This proposed structure differs from Israel's standard model of a state commission of inquiry. Netanyahu position compared his plan to the inquiry committee established in the US after the September 11 terrorist attacks, which he said had been "half Democratic and half Republican" and had "done an excellent job." A review of the facts, however, reveals three significant gaps between the American committee and the model Netanyahu is promoting.

The intelligence failures

So what is the American committee Netanyahu is referencing? The 9/11 Commission was established in 2002 by a federal law passed by Congress. Its purpose was to investigate the intelligence, operational and institutional failures that enabled the deadliest terrorist attack in US history.

The committee consisted of ten members, five Republicans and five Democrats, most of whom were former senior public officials. It was granted broad powers, including subpoena authority and access to classified material. It conducted interviews with more than 1,000 individuals, held dozens of public hearings and in 2004 released a lengthy report detailing systemic failures across several administrations. Its findings led to sweeping reforms in the US intelligence community.

A campaign of pressure

Netanyahu claimed that a "coordinated pressure campaign by senior former officials" was being waged in recent days, saying these individuals had "allowed anarchy to seep into state systems" and now "seek to distort the facts" and influence the structure of the inquiry. He argued that "such figures must not be involved in decisions and considerations that will determine how the disaster will be investigated" and described their involvement as "a clear conflict of interest."

He insists the national inquiry committee he plans to establish "will represent the entire public, the opposition and the coalition equally."

Yet the American model he cites does not actually support these assertions. First, the 9/11 Commission was itself composed largely of former officials. The chair, Tom Kean, was a former Republican governor. The vice chair, Lee Hamilton, was a former Democratic congressman. Most other members were also retired public officials. In other words, the American model relied on experienced figures who were not politically subordinate to the sitting administration, in contrast to Netanyahu's warnings about the involvement of "former officials."

The administration did not appoint the committee

Second, the administration of President George W. Bush did not appoint the commission and did not control its membership. Congress, which is independent of the executive branch, established the committee through legislation after initial opposition from the White House. The commission was created only after intense public pressure from families of the victims.

Its members were chosen by Democratic and Republican congressional leaders, not by the administration. This ensured full independence from the executive branch it was tasked with investigating. In Israel, however, a national inquiry committee appointed by the government and staffed by its nominees does not reflect the same level of independence.

Third, the "half Democrats, half Republicans" model cannot simply be replicated in Israel, where there is no stable two party system. In the US it is clear who represents the opposition and who represents the majority. Israel's opposition is fragmented, its parties disagree among themselves and they may not even agree on who could legitimately represent them on a committee appointed by the government.

A model of how to conduct an inquiry

In such a system, an ostensibly "balanced" composition does not guarantee independence. It may instead deepen political rifts and erode public trust in the committee's conclusions. Although Netanyahu presents the 9/11 Commission as a model for the type of inquiry he wants to establish, the American committee's structure, membership and method of appointment show that it was built on one essential principle: complete independence from the government being investigated.

That principle is not necessarily reflected in the framework Netanyahu is proposing. It also contradicts his criticism of "former officials" even though, in the US case, they were at the core of the commission's credibility and professionalism.

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Israeli officials assess that Hezbollah will not retaliate for the assassination. Washington was told that the strike fell within the terms of the ceasefire because Tabataba'i continued directing terrorist activity. As of now, there are no special instructions for the home front.

Mohammad Qamati, deputy head of Hezbollah's political council, said the terrorist organization would not respond to what Israel says but would examine the incident and make a decision. He claimed there was "coordination" with the Lebanese state to "put an end to Israeli aggression."

According to him, "this aggression in the Dahiyeh crosses a new red line and represents a green light from the US for escalation." He added that "a jihadi figure, a senior commander, was attacked, and we will announce the name later. All options are open after the strike, and the leadership will make the appropriate decision."

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ordered the strike based on the recommendation of Defense Minister Israel Katz and IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir. Fighter jets executed the attack with exceptional precision, hitting the exact floor of Tabataba'i's safe house. Security officials emphasized the air force's peak readiness, noting that the operation was launched shortly after the intelligence was received.

Tabataba'i, formerly the commander of the Radwan Force and Hezbollah's southern front, was considered one of the group's most senior military leaders. The US government previously offered a five million dollar reward for information on him and designated him an international terrorist in 2016 for his activity in Syria and Yemen alongside pro-Iranian militias.

The elimination of Hezbollah's chief of staff is part of the IDF's broader strategy to increase pressure on the terrorist organization and on the Lebanese government, which has failed to meet its obligation to disarm Hezbollah.

According to Israeli intelligence, Hezbollah is rearming and rebuilding its capabilities faster than they are being degraded. Israel is therefore preparing for a concentrated operation, expected to last at least several days, to significantly weaken the terrorist organization. The understanding in Israel is that as long as Hezbollah continues trying to restore its strength, repeated actions of this kind will be necessary.

Israel is open about its intentions: both to pressure the Lebanese government to disarm Hezbollah and to prepare the Israeli public for the possibility that this effort may fail. As of now, the Home Front Command has not changed its guidelines, though it is likely that if a broader operation begins, the IDF will also prepare for the possibility of a Hezbollah response.

A senior security official stressed that "there are currently no signs that Hezbollah is preparing a response. The assessment is that they will not retaliate."

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The US government previously offered a $5 million reward for information on him. This commander headed the organization's special forces in Syria and Yemen. While in this role, he provided assistance to pro-Iranian militias and the Houthis.

Haytham 'Ali Tabataba'i was designated an international terrorist with a special classification as early as 2016. The US government's website stated, "Tabataba'i's actions in Syria and Yemen are part of a larger Hizballah effort to provide training, materiel, and personnel in support of its destabilizing regional activities."

In recently published footage from the funeral of the commander of the Aziz Unit in Beirut, a Hezbollah operative was seen whose face bore a resemblance to the identity of Tabataba'i. That same operative wore the emblem of the Radwan Elite Force.

Haytham Ali Tabatabai is described as "Hezbollah's chief of staff." During the war on the northern front, the previous commanders considered "chiefs of staff" – Fouad Shukr and Ibrahim Aqil – were assassinated. Another senior commander eliminated along with the organization's secretary general, Hassan Nasrallah, was Ali Karaki. Among the senior figures who have survived in the organization thus far is the current secretary general, Naim Qassem, a bland, charisma-less figure. Another senior official is Talal Hamiyah, who leads Unit 910. This unit is responsible for overseas terrorist activities, including attacks against Western targets. In addition to them, Mohammad Haydar, who is considered a "military advisor" in the terror organization and whose status also rose following the series of eliminations, can be mentioned.

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This is bin Salman's first trip to Washington since the 2018 murder of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, a harsh critic of the kingdom's leadership and a supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood, carried out by Saudi agents at the country's consulate in Istanbul. The incident triggered an unprecedented crisis and a period of strained ties, especially during Joe Biden's administration.

The Biden administration sought to sideline bin Salman over the Khashoggi affair, rendering him persona non grata in Washington, until Biden himself was forced to travel to Riyadh to ask the crown prince to increase oil production amid soaring global energy prices. That visit is mostly remembered for the president's awkward, forced fist bump with the crown prince.

Trump, by contrast, views the 40-year-old heir apparent as a central player in shaping the Middle East in the coming decades. The US president aims to return to the golden era of bilateral ties that characterized his first term, when the Saudis were a leading US ally in the region.

"They were great allies," Trump told reporters on Monday. "They certainly love us very much. Look at the situation in Iran, we destroyed their nuclear capability. Yes, I am saying we will do this," he added, referring to the plan to sell F-35 jets to Riyadh.

In Israel, the idea is being received with concern. Beyond the risks inherent in another country acquiring the most advanced aircraft available for sale, such a move would erode Israel's qualitative military edge, a core principle in Washington's relationship with Jerusalem.

Even within the Trump administration there are reservations. Some fear that the sale could open the door for China to access advanced American technology, according to a New York Times report this week. But the president views the deal as part of a broader effort to keep Saudi Arabia aligned with the US and not with China.

Trump is expected to press bin Salman to join the Abraham Accords and normalize relations with Israel. The president sees Saudi Arabia, the largest Arab economy and the leader of the Muslim world, as the key to achieving broader regional stability. In recent weeks, Trump even predicted that once Saudi Arabia joins the accords, everyone in the Arab world will follow.

Saudi officials, however, have repeatedly made clear in recent months that they will not abandon their demand for a clear, credible and irreversible pathway to a Palestinian state, even if today's meeting may help restart negotiations between Jerusalem and Riyadh.

A series of economic deals

Beyond defense and diplomatic issues, the visit is expected to produce several economic agreements. The Saudis plan to announce multibillion-dollar investments in American artificial intelligence infrastructure. In addition, the two countries will release details of cooperation on civilian nuclear energy, a field Saudi Arabia seeks to advance. In the past, this issue was tied to normalization with Israel, but it will now proceed even without it. Trump hopes to finalize the Saudi commitment to invest 600 billion dollars, a pledge made during his 2017 visit to Riyadh.

Saudi media reported Monday that the crown prince is carrying a letter from Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, which he is expected to present to Trump. According to Al Arabiya, the letter was delivered to Saudi Interior Minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Saud bin Naif during his recent visit to Iran and his meeting with the head of the pilgrimage organization, Ali Reza Rashidian.

Their meetings are expected to cover additional regional issues, including maintaining the ceasefire in Gaza and potential progress on phase two, shared concerns about Iran, and the civil war in Sudan. On Wednesday, an investment conference will be held at the Kennedy Center with the participation of senior executives from major American companies such as Salesforce, Qualcomm and Pfizer, where more deals are expected to be signed.

A Completely Different Atmosphere

As noted, this is the crown prince's first visit to the US since the murder of Jamal Khashoggi in 2018. This time, with a change of administration, the atmosphere is entirely different. Washington is draped in US and Saudi flags, cannons have been prepared for a salute, an honor guard is in place, and a military flyover will take place above the South Lawn, along with a festive state dinner, signaling the renewed depth of the relationship.

President Donald Trump has returned to the White House and has made his ties with the Saudi prince one of the cornerstones of his foreign policy. According to reports, the president will announce major agreements during the visit, both defense-related and civilian, led by the American approval to sell F-35 jets to Saudi Arabia, a precedent-setting decision that would make the kingdom the first Arab country to operate the most advanced system in the US arsenal.

The president is expected to clearly present his main objective: bringing Saudi Arabia into the Abraham Accords and achieving historic progress toward normalization with Israel. Trump said in recent days that he expects Saudi Arabia to join the accords and predicted that if it does, the entire Arab world will follow.

For now, however, bin Salman is maintaining the kingdom's established position. Saudi Arabia will not take a public step toward normalization without a credible pathway to establishing a Palestinian state.

The Israeli dimension has taken on added weight following the US-backed Security Council resolution adopted Monday, which approved Trump's 20-point plan for the day after in Gaza. The plan includes, in addition to references to an international force, the demilitarization of the Strip and the disarmament of the Hamas terrorist organization, language addressing self-determination and the eventual establishment of a Palestinian state in line with Saudi demands.

The visit is expected to include the signing of new defense agreements, significant Saudi investments in American industries, particularly in infrastructure, artificial intelligence and civilian nuclear cooperation. The Saudis are also expected to seek formal US security guarantees, similar to those granted to Qatar about six weeks ago. At the same time, Trump will try to advance another major initiative for the crown prince: bringing Saudi Arabia back into the IMEC project, a strategic trade corridor linking India, the Middle East and Europe, in which Israel also participates.

Despite the lingering sensitivities surrounding the Khashoggi murder, and despite US intelligence assessments concluding that the prince likely approved the operation, the issue no longer appears to be a central obstacle for the Trump administration. Bin Salman has previously denied ordering the killing but said he accepted responsibility as a leader.

The White House visit marks the return of Mohammed bin Salman to the global stage and the deepening of renewed ties between Washington and Riyadh. But for the White House, the real test lies elsewhere: whether the kingdom will move, even symbolically, toward formal normalization with Israel, a goal Trump sees as essential to expanding the Abraham Accords as part of his effort to establish what he calls lasting peace in the Middle East.

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A few weeks earlier, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had delivered his historic address to Congress against the nuclear deal between Barack Obama and Iran. Dermer, the one who stitched that speech together and pushed Netanyahu to give it, looked exhausted. We haven't had a bite since morning, said the aide by his side. So yes, they were hunting for a kosher snack so the ambassador could get a little energy before the next meeting.

What are you doing here? I asked. "Running from one meeting to the next with senators to explain the dangers of the nuclear deal", Dermer replied. "Presumably Republican senators, since the Democrats were with Obama, who was leading the agreement", I said. "No", answered the ambassador. "The Republicans are with us. We're trying to persuade Democrats".

That small incident showed, yet again, the yawning gap between what so many people who don't know Ron Dermer wrote and said about him, or envied him for, and who the man actually is. While Dermer was being smeared in those days as someone supposedly boycotted by the Democratic Party, he was meeting, one after another, with its leadership. As will be told below, Dermer became the only Israeli ambassador ever to host at Israel's embassy in Washington a sitting US president, Obama, and his vice president, Joe Biden, both Democrats.

Ron Dermer was born in Miami Beach, Florida, in 1971. He was blessed with a sharp mind, immense knowledge, an excellent gift for expression, considerable physical strength and a steely character forged under difficult circumstances. His father died two weeks before his bar mitzvah. He lost his first wife not long after they married. It did not break Dermer; it steeled him.

Maybe that is related, maybe it is not. Dermer knows how to listen, but it is hard to the point of impossible to move him from his position. His stubbornness is legendary. In meetings he is more lecturer than interlocutor. That is the man.

His father, Jay Dermer, served as the Democratic mayor of Miami Beach. He, incidentally, defeated Elliott Roosevelt, a war hero and son of the legendary president. Dermer's brother, David, was later elected to the same office. The apples did not fall far from the tree. They also show Ron could have reached the highest positions in American politics or business, but he chose the Land of Israel over the land of gold.

The student who was spotted, and rose up 

One of his university professors, Frank Luntz, recognized his unique talents. "The most gifted student I ever had", he said and invited him to work at his polling firm. Through that professor, a connection was born with Natan Sharansky. In the second half of the 1990s, Dermer immigrated to Israel. He tried to enlist in the Israel Defense Forces, but it did not work out. Aharon Barak, who met Dermer in social settings, was also highly impressed and invited him frequently. At Barak's home, Dermer met his wife, Rhoda.

His relationship with Sharansky produced their joint 2004 book, The Case for Democracy. Then-president George W. Bush read it, was influenced by it and invited them to the White House. Sharansky is also the one who connected Dermer with Netanyahu back in 1999. That first meeting did not go well. Already seasoned in polling analysis, Dermer predicted that Netanyahu would lose the upcoming election. A few weeks later it turned out he was right.

Despite the false start, the ties tightened until Dermer and Netanyahu became almost a single unit. The trust between them is total. Their worldview is the same. They plan moves in detail with an analytical mind and trust each other completely. That does not mean there are no arguments. Quite the opposite: Netanyahu knows that no disagreement with Dermer will ever leak. For his part, Dermer believes with absolute conviction that everything Netanyahu does is aimed at strengthening the Jewish people and their state. That is what interests him.

In 2005, Netanyahu appointed him economic minister at the embassy in Washington, which required Dermer to renounce his American citizenship. I was proud to be an American, he wrote then in an American newspaper. In that role Dermer persuaded US states to pull their investments from Iran. He also helped draft the US-Israel defense assistance agreement.

In 2009, when Netanyahu returned to the Prime Minister's Office, he made Dermer his close adviser and the point man on the US file. Together, from Jerusalem, they faced the pressure from the Obama administration, until in 2013 Netanyahu sent him back to America, this time as Israel's ambassador in Washington. Although he worked there, he flew to Israel countless times for face-to-face consultations with Netanyahu. That transatlantic grind, sometimes once a week or two, while being separated from family and serving as Israel's most important ambassador, would have exhausted most people.

A decade later, Dermer organized Netanyahu's historic 2015 speech against the nuclear deal. When Netanyahu hesitated, Dermer asked him: What is the point of sitting in the chair if you do not accept the invitation? Like his boss, Dermer woke up thinking about Iran and went to sleep the same way. In the short term the speech did some damage among Democrats, since it was seen as a slap at Obama. In the long term, however, it impressed upon the American elite the severity of the Iranian threat and built legitimacy for striking Iran's nuclear facilities a decade later.

Dermer's scramble among senators at that time, which I witnessed with my own eyes, also made it harder for Obama to get the deal through Congress and, in due course, made it easier for President Donald Trump to pull out.

Even if his fight against the nuclear deal remains controversial, Dermer's other achievements are consensus material. The latest Gaza war deal brought hostages home and won broad public support in Israel. Again, this stands in absolute contrast to the lies spread against the departing minister, as if he preferred prolonging the war to returning the hostages.

Contrary to false media reports, Dermer is also the person who persuaded Trump a year ago that the hostages were alive. Around these very days last year, the then president-elect was convinced they had all died and even said so publicly. When Dermer met him at Mar-a-Lago, Trump hunched over, imitating the conditions of captivity, and said, No one can survive like that. Dermer immediately corrected him: according to our intelligence, at least 50 are alive. From that moment, Trump stopped saying the hostages were dead.

The driving force in the Trump administration

From that meeting until June 2025, Dermer was the driving force in harnessing the administration to a strike on Iran's nuclear facilities. In contrast to the Don't we received from Joe Biden about expanding the war, Dermer and Netanyahu convinced Trump that action against Iran would serve US interests. Enthused by the Israeli celebration in Tehran's skies, Trump ultimately delivered the finishing blow by dispatching B-2 bombers.

It is no exaggeration to say that in that act Dermer helped save Israel and the world alike from a clear and present danger. As with his other actions, he achieved this precisely because he is known not to seek personal gain, power, headlines or political advancement. Everyone who knows Dermer knows his motives are pure. Amazingly, despite being glued to Netanyahu for 25 years, he has always kept his distance from politics and the many affairs surrounding the prime minister and his family.

Dermer operates under complete compartmentalization. His spokesman's only job there is one is to keep quiet. That secrecy enabled what is probably his greatest achievement: the Abraham Accords. You know how many people in Israel knew about the accords before they were announced? he likes to ask rhetorically. Three. Had there been more, it would probably have leaked and there would have been no accords.

In those dramatic weeks of summer 2020, as the world battled COVID and Trump fought for his political survival, Dermer and representatives of the United Arab Emirates sat in separate rooms at the White House. Jared Kushner and his team shuttled draft texts between them in a tough negotiation. The result was peace agreements that changed the Middle East.

Those were hardly his first or last secret meetings. It can now be revealed that around these very days last year he met Saudi Arabia's ambassador in Washington, known as Princess Reema, a meeting we exposed in February 2025. Dermer will likely continue to handle the Saudi file despite leaving the government.

Quietly

Back to 2020. Another important move that year was securing the release from US parole restrictions and bringing to Israel Jonathan Pollard. Elements in the US security establishment wanted to keep constraining the Israeli spy so he would not be a free man and would not be able to visit Israel. Dermer, who had just completed almost eight years as ambassador in Washington, worked quietly toward a positive resolution. Disclosure: Pollard came to Israel on the plane of Israel Hayom publisher Sheldon Adelson, of blessed memory.

The headline achievements with the Trump years also included recognition of Israeli sovereignty on the Golan Heights, recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital, moving the US Embassy to the capital and Trump's willingness to recognize Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria, which ultimately was not implemented.

Dermer could persuade Trump and his team to take all those steps thanks both to a worldview similar to that of Republicans and to considerable interpersonal savvy. His first meeting with Trump was in 2014. It was by chance, and at the time no one imagined Trump would even enter American politics.

They met at a Wharton School alumni conference at the University of Pennsylvania. As Israel's ambassador, Dermer told then-businessman Trump that he was the reason he had gone to study at Wharton. He had read Trump's book, The Art of the Deal, and dreamed of becoming a successful businessman like him. Trump remembered the exchange very well. Two years later, after stunning the world by winning the presidency, he phoned Netanyahu and asked him to keep his guy in Washington. The Dermer family, which had been preparing to return to Israel in 2016, unpacked and signed on for four more years in the US capital.

He shoveled snow himself

That sacrifice the lifestyle of endless absences from home and innumerable flights to the US lies behind a line in his resignation letter: I thank my family, and in particular my wife Rhoda, for their willingness to sacrifice so much over the past two decades so that I could serve the one and only Jewish state.

As noted, Dermer knew how to work not only with Trump and his team, but also with Democrats and even their president, Barack Obama. Precisely after the big clash between Obama and Netanyahu over the nuclear deal in 2015, Dermer understood that the president would want to make amends with Israel. A decision by Yad Vashem crossed his desk as ambassador: to award the Righteous Among the Nations medal to an American soldier who was captured by the Nazis in World War II. The soldier, Roddie Edmonds, saved hundreds of Jews who were prisoners with him in the camp and never told of it during his lifetime.

Dermer assessed that Obama would agree to present the medal himself to Edmonds' son. He therefore submitted a personal invitation to Obama's chief of staff, Denis McDonough, to confer the medal at a ceremony at the embassy.

Indeed, a few months later Obama came and spoke. In those days an extreme cold snap threatened to cancel the event. But Dermer, so determined to hold it, came to clear the snow himself, to set an example for embassy employees who were hesitant.

It was the first time a Righteous Among the Nations ceremony was held outside Israel. Aside from Bill Clinton's condolence visit after the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, it was the only time in 77 years of the state that a sitting American president came to the Israeli embassy in Washington.

What else? Dermer signed the largest-ever US security assistance package with Israel, also achieved under the Obama administration. In 2020 he helped bring COVID vaccines to Israel, which, as you will recall, was the first country in the world to roll them out to the public. Along with Amos Hochstein and the Biden administration, Dermer wove the Lebanon war cease-fire arrangement about a year ago, which allows Israel to retain freedom of action in Lebanon.

Over the years, Dermer put his talents to work explaining Israel's case to the world, including to the toughest interviewers. On the other hand, in the only interview he ever gave the Hebrew media, he explained why he cut himself off from it.

In one of our series of meetings, he told me: "In 2009, a journalist at a major outlet published a report claiming that Netanyahu had cursed, in a closed conversation, advisers to President Obama. I had known Netanyahu long enough to know he does not use that kind of language and would never say the phrase the reporter attributed to him. It did not bother the reporter, who claimed the comments had created a diplomatic crisis. I called him and said: You are attacking us over a crisis between the countries when you are the one who created the crisis, because the comments were never said. You did not even bother to ask for a response. He yelled that he was a free journalist. I found myself spending hours dealing with nonsense that had been written or said. In the end I asked myself whether that investment was helping me advance Israel's interests, and I realized it was not. So I preferred to do the work quietly."

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With the start of President Donald Trump's second term and the war in the Gaza Strip, Indonesia became even more linked in consciousness to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For example, its name came up in the media as one of the main destinations for the idea of voluntary migration of Gaza residents – though it firmly denied this and completely rejected the concept.

In recent weeks, Indonesia has been gaining greater recognition as relevant to "the day after" as well. Its president, Prabowo Subianto, impressed with his speech at the UN General Assembly: He managed in his address to show concern, determination, and vision in the thicket of the conflict – and without hatred – to present his vision for an independent Palestinian state, while addressing the need to ensure Israel's security within any future arrangement.

He also expressed willingness to send a significant military force that would integrate into an international peacekeeping force in the Gaza Strip, and positioned himself as a partner in the American effort to end the war. Expectations even arose, for several hours, of a groundbreaking visit by him to Israel – but Indonesia quickly denied it.

The Indonesian desire to integrate into the American effort to end the war in the Gaza Strip stems from several motives: First, growing activism in its foreign policy, led by its president, to strengthen its international standing and his standing among world leaders. Second, a deep interest in advancing relations with the current American administration. Third, a growing desire to be politically involved in the Middle East and promote a settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict – mainly as an expression of its commitment to establishing an independent Palestinian state.

Indonesia's growing interest in the Middle East began to emerge about two decades ago, when it successfully navigated the difficult transition from an authoritarian regime to democracy. This sense of success also influenced its foreign policy, which became more dynamic and ambitious.

Its growing involvement in the Middle East stemmed from a desire to promote stability and reconciliation and reduce religious extremism – also from fear that it would have to deal with the ripple effects of this trend. Indonesia adopted a policy of encouraging democratic reforms in the region and the Muslim world, and emphasized that it proves democracy can exist even in countries with a Muslim majority. When the "Arab Spring" began, it tried to help Egypt and Tunisia advance democratic reforms.

The democratic failure there didn't lead to despair. With the collapse of Assad's regime and the fog that covered Syria's future, it became clear that the crisis would only be resolved through an inclusive and democratic transition process by peaceful means.

Indonesian foreign policy also began adopting a goal of fighting religious extremism through promoting moderate Islam values – "soft power" diplomacy. This policy rests on two leading movements in Indonesian Muslim civil society: "Nahdlatul Ulama" and "Muhammadiyah." They have a broad, extensive base, and they're a leading force in building democracy and shaping moderate Islam – including fighting religious extremism and encouraging tolerance and interfaith dialogue.

Particularly impressive is the activity of "Nahdlatul Ulama," the larger of the two, in the global space. The activity has been conducted for about ten years under the banner "Islam Nusantara" ("The Islam of the Indonesian archipelago"), and is also directed at the Middle East.

It's simpler and easier to talk about an Indonesian contribution on "the day after" in the form of a military force that would integrate into a multinational force to stabilize peace and provide humanitarian aid. But it's worth focusing on the less clear and familiar, and much more challenging to implement, promoting democratic reforms, especially by leading projects on religious tolerance and de-radicalization among the local population.

Indonesia itself, as far as known, doesn't raise these paths in its references to "the day after" – perhaps because it understands that this doesn't serve its immediate interest in competing with leading countries in the Arab camp for leadership in advancing the American plan.

The democratic idea raises reservations and even opposition in Arab regimes. As for the moderate Islamic message and fighting religious extremism, Indonesia has partners for the idea among leading countries in the moderate Sunni camp.

But even among the mainstream Islamic currents in Indonesia, some wonder: Is it even possible and right to offer the center of the Muslim world the unique Sunni Islam that developed with them? After all, this is Islam that grew in a completely different political, social, and cultural context – "peripheral," foreign, and perhaps even strange to societies in the Middle East.

For example, Indonesia is a country whose ideological foundation is considered secular or neutral in religious terms. Despite the distinct Muslim majority, Islam has no preferred constitutional status over the five other religions that received official recognition. This approach draws on a deep-rooted local cultural tradition of pluralism and religious tolerance and is expressed in the national motto, very prominent in political and public discourse: "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika" – "Unity in diversity," or, in literal translation, "Many, yet one."

This is how a strong Muslim civil society grew there that fills a significant role in building democracy and is ready to defend the separation between religion and state. Indonesian democracy indeed suffers from weaknesses, but the journey the country has made – home to the world's largest Muslim population – remains impressive.

There's another significant obstacle on the way to realizing the Indonesian contribution on "the day after" – the absence of diplomatic relations with Israel. Indonesia really wants to see the American plan advancing toward ending the war in Gaza, and certainly reaching a political solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict – but its position is clear: There will be no diplomatic relations with Israel before an independent Palestinian state is established, or according to the current president's formulation – before Israel recognizes an independent Palestinian state.

This position rests on a very broad consensus in Indonesian society, which draws its determination – among the Muslim majority – also from a sense of deep pan-Islamic solidarity.

It can't be ruled out that, in the future, Indonesia will show some flexibility on these principles, but even then, it will want to see real progress toward a political solution to the conflict. As long as that doesn't happen, it will be difficult to exhaust the Indonesian contribution to "the day after," since this requires official relations with Israel and direct cooperation with it.

Perhaps, suppose the American plan to end the war in the Gaza Strip advances as planned. In that case, the change that Indonesia will see will be significant enough to cause it to change its policy toward Israel – and then the potential of its contribution to "the day after" can be realized.

The author is an associate fellow at the Harry S. Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, a research fellow, International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT), Reichman University, and a research fellow at the Forum for Regional Thinking (FORTH).

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The strike, directed by the Israel Defense Forces and the Shin Bet security agency and carried out by the Israeli Air Force, hit the Hamas leadership headquarters in Doha. The operation was code-named "Summit of Fire."

A diplomatic source told Israel Hayom the Hamas leadership had gathered to discuss Washington's latest proposal after rejecting an earlier one, as well as the implications of Israel's expected ground entry into Gaza City. Those present included Mashaal, al-Hayya, Jabarin - who also serves as Hamas' liaison to Iran - Badran, Darwish, Abu Marzouk, and Taher al-Nunu.

The targeted Hamas leaders

Mohammed Ismail Darwish, a senior Hamas official born in Lebanon, is known as the architect of the organization's financial empire. During the war he was appointed chairman of the Shura Council, one of Hamas' most important decision-making bodies. After the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh, he was mentioned as a potential head of the political bureau, but Yahya Sinwar was chosen instead. After Sinwar was also killed by Israeli forces, Darwish became head of the leadership council, a five-member body designed to replace the role of a single leader. He has also been central to Hamas' delegation in ceasefire and hostage talks.

Khaled Mashaal, 69, a former political bureau chief, represents Hamas' diaspora branches. For years he was at odds with Iran over his past support for Islamist rebels during the Syrian civil war. He coordinates Hamas activities across countries and lives in Qatar, where he amassed great wealth. Mashaal previously survived an Israeli assassination attempt after Jordan's king intervened. He has attempted to stir unrest on the Jordanian border and undermine Israel's relations with Morocco.

Khalil al-Hayya, 65, was Sinwar's deputy and left Gaza before the October 7 massacre. Since then, he has been a key negotiator for Hamas in ceasefire and hostage talks. He has insisted on American guarantees and rejected demands to disarm Hamas or exile its leadership from Gaza. Al-Hayya, who resides mostly in Qatar and Lebanon, was imprisoned in Israel for three years in the early 1990s. In 1983 he earned a bachelor's degree from the Islamic University of Gaza, where he also taught. He is married with seven children. Several relatives, including two of his brothers, were killed in 2007.

Nizar Awadallah, 68, a senior Hamas leader and political bureau member, left Gaza before the war and has since been based mostly in Qatar. He plays a key role in negotiations. Years before the war, he ran against Sinwar for head of the political bureau, narrowly losing in the second round. Following the assassinations of two political bureau chiefs, Awadallah became one of five leadership council members.

Zaher Jabarin, 55, rose to the top of Hamas after being released from life imprisonment in the 2011 Gilad Shalit prisoner exchange. He had served 18 years in Israel for involvement in terrorist attacks. In the early 1990s he recruited Yahya Ayyash, the notorious Hamas bombmaker, and helped establish Hamas' West Bank branch. After his release he was deported to Syria and later moved to Turkey, where he worked under Saleh al-Arouri before becoming his deputy. Jabarin is considered Hamas' finance chief and maintains ties with Iran. He has overseen terrorist operations in the West Bank from abroad. After al-Arouri was killed in January, Jabarin was appointed to replace him and has since been involved in hostage deal talks.

Mousa Abu Marzouk, a well-known political bureau member based in Qatar, previously headed the bureau and is currently Mashaal's deputy. He oversees Hamas' ties with Russia and during the war led delegations to Moscow to discuss hostages with Russian officials.

In the 1990s Abu Marzouk built Hamas' financial network. He moved to Springfield, Virginia, in 1991 and lived in the US for at least 14 years, holding a green card. He is married with six children.

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What is this "snapback" mechanism? It's a mechanism inserted into the 2015 nuclear deal, allowing members to reimpose Security Council sanctions placed on Iran between 2006 and 2010. The mechanism operates through the Security Council, but permanent committee members cannot block it with a veto – essentially leaving Iran exposed, without the possibility of diplomatic cover from China or Russia. Since the US withdrew from the agreement, only France, Germany, or Britain can activate it. But the timeline is short: the ability to do so expires in October.

Netanyahu, as recalled, addressed Iranians in a Persian video message, promising Israel would help solve the severe water shortage in the country once Iran is "free" from the current government.

Pezeshkian responded to the criticism on X network and defended his approach: "Speaking openly about problems means respect for the people's consciousness, who are the true owners of the country. Solving problems begins with recognition, not hiding. We came to build, not hide things; we speak with the people honestly, not with alarm sirens."

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Travison and colleagues' 2007 study in the Journal of Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism documented 1% annual decline in American men's average testosterone levels. A 2020 Journal of Urology study confirms the trend persists and intensifies among younger populations. Lokeshwar and fellow researchers' comprehensive 2021 European Urology Focus study examined adolescents and young men, discovering particularly severe decline within this demographic.

Social implications – Testosterone decline may impact risk-taking behavior, leadership capacity, competitive drive and sexual motivation.

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However, how equipped is this country, independent since 2011, to accommodate Gaza conflict refugees? Current conditions suggest the nation requires humanitarian intervention as urgently as Gaza itself.

Devastating statistics reveal the reality of one of the globe's most impoverished nations. South Sudan occupies the 192nd position among 193 countries in the Human Development Index. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimates that roughly 9.3 million citizens from the total population of 12 million require humanitarian support. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) forecasts that 7.8 million people will need emergency food assistance between April and July. The assessment also confirmed that 83,000 residents experienced "catastrophic" hunger levels.

South Sudan achieved independence in 2011 following prolonged warfare against Sudan's central authority in Khartoum. Furthermore, internal civil conflict erupted in 2013, concluding only in 2020 after claiming approximately 400,000 lives.

Compounding these challenges, neighboring Sudan descended into civil war in April 2023, prompting the UN to designate it as "the world's most severe humanitarian crisis" this year. South Sudan's economy sustained massive damage, with GDP shrinkage, inflation spikes, and increased oil production expenses due to reliance on Sudanese infrastructure, the African Development Bank reported. UN statistics indicate that 1.1 million refugees fled from Sudan into the country.

South Sudan clearly lacks resources to address its existing crisis. International corruption measurements ranked the nation last – 180th among 180 evaluated countries – while international agencies report that merely 27% of citizens possess literacy skills.

The country's medical infrastructure has essentially disintegrated. World Health Organization (WHO) data shows life expectancy at just 58.6 years, with primary mortality causes including respiratory tract infections, diarrheal diseases, and HIV/AIDS. The nation maintains the tragic global record for maternal deaths – 1,223 mothers per 100,000 deliveries.

Israeli-South Sudanese relations extend back to the pre-independence years. Foreign media reports suggest Israel backed South Sudanese forces during their struggle against Khartoum's central government and immediately recognized independence upon declaration. Israel currently supports various humanitarian initiatives there. Concurrently, accusations exist regarding Israeli weapons supplies to the government during internal civil warfare, despite international prohibitions.

American lobbyist Joe Schlawick, who represents South Sudan's government, informed Associated Press about briefings he received from South Sudanese officials concerning these negotiations. He indicated that Israeli representatives plan to visit to evaluate potential Palestinian camp establishments, with Israel anticipated to fund these temporary facilities.

Schlawick confirmed US awareness of Israeli discussions while emphasizing America's non-participation in direct negotiations. South Sudan seeks the Trump administration's removal of travel prohibitions and sanctions against senior leadership, having already accepted eight Americans deported under Trump's illegal immigration enforcement policies. The nation also suffered from substantial reductions in US assistance funding.

Deputy Foreign Minister Sharren Haskel on Wednesday announced her official South Sudan visit. Her announcement detailed planned meetings with President Salva Kiir Mayardit, Foreign Minister Ramadan Samaiya Komba, and additional senior officials, culminating in a memorandum of understanding regarding foreign ministry consultations.

"While international attention concentrates exclusively on Gaza, South Sudan confronts a genuine humanitarian catastrophe," Haskel stated before departure. "Authentic hunger continues claiming lives among numerous refugees from Sudan's conflict."

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