Regarding the first challenge, Netanyahu is eager to pass the conscription law. The Shas party would also greatly welcome the bill's passage. The faction emphasizes that it has never withdrawn from the coalition and that it supports Netanyahu's Government – yet, it currently seems difficult to formulate a version that will satisfy the needs of both the IDF and the ultra-Orthodox, and one that can also withstand judicial scrutiny by the Supreme Court.

On Friday, in a rarity for the Sukkot holiday, a meeting took place in the Knesset involving Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Chairman MK Boaz Bismuth, the committee's legal counsel, and Shas representatives – former Minister Ariel Attias and MK Yinon Azoulay. A source present at the meeting informed Israel Hayom: "I am not a bearer of good tidings." The other participants in the meeting responded similarly. As for  Netanyahu, those in his inner circle say he wishes to pass the bill as quickly as possible, both to remove this major issue from Israeli society and because it is obvious that without this law, the government has no real chance of survival.

With regards to the state budget, the Knesset will be dissolved if the government fails to finalize a law that passes the Knesset by March. Netanyahu, according to those around him, is determined to pass a budget and has the capability to do so, but it appears that there are currently too many opposing elements that need to be satisfied. The ultra-Orthodox will undoubtedly want a budget that meets their needs, and the defense budget will also require exceptional focus, especially following a war.

Nevertheless, the prime minister's associates have been communicating very clear signals that Netanyahu will not head to elections before he completes his objectives, which are as follows: the return of the hostages; guaranteeing that Hamas does not return to rule; and placing Gaza on a path to demilitarization. His orbit has also been mentioning cementing the achievements against Lebanon, Syria, and Iran – and even the signing of several peace agreements.

And then there is the Netanyahu trial, where he is at the start of the cross-examination in Case 1000, the gifts case. As a reminder, Netanyahu had sought to postpone the testimony scheduled on Wednesday. Israel Hayom's legal correspondent, Elinor Shirkani Kofman, reported that the prosecution consented to the delay on the condition that Netanyahu would testify on Thursday. Ultimately, the testimony proceeded on Wednesday as scheduled. The trial and Netanyahu's testimony will also affect the political process – as the trial progresses or faces delays, the prime minister will possess more leverage.

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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu may not have changed, but he sounds different in both tenor and tone compared to the four previous election campaigns Israel has had since 2019.

Just over a year has gone by since he was unseated and became head of the opposition, but it looks like he is not the same candidate as before. During his time out of government, he has managed to complete writing his autobiography (coming out in a few weeks), he had a lot of free time to meet with people he could barely see during his busy 13-year premiership as prime minister – and he has also gotten a better feel for the public sentiment; this year has made him listen to wishes of the electorate that lie beyond his lineup of advisers and heavy security detail.

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Netanyahu continues to point out his accomplishments as prime minister everywhere he goes and attacks his rivals nonstop. But unlike previous campaigns, he is now much more willing to share the success with others; his criticism of people is also much less inflammatory, and more professional.

Cynics will be quick to say that nothing has really changed. Netanyahu, they would claim, has realized that the only thing keeping him from returning to power is the "soft-Right" voters who disavow his radical statements and the mob of foul-mouthed supporters who stick with him and often use vile rhetoric. The cynics would say that Netanyahu has remained the same cynical political figure who panders to voters. They would argue that Netanyahu has realized that what he once considered to be a recipe for success – attacking the Left with harsh soundbites – had simply run its course and that now it is better for him to stick to a clean campaign and stay above the fray. Whatever you think of this, it is a valid course of action, especially when it comes to the slickest politician in Israel who will stop at nothing to win back the premiership. 

Regardless of what prompted this shift, everyone was shocked when Netanyahu was so contrite and introspective when he met supporters in a small meeting. Whether or not this was a true effort to atone as part of the holiday spirit or just an electoral gimmick, no one could imagine him saying these words; even those closest to him such as MK Yariv Levin who was just next to him, who could not hide surprise upon hearing Netanyahu's comments, especially on the mistakes he admitted he made as prime minister. 

It all started when someone in the crowd asked Netanyahu whether he has learned something new in his time out of office and whether he would act differently if he got another shot at the helm. "Of course," Netanyahu responded. "I would come back as prime minister with many more insights; with more patience and humility." Netanyahu added, "This period [away from the job] taught me to consult with people and learn from them; to listen even to those whom I do not appreciate but can still glean some insights from. I became more humble, more open, and accepting." 

Netanyahu also added, "This past year has given me time, time to look inwards; you learn about yourself and there are always conclusions. You learn about the mistakes you made, and perhaps on how to be more accepting of people." Netanyahu explained that this was "also evident in the work I did together with my friends Yariv, Idit, and Amichai (referring to candidates aligned with or in Likud who were also present in the event). Our work together had us listen to one another and consult each together all the time, not just for show but with real intent, to learn. And this is perhaps the most important thing: Listen to others; you can learn from that. Even people that you do not hold in high regard, everyone has something – some hidden gem – that you can learn from." 

The event where Netanyahu made those comments was a conference of religious Zionists in Modi'in, the first time he has participated in such a gathering during this campaign. Some 250 people were inside the venue, with another 150 at the gate because of a lack of space. There were many Netanyahu detractors in the crowd –those who see themselves as part of the Right but prefer to vote for Ayelet Shaked's merged Habayit Hayehudi list and even for Defense Minister Benny Gantz's party.

Netanyahu's moderate posture was also evident when he was asked on national security matters. "My conservatism applies to the pointless sacrifice of our soldiers' lives; I have seen bereaved mothers over the years, and while this doesn't mean we should shy away from making a sacrifice when necessary, when it's not you don't. My brother [Yoni Netanyahu, who died in the 1976 Entebbe raid] told me that a good commander completes missions with minimum casualties; a bad commander does not complete the mission and sacrifices many soldiers." 

Netanyahu offered some advice: "The first test is 'Don't just have people killed or get dragged into pointless wars. Don't enter traps that would cost you a heavy price in human lives.".

Netanyahu's newly found posture and the quest to win over this crowd will be part of the final weeks of the campaign as he meets religious Zionists in Petah Tikva, Givat Shmuel, Ra'anana, Rehovot and other bastions of that sector. Netanyahu is not going to let Shaked rise in the polls, hoping she will eventually drop out or at the very least not get a meaningful share of this constituency. 

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George Orwell's famous book 1984 describes an apocalyptic reality that was about to happen some 38 years ago. In Israel, 1984 actually saw a positive turning point. There was an election that ended in a draw, leading to a unity government under the Likud and Labor, which was one of the best the country had ever had.

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There were two main players who forced Yitzhak Shamir and Shimon Peres to agree to the unity government – leader of the Yachad party and former Israeli Air Force commander Ezer Weizman, and then-President Chaim Herzog.

Four decades later, Herzog's son, Isaac, is the president. The legacy of his forebears is in his blood, and he lives and breathes politics. Herzog's grandfather, for whom he was named, was Israel's first chief rabbi. His uncle was the legendary foreign minister Abba Eban. His father was the public's primary contact in the government during the 1967 Six-Day War, and later Israel's ambassador to the UN. His brother, Mike, is now Israel's ambassador to Washington. Herzog himself has been active in politics since the 1990s and among roles has served as chairman of the Labor Party, Welfare Minister, and chairman of the Jewish Agency.

Seventy-five days from now, Herzog will likely find himself facing the same kind of political impasse that his father did in 1984 – a draw that in our time shut down the system over the course of four elections in three years.

The way things look now, the Lapid bloc doesn't have a majority, and is still far from being able to keep the other side from forming a government. The Netanyahu bloc is close to 60 mandates, but isn't at 61. At the moment, only a miracle will save Israel from a sixth election. Or to put it more precisely – a miracle combined with a president's determination.

There are two things that have characterized Herzog throughout all his years in public life – hard work and connections. He intends to use them to prevent politicians from pushing the country into another needless round of voting. The president thinks that even 61 mandates will not be enough to manage a stable coalition. He thinks the country needs stability, and that can only come under a government with a clear majority.

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It's still too soon to know what Herzog will do or how he will do it. Everything depends of the final results and the political mergers that can be made. What is certain is that unlike his predecessor, Reuven Rivlin, who mainly complained, Herzog will follow the path of his father. He will demand that whoever is elected behave like adults and do everything to avoid yet another election.

In his first year as president, Herzog racked up some impressive diplomatic work, effectively become Israel's primary diplomat. If it weren't for him, Israel wouldn't have reconciled with Turkey and the conflict with Russia would have reached frightening levels. He stitched together, calmed people down, and moved the people who needed to be moved to where they needed to be. His big test will be on Nov. 1, Election Day, which is also the 7^th of Heshvan – the day on which according to Jewish tradition people begin to pray for rain. Herzog will try very hard to make sure the rain is a blessing.

Netanyahu knows his fate is in the hands of Shaked's voters

If we continue the comparison to 1984, the role Ezer Weizman played then, of being the one to tip the scales, is now held by Ayelet Shaked. The problem is the rules of the game. Weizman could have entered the Knesset with only two mandates, and determine fates. Shaked, even with Yoaz Hendel and Zvi Hauser, might win two mandates, but not four. Whether she drops out or stays in the race until the end, she has the power to determine the election, because the two or so mandates worth of voters she is dangling don't like Netanyahu, but they also don't loathe him, they don't identify with Smotrich, and don't want to vote for the Left. They are secular right-wingers who voted for Bennett and won't go back to the Likud, or liberal religious voters from Gush Etzion, Modi'in, Givat Shmuel, etc.

The past few days, Netanyahu has been struggling to figure out how to reach them. In this election, for the first time since the political crisis broke out in 2019, he is being moderate and stately, stressing the value of stability, and keeping the shouters off the stage. But refraining from evil isn't enough – he must strive to do good. Will Silman bring in the undecided? Apparently not. Chikli? Not attractive enough. Chikli in a reserved spot? Maybe, but what about women and the other commitments he made about the list? Reserving spots for Shaked and Hendel on the Likud list isn't an option, the hatred of them runs too deep. So for now, the Likud is trying to erase them.

Still, Netanyahu should bring the "floating votes," as they used to be called, home to his own camp. Without them, he doesn't have a government. A word from Shaked could influence which way they wind up going.

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Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, Foreign Minister and Prime Minister-designate Yair Lapid, Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked, and many others in the coalition government are saying that a scenario that sees Israel once again head to elections would be bad for the state, resulting in instability, the spending of taxpayer funds, and increased polarization in Israeli society.

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Should Bennett and Lapid see that legislation to dissolve the Knesset is advancing and be truly interested in preventing an election, they can act in accordance with Basic Law: The Government and return the mandate to the president. The president would then need to task one of the lawmakers to have garnered the support of 61 Knesset members with forming a government and perhaps preventing yet another election.

Alongside the bill to dissolve the Knesset and the establishment of an alternative right-win government in the current Knesset through a vote of no-confidence, this is a scenario that has yet to be discussed but is being examined by some in the coalition and the opposition. The problem is that Lapid has no interest in agreeing to the move.

The complicated move concerns Article 29 of Basic Law: The Government, which enables Bennett and Lapid to ask the president to dissolve the Knesset in light of the fact that it is disrupting the function of the government.

Once such a request has been submitted, the president issues an order to dissolve the Knesset that goes into effect within 21 days. However, a majority of lawmakers can recommend in writing that the president task one Knesset member who is not the sitting prime minister with attempting to form a new government in the current Knesset. If such a request is submitted, the president can task one of the lawmakers with the mandate to form a government for 28 days and then extend its validity by another 14 days. If the lawmaker tasked with forming a government fails to do so, the Knesset will dissolve and elections will be called.

If the opposition and former coalition member Yamina MK Nir Orbach advance the bill to dissolve the Knesset, such a move could allow Bennett and Lapid to once again control the political situation. By contrast, they now face an uncertain future due to the possibility Orbach could support the bill to dissolve the Knesset and then have Netanyahu try and establish a right-wing government in the current Knesset.

In effect, the article allows the mandate for forming the government to be returned to the president so that an attempt to form one can be made in the current Knesset. The use of this article enables a new government to be formed without having to go to elections.

The chances of this happening are not particularly high. The reason is that Lapid will prefer to head to elections and serve as caretaker prime minister in a transitional government in a scenario that sees Orbach vote to dissolve the Knesset. Lapid has no interest in risking someone else, like Gantz, for example, gathering the support of 61 Knesset members necessary to receive the mandate from the president.

Should no one succeed in garnering the recommendations of a majority of Knesset members to form a government, the Knesset will automatically dissolve, and Bennett and not Lapid will serve as caretaker premier.

The use of this article would significantly cancel out Orbach's power in the political system. If Lapid and Bennett return the mandate to the president, Likud would need to secure a senior ministry role for Orbach, something that would significantly diminish his value.

This framework is in opposition to Lapid's political interest, and it's unlikely Lapid would be interested in it either unless the Knesset's dissolution was a done deal. It seems that if politicians were truly interested in preventing another election, this is the article they would trigger.

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It has been 49 days since Yamina MK Idit Silman resigned from the coalition. Taking the fragility of the coalition into account, it would appear that Silman's move has accomplished the very opposite of what she had hoped to achieve, at least in the short term. It is now the opposition and not the coalition that must worry about their lawmakers potentially jumping ship.

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Don't get it twisted. Starting with Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, everyone in the coalition knows the house of cards could come crashing down. It is precisely because everyone in the coalition understands that they are dependent on one another that they are coming together to an even greater extent.

The big winner in all this is the right-wing flank of the coalition government. Silman's resignation made clear to both Yamina party members and their left-wing partners in government that they will no longer play the role of doormat. Yamina MK Nir Orbach secured two out of three of his demands: the cancellation of plans to revoke daycare subsidies for yeshiva students, the approval of construction in Judea and Samaria, and connecting fledgling settlements to the electricity grid.

At the same time, it is not by chance that the prime minister is now veering rightward once again. Having given up hope on garnering the support of the general public, Bennett is now attempting to win back the people who got him into politics in the first place. If Bennett does indeed plan to return to his political home, he has a long way to go. In this effort, he will need to address the sense of betrayal felt by a majority of his constituents.

Another effect of Silman's resignation is the return of New Hope member Ze'ev Elkin. Despite his vast experience and proven political successes, Silman was not interested in Elkin's help and preferred to go it largely alone. On the other hand, the more modest and direct Coalition Chairman Boaz Toporovsky is not ashamed to rely on the experienced wolf in the wood that is the Joint Arab List to keep the government intact. In addition, Foreign Minister and Prime Minister-designate Yair Lapid has ordered Toporovsky to obey every one of Elkin's commands. This close cooperation is even more impressive given that Bennett, Elkin, and Lapid represent three different political parties.

Everyone in the coalition knows that if they topple the government, then the leader of the other side will become the transitional prime minister. Given the prevailing political tie in Israel, coalition members know a transitional government could serve here for many years to come. So, for the right-wing flank of the coalition, there is no greater nightmare than crowning Lapid leader for an unknowable amount of time. The Left has the same concerns about Bennett.

"The threat is always in the back of coalition members' minds," one of the main players in the Knesset sad. "Until Silman's resignation, the atmosphere was one of cooperation …." He said while coalition members are still interested in working together, "in the background, there are constant concerns the other side is only interested in sticking it to me so that I and not they are the ones to lead to the dissolution. In the meantime, these two parallel lines are gaining strength," the senior lawmaker said.

The question is how long can the government hang on under the spotlight? There are those in the coalition who optimistically believe they will be able to remain in power until April 2024. However, the consensus, at least among Bennett's close associates, is that the coalition could dissolve in a matter of weeks. Since this is Israeli politics we're talking about, only a fool would pretend to know how this will turn out in the end.

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Israel's political system is preparing for several possible scenarios following reports that former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the State Attorney's Office are engaged in talks to reach a plea deal. Neither side, meanwhile, has thus far denied the veracity of the reports.

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The first scenario

Negotiations reach a dead end and the sides fail to reach a plea bargain by next month when Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit is slated to conclude his tenure. According to speculation, in such a scenario the political landscape would remain virtually unchanged, with Netanyahu functioning as the primary force leading the Opposition. He will assuredly say he didn't sign a plea because he believes in his complete innocence and that the trial, as it is currently unfolding, proves that the State Attorney lacks sufficient evidence to convict him on the serious charges brought against him. The odds of this scenario unfolding are considered high.

The second scenario

Netanyahu will sign a plea deal, but this time it will force him to retire from political life. For many of the parties comprising the coalition, this isn't such a bad scenario. The left-wing parties have wished for Netanyahu's departure for years due to his considerable popularity in relation to the other players in the political arena, and such a plea would see their wishes fulfilled at long last.

The leaders of the right-wing parties in the coalition also won't shed a tear if Netanyahu resigns from political life. For some of them, such as Gideon Sa'ar and Avigdor Lieberman, getting rid of Netanyahu has become their primary ambition. With that, the person most likely to pay the price of a Netanyahu departure is Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who could lose his seat if Netanyahu is no longer a player on the political playing field.

The assumption in the political system is that the moment Netanyahu steps aside and the Likud holds primary elections, the new party chairman will work to establish a right-wing government strong enough to replace the current government, without requiring a general election. There are 65 right-wing MKs in the Knesset at present, who can be buttressed by parties such as Israel Beytenu, Blue and White, and maybe even Yesh Atid to establish a broad coalition at the expense of the current one. The odds of this scenario unfolding are also considerably high.

The third scenario

Another scenario with relatively high odds of materializing is that the various sides, including the future Likud chairman, won't be able to form a government while this Knesset is in session and will go to a general election. This scenario, too, is bad news for Bennett and his Yamina party, although from the perspective of all the other members of the coalition this wouldn't be entirely unwelcome. In an election without Netanyahu, the left-wing bloc can, for the first time in over a decade, present a candidate on equal footing to the right's candidate – which could be reflected in the election result and perhaps even lead to a victory. As of now, meanwhile, it appears the odds of an alternate government being formed during this Knesset are higher, as MKs will be reticent to disperse if another option exists.

The fourth scenario

On the other hand, a scenario with slim odds of occurring is that in the coming weeks the sides sign a plea deal and Netanyahu remains a player in the political arena. In such a scenario, the coalition could close ranks even more as its main threat, Netanyahu, will have put the indictment saga behind him and turn his newfound energies toward another run at the premiership. If this scenario unfolds, the pressure on the right to topple this government will intensify, as everyone who shunned Netanyahu due to his looming indictments will have to admit that the fact that he wasn't severely punished and wasn't found guilty of moral turpitude, indicates that from the outset the charges against him didn't justify the removal of a prime minister.

The attorney general's consent for a plea deal, which will allow Netanyahu to remain in politics without moral turpitude, is a clear admission that the cases against him are flimsy and incapable of withstanding the scrutiny of the court. This would open Mendelblit to immense public criticism and all but eliminate his chances of becoming a Supreme Court judge. The odds of this scenario unfolding, as stated, are slim.

The fifth scenario

This scenario, whose odds of coming to fruition are virtually non-existent, is that despite Netanyahu's resignation from political life, the current coalition will continue on its present path, Bennett will conclude his rotational term as prime minister, and Yair Lapid will replace him as planned. Unfortunately for Bennett, who desires this scenario more than anything, the odds of it actually occurring are slim to none.

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The Israeli legal system has undergone substantial legislative changes in recent years with basic laws frequently altered to fit the need of the hour. For example,  Basic Law: The Government was significantly amended to create the institution of Alternate Prime Minister; the Basic Law: The State Economy was amended with a temporary order in order to adapt it to a biennial budget. Currently on the government's agenda is an additional amendment to the Basic Law: The Government, proposed by Justice Minister Gideon Sa'ar, which would limit the term of a prime minister to no more than eight years.

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An extended term in power can lead to corruption, and one of the ways to counter this concern is to introduce term limits. The fact that the proposed amendment is forward-looking offsets concerns over retroactive or personal legislation. However, it's rather problematic that significant constitutional changes are being proposed as stand-alone legislation rather than as part of other constitutional changes that are needed, and without any overall vision regarding the constitutional framework and its prevailing political culture.

Proposed amendments often arise as a result of ideas drawn from other countries. There is nothing wrong with that. But adopting a foreign model – as worthy as it may be in the country in which it is practiced – without any systemic change and without taking into account differences in governing systems could lead to other serious problems.

A prominent example is that of political appointees  – an issue that is often in the spotlight in Israel – based on the American model. But the American model is part of a presidential system employed as part of the federal government.

The same goes for the proposal to limit the term of prime ministers. Unlike presidential systems, Israel is a parliamentary democracy and the prime minister is not directly elected. He or she is not necessarily even the head of the biggest party. The prime minister is the person who has succeeded in building a coalition and winning a confidence vote in the Knesset. Setting term limits could lead to some problems, as noted by Assaf Shapira and Amir Fuchs of the Israel Democracy Institute in a letter to the justice minister.

For example, in a plausible scenario in which a prime minister's term comes to an end in the middle of a Knesset term, this could lead to attempts by coalition partners to make new coalition demands or seek a reshuffle in the government. A scenario in which the end of a prime minister's term could lead to new elections is also within the realm of possibility, as was the case in the past. Another concern is that if the prime minister has sufficient political power, he could repeal the term limit legislation for political purposes. Thus, the amendment could undermine the political stability it seeks to establish.

Any amendment of basic laws is an amendment of our constitution. Fixing flaws, and promoting the political stability that we have lacked in recent years should be done out of respect for the existing constitutional framework. Significant change requires an all-encompassing approach that takes into account the unique Israeli political system and culture. We may find the prescription that would culminate with term limits. If such a model is found, it should be protected from future constitutional changes by a simple majority. The Israeli system is indeed crying out for stability, but stability requires broad thinking and especially respect for basic laws.

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Real democracies – those in which is there is no majority of slaves without rights as was the case in ancient Athens, or where blacks were denied voting rights as was the case in America; those is which women, the young and those who don't hold property have the right to vote, those where there is no double vote for university graduates, as there was in Great Britain until 1948  – are a relatively new phenomenon in the world and have only existed for around 150 years.

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For thousands of years, omnipotent kings ruled over subjects, not citizens. The fact that kings exploited the treasures of the kingdom for their own personal benefit was not considered corruption as there was no boundary between the economy of the palace and the economy of the state. But democracies as well were subjected to the callousness of leaders, even if they gained office through elections and not because they were part of some royal dynasty.

The power placed in the hands of decision-makers in democracies is great, and if they hold on to their position for too long, they may lose a sense of proportions, and come to feel that "L'État, c'est moi"  It was the British Lord, Baron Acton who coined the immortal phrase "Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely."

Democratic leaders who remain in power too long tend to conflate the interests of the state with their own interests, and from here, the path to corruption is a short one. Over the past decades, various institutions have been invented to counter this tendency: Among them the State Comptroller's Office, parliament, the courts, and a critical media. But even so, democratically elected leaders may succeed in weakening these elements and presenting their opponents as the opponents of the state, claiming they are traitors operated by foreign elements who seek to undermine the state, and so on. Over the past 80 years as democracies one after the other which were replaced by one form or another of tyranny, and this has led to an effort to counter the overreach of democratically elected leaders.

From 1992 to 2001, The Basic Law: The Government limited a prime minister's term in office to eight years. This is a reasonable timeframe in which a democratically elected prime minister should be able to realize his vision and that of his party. The fortunate amendment of this law, which was known as the direct election law,  brought with it, unfortunately, the annulment of the term limitation. The move to reinstate this limitation is part of the ongoing effort to ensure that even as the powers of the prime minister expand thanks to the National Security Council Law and following the appointment of various advisors who did not previously exist – and who increased their power in various fields – a prime minister's term in office is restricted in time, even if in other parliamentary regimes such a limitation does not exist.

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Readers of right-wing, national religious, and Ultra-Orthodox press are being told that the first 100 days of the Bennett-Lapid government have been a disaster, a catastrophe of historic and unforgivable proportions.

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Funny, but I feel that the opposite is true. Prime Minister Naftali Bennett's scorecard is shipshape; inevitably mixed, but assuredly positive. He leads a government that is about to pass a responsible budget (for the first time in four years), and which has brought some stability and sanity to Israeli politics for at least a short- to medium-term period.

And whatever this government's contradictions and limitations, I sense that most of the Israeli public does not hanker for another government anchored by the belligerent Benjamin Netanyahu and backed by shrill yes-men in Likud and cantankerous Ultra-Orthodox partners.

In the following six categories, the Bennett government gets decent marks.

Proving that there is life after the Netanyahu era: The new government has proven that there is life for Israel after Benjamin Netanyahu. Even Netanyahu is replaceable. Doomsday has not descended upon Israel following his departure from Balfour.

Of course, it was predictable that Israel's enemies would act to test any new Israeli leader, which explains Hamas' aggressions on the Gaza border and in the West Bank. But Bennett has demonstrated principled continuity in Israeli foreign and defense policy, which explains why Iran, the IRGC, and Hezbollah haven't dared to escalate their ongoing confrontation with Israel.

Moreover, Israel's global diplomatic ties have not collapsed. Sure, Netanyahu deftly masterminded the expansion of Israel's strategic ties to Russia, China, India, Gulf and African nations. He disproved and defied the political left's warnings/threats of inevitable isolation and strangulating boycott because of stalemate with the Palestinians. But Bennett and Foreign Minister Yair Lapid have acted swiftly to step into Netanyahu's big shoes and maintain this momentum, while improving Israel's ties to Jordan, Egypt, and the US.

Representing Israel well on the world stage: Neither Bennett nor Lapid has the finesse and gravitas of Netanyahu on the world stage. But Bennett's mini-speech last month in President Biden's Oval Office and his address this week in the UN General Assembly embarrassed nobody.

On the contrary: Bennett was occasionally eloquent, powered by conviction, unabashedly proud of his right-wing and religious roots, and both polite and defiant in appropriate measures and contexts.

I'll also admit that I am pleased to see a prime minister of Israel wearing a kippa – Israel's first openly religious/Orthodox head of government. To Biden, he quoted Isaiah 49:18 about the sons and daughters of the Jewish people coming back to rebuild their ancient and indigenous homeland. At the UN, Bennett spoke of "bringing the heritage of Torah to life in modern-day Israel," and quoted a pithy Jewish saying (attributed to Rabbeinu Bachya and previous Lubavitcher rebbes) that "a little bit of light dispels much darkness."

Bennett also has reignited a discourse of respect and appreciation in Israel-Diaspora relations, without backing away from his right-wing and religious principles.

Governing effectively: From the get-go, pundits predicted that the new government would be a self-neutered, immobilized entity; powerless to make substantive policy changes. That may be true in some areas (like matters relating to Judea and Samaria – see below), but this was the known price of establishing such a diverse and broad government. And despite that, the government is about to pass an intelligent budget in Knesset.

The new budget is no mean feat. Netanyahu failed/refused to present a budget for a very long time, holding good governance hostage to his political dilemmas. The new budget as presented by Finance Minister Avigdor Lieberman is logical and responsible. It is not a socialist giveaway despite the Labor and Meretz components in the coalition, nor does it impose high new taxes as Netanyahu assuredly would have. It seeks to deregulate important sectors of the economy, while investing in healthcare, education, and defense as so desperately needed.

As for Likud's slogans of delegitimization against the new government – that it relies for support on the anti-Zionist Islamists of the Raam Party and on a fringe faction with only six seats in Knesset (Bennett's Yamina Party), meaning that Bennett has no right to be prime minister – well, this is poppycock.

It was Netanyahu who (wrongly or rightly) first proposed bringing Raam into government, as a Likud coalition partner. And if Bennett managed to reach the prime minister's office with only six seats in parliament while Netanyahu couldn't do so even though he held 30 seats – then perhaps Bennett should be credited with superior political wizardry, not chicanery.

Fearless religious restructuring: Religious Affairs Minister Matan Kahana's proposed restructuring of the kashrut and conversion systems, and the government's proposed changes in military draft law relating to Haredi yeshiva students (bringing the exemption age down to 21), are for the state religious bureaucracy's own good as well as the healthy future of Orthodoxy and Ultra-Orthodoxy in this country.

It is not at all certain that all the proposed changes will be passed or implemented because the Haredi-controlled Rabbinate unwisely has sworn to scuttle them, but I am hopeful that some adjustments will stick and that the principles they are based on (transparency, competition, moderation) will prevail over the long term.

And in the meantime, sitting in opposition for a while may do the Haredi parties some good. A healthy dose of humble pie.

Dealing with the coronavirus pandemic: Only time will tell whether Bennett's corona policy gambles have been wise: introducing a third coronavirus vaccination (booster shot) ahead of every other country in the world, and keeping the economy and schools open despite the tough fourth (Delta variant) wave of the pandemic. But you can't deny that Bennett's controversial decisions evince leadership.

Of one thing I am reasonably certain: Had Netanyahu still been in the prime minister's office, he would have locked down all Israelis at home for the entire High Holiday period. This would have dealt death blows to many businesses; cost the government billions of shekels in support payments and lost tax income; and led to a renewed crisis between the broad public and the Haredi and Arab sectors (which would have defied the lockdown and undermined its effectiveness, as they did last year).

Hiatus in cult-style political worship and mudslinging: Can you imagine? It's been almost half a year, and most Israelis have no need to know the names of the prime minister's wife or his kids, and none of them issue foul tweets against other politicians and against journalists.

There also is much less vitriol between government ministers despite the deep ideological chasms, say, between Raam and Yamina. In recent months, almost nobody is calling settlers "criminals," Haredi Jews "parasites," Israeli Arabs "terrorists," right-wingers "fascists," and left-wingers "traitors." Even Avigdor Lieberman and Nitzan Horowitz mostly have kept their demagoguery in check. Incitement against domestic political "enemies" is at an all-time low.

Indeed, bringing about a climate of relative internal political calm is perhaps the greatest contribution of this government. The coalition may be an incongruous creation stemming from force majeure. But the restraining of Israel's raging political fevers after 32 months of furious campaigning is a good thing.

Israel needs and is getting fetters on its political passions, which had gone wildly out of whack. National "unity," however temporary and fragile, along with a change of leadership after 15 years, is necessary and worthwhile.

For the moment, this government seems to answer the desire of many Israelis for leadership that is neither radical left nor radical right, neither anti-religious nor obnoxiously religious-coercive, neither feeble nor fierce – except when dealing with Israel's real enemies outside the country, towards whom Israel must remain uncompromising.

If there are question marks hanging over this government's conduct, they relate to the struggle against Iran and against hostile Palestinians.

Israel must show that blocking Iran's hegemonic and nuclear ambitions was not just a pet project of Prime Minister Netanyahu but is a consensus Israeli national security and diplomatic priority.

Bennett talks the talk (at the UN: "Israel doesn't have the privilege of tiring in the struggle against Iran. We will not allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon"), but whether he is prepared to act in defiance of American and world opinion and to actively sabotage a renewed JCPOA remains an open question.

Similarly, it is unclear whether this government can or will preserve what is left of Israel's de facto sovereign control in Area C of Judea and Samaria, by dismantling illegal Bedouin and Palestinian settlements that purposefully impinge on strategic routes and by strengthening Israeli settlement in the Jerusalem envelope and other critical/consensus areas.

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Bennett has made it clear that Mahmoud Abbas' decrepit government is not a peace partner for Israel, and therefore a two-state diplomatic scenario is on hold. He purposefully and shrewdly downplays the salience of the Palestinian conflict with Israel (other than pointing to the genocidal intentions of Hamas and Islamic Jihad, which Israel will stymie).

But as world leaders like to say, "the status quo is not sustainable" – in the sense that Israel must advance its interests in Judea and Samaria and not just push back against Palestinian assaults in the territories and in international institutions.

David M. Weinberg's columns over the past 25 years are archived at www.davidmweinberg.com

The post Bennett's scorecard 100 days in appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

With all signs pointing to the state budget passing as planned, there are almost no ways left for the opposition to topple the government. Polls showing that approval ratings for the coalition are dropping while Former PM Benjamin Netanyahu's numbers rise are useless without the government somehow crumbling apart.

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Attempts to drive a wedge between the coalition members in hopes someone rebels and votes against the budget will continue until the very last minute in mid-November, but at the same time, the Likud is scrambling to find other ways to undermine the government.

These actions come from the understanding that the government funds are readily and abundantly available to anyone demanding them to remain a "well-behaved" coalition member and that the safety net provided by the Joint Arab List is too solid to break, so the image of the "fragile coalition" does not necessarily reflect reality.

This is why for Likud, the possibility of turning Blue and White leader Benny Gantz is, in fact, the only option on the horizon.

Ganz does not bother denying it – his status in the government is emboldened by the coalition members' fear he may bolt – and the Likud makes no secret of the attempts to approach him.

Just this week Gantz said, "I could be prime minister, and I think I can be prime minister at any political point in time." Right now, it seems he fears the media will turn on him, but in the event that the government continues losing ground in public, he will be justified in making a move.

Opposition Leader Benjamin Netanyahu, for his part, has no intention of biding his time. He knows that the relationship between him and Ganz is a significant obstacle to realizing this plan and he also knows that Gantz will not make any move before the vote on the budget – after all, the last thing Blue and White's leader needs is to become the PM only to try to pass the budget in a vote that could spell the current Knesset's demise.

Recently, Netanyahu shared with opposition figures the possibility of reaching a deal with Gantz by which the latter will be named as prime minister through a no-confidence vote in the government and sans a power-sharing deal, meaning without a specified agreement on the date on which Netanyahu and Gantz switch the premiership role. This will see Netanyahu named PM-designate until the next elections are called, and it is believed that the opposition will be able to secure the 61-MK majority needed to push this type of move.

There is no doubt that if such an offer is made Gantz would have to at least entertain it, but he would still need a due cause to act on it.

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