arab teams, for example, converse with each other in Arabic, and strong black Arabic coffee is the drink of choice in meetings and discussions. Yet despite the good atmosphere, most of the work remains on paper for now, because the creation of the multinational force is nowhere in sight and Phase B, as noted, still looks distant.

At the same time, in areas under Israeli control inside the Gaza Strip, extensive rebuilding is underway: the establishment of humanitarian zones, entire neighborhoods where infrastructure is being installed, as well as public buildings and schools. These serve as a kind of pilot program for the eventual reconstruction of the entire Gaza Strip.

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