Emotions are still running high over the results of the 47th US presidential election. For millions of Americans (and even non-Americans), it felt like a lot was on the line.

There is much to consider when reflecting on the choice that American voters faced. Those who lean Democrat advocated the stance of "anyone but Donald Trump," citing his character, sexual assault charges, racist comments, and refusal of a peaceful transfer of power as evidence that he was unfit for office. Meanwhile, those who lean Republican pointed to the Biden administration's failure to address the needs of the working class, the alleged cover-up of President Joe Biden's deteriorating mental health, and the decision to appoint Vice President Kamala Harris without giving Democratic constituents a chance to vote for their candidate.

The list of issues could go on. According to NBC exit polls, voters' top concerns were democracy (34%), the economy (31%), abortion (14%), immigration (11%), and foreign policy at a mere 4%. This suggests that the Israel-Hamas war and the threat of a nuclear Iran had little influence over this election; instead, a wide array of other factors drove the results.

One of the most striking aspects of this election was the shift among groups that traditionally voted Democrat. Many are discussing the significant movement of votes among Arab, Latino, and Black Americans, and unsurprisingly, the same shift can be seen among Jewish Americans. PEW research shows that 70% of American Jews typically vote Democrat, but an exit poll from the Orthodox Union and Honan Group indicated a serious split in the Jewish vote in states like Pennsylvania: 48% for Harris vs. 41% for Trump. The anti-Israel fanaticism of the far left and the Democrats' failure to distance themselves from these elements contributed heavily to this erosion of Jewish support.

The actions of the far left influenced the election results and worked in favor of Trump and his supporters. As Representative Ritchie Torres aptly wrote, the far left "managed to alienate historic numbers of Latinos, Blacks, Asians, and Jews from the Democratic Party with absurdities like 'Defund the Police,' 'From the River to the Sea,' and 'Latinx.'" It's a clear summary of the demographic shift. Despite claims that Jews control those in power, American Jews are too small a minority to have influenced the election significantly.

The far left is often described as a minority that doesn't represent the values of Democrats and classic liberals. Yet in this election, the party neglected the working class in favor of woke jargon and performative activism. Democrats used identity politics and moral superiority messaging to speak to moderates and their former base, who didn't buy what the party was selling.

Anyone attributing the election outcome to white supremacy, patriarchy, and misogyny is missing the point, using these as a convenient way to avoid discussing pressing political issues. The overuse of these terms by the far left has stripped them of the power to inspire change.

Most Americans who feel economically worse off than they were four years ago hold Biden and Harris accountable. Democrats who refuse to acknowledge this will continue to lose to Republicans, who have positioned themselves as the party of the working class and distanced themselves from the far left. While there are certainly issues within the Republican Party, the silent majority of Americans appear fed up with identity politics. For Democrats to win back support, they'll need to distance themselves from "woke" activists and return to a common-sense message that resonates with working-class Americans.

America has grown weary of the far left, and it seems there is more to lose politically by pandering to these activists and keyboard warriors, who hold more sway on X, Twitch, and TikTok than in the real world. The working class is simply not buying the ivory-towered ideas that the far left is promoting.

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America awakened Wednesday to a new political reality as Donald Trump secured a decisive victory to become the nation's 47th president, following Kamala Harris' unsuccessful campaign to carry forward the Biden-Obama legacy.

President-elect Trump has consistently proven himself a steadfast ally of Israel – not through mere rhetoric, but through concrete actions, as demonstrated repeatedly during his previous term. As the 45th US president, Trump's unwavering commitment to Middle East peace was matched by his resolute defense of Israel's interests – a stark contrast to the approach taken by the Obama-Biden administration.

Abraham Accords: Trump's blueprint for regional transformation

Trump's first term saw a series of decisive moves: intensifying pressure on Iran through withdrawal from the nuclear deal and imposing stringent sanctions, designating Hezbollah as a terrorist organization, relocating the US embassy to Jerusalem – Israel's eternal capital, recognizing Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, and orchestrating normalization agreements between Israel and Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Sudan, and Morocco.

These historic Abraham Accords were intended to pave the way for broader regional peace, potentially including Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states. This momentum stalled following Trump's 2020 electoral defeat, as the Biden administration struggled to maintain regional stability or demonstrate the clear foreign policy vision needed in our challenging neighborhood.

Trump's return to the White House opens new possibilities for Israel, Saudi Arabia, and potentially other Gulf states to forge comprehensive normalization agreements under American guidance, creating unprecedented economic opportunities throughout the region. Let's examine what each party brings to this prospective alliance and America's role as a facilitator.

Saudi Arabia offers a dynamic economy with 37 million predominantly young citizens eager for innovation. With an average age of 30 and a gross domestic product (GDP) of $28,000 per capita, the kingdom has enormous potential. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's ambitious Vision 2030, launched in 2016, aims to transform Saudi Arabia from an oil-dependent economy into a diversified, advanced nation. The initiative's success is crucial for bin Salman's leadership, particularly given current domestic and international challenges.

Despite recent economic headwinds, Israel's economy continues to thrive. Home to nearly 10 million people with an average age of 30, Israel boasts a per capita GDP of $66,000 – more than double Saudi Arabia's figure. The tech sector drives this prosperity, accounting for 50% of exports and almost 20% of GDP. Israel hosts 7% of global "unicorns" and maintains the world's premier tech workforce, with over 15% of employees in high-tech positions. The country has attracted R&D centers from more than 400 global leaders, including NVIDIA and Microsoft.

As the world's third-largest tech hub, Israel brings unmatched technological expertise to this potential regional partnership, particularly in developing industry-leading companies across defensive cybersecurity, defense technology, and AI applications in healthcare, education, and banking.

Saudi Arabia contributes massive purchasing power for both military and civilian technologies, along with ambitious mega-projects under Vision 2030 that provide ready-made opportunities to deploy these innovations. Israel's unique value proposition extends beyond its technological prowess – it offers something currently unavailable to Gulf states: a partnership that carries broad American support. This opens doors for Saudi Arabia and other Gulf nations to access previously restricted US information systems and computing technologies through joint ventures with Israel.

Economic ties between Israeli companies and Gulf clients have already taken root, even with nations lacking formal diplomatic relations.

Israeli AI reaches Saudi Arabia

Several Israeli AI firms, including Dream Security and Bridgewise, are already securing multi-million dollar contracts with Gulf states. Additionally, Israeli startups have successfully raised capital from Gulf-based financial institutions. While these dealings remain discreet, particularly during current regional tensions, their substantial scale indicates strong mutual interest.

Under a Trump administration and with potential new agreements including Saudi Arabia, Israeli AI companies could become the backbone of the Gulf's technological transformation, powering everything from education and banking to healthcare and cybersecurity.

The Gulf states are already engaged in an aggressive tech modernization drive, investing tens of billions in semiconductor procurement and data center construction. They're laying the groundwork for competition in the emerging global landscape.

However, infrastructure alone isn't enough. Without skilled personnel and expertise to develop applications – whether for new commercial ventures or government efficiency – this technological foundation risks becoming like a luxury high-rise without tenants.

Israel can export its technological expertise to the Gulf while selling cutting-edge cyber and AI solutions. In return, Saudi Arabia could accelerate Israel's development of supercomputing infrastructure and data centers, while joining the US in investing in Israeli national projects.

The region's instability, the AI revolution, and America's political shift are deeply interconnected.

During my meeting with Trump in Washington DC two months ago, we discussed how his potential administration could help Israel maintain its regional technological edge. We agreed to revisit these plans after the election. That time has now come.

This morning, as the sun rises over Washington DC, one thing is certain:
The path to a technologically transformed Middle East runs through Riyadh, Jerusalem, and the White House.

Dovi Frances is an Israeli-American venture capitalist and founder of Group11 and The Institute, a national center for AI applications research.

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The atmosphere at the West Palm Beach arena remained notably restrained on election night, despite the promising returns. The crowd's measured response – whether stemming from the lingering shadow of 2020 or the familiarity of a second Donald Trump victory – stood in stark contrast to the electric shock of 2016. The hundreds of supporters present displayed enthusiasm without surprise; they had, after all, been the first to believe in Trump's ability to achieve the improbable.

Video: Donald Trump's victory speech. Credit: Washington Examiner

This victory places Trump in a rare historical category, becoming only the second president since the 19th century to secure non-consecutive terms. The only previous such occurrence was Grover Cleveland, who served as America's 22nd and 24th president.

For multiple compelling reasons, Trump's second ascent to the presidency carries even greater significance than his first. His return to power promises sweeping global changes: Trump will prioritize a rapid resolution to the Ukraine conflict. The author of "The Art of the Deal" will negotiate a settlement between Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Vladimir Putin. His approach will deny both leaders their maximum demands while refusing to allow an endless conflict without clear objectives.

The Israeli conflict will inevitably command his attention. Trump's administration will lift Joe Biden's restrictions on Israel, ensuring full support for Israeli needs. However, he will expect Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to establish definitive timelines for military operations.

Trump's victory over formidable domestic opposition – including seven pending legal challenges, significant resistance within the Republican Party he represented, and the united front of the Democratic establishment and mainstream media – signals an irreversible transformation in American politics.

The MAGA movement and the phenomenon of "Trumpism" have proven themselves not as temporary disruptions but as permanent fixtures in the American political landscape. Trump speaks of forging a new coalition that transcends traditional Republican Party boundaries, instead uniting various anti-establishment forces across America. Tellingly, his victory speech notably omitted any mention of "Republicans."

The alignment of Robert Kennedy Jr – the scion of America's preeminent Democratic dynasty – with Trump, specifically on anti-establishment grounds, powerfully illustrates the new contours of American politics.

The Republican Party has secured a Senate majority, yet this victory belongs less to traditional Republicans than to those who aligned themselves with Trump's vision. Those who resisted this realignment had already departed the political stage.

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The period between Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump's election victory and his White House inauguration spans nearly three months, during which Israel may face unprecedented diplomatic challenges. With Democrats still at the helm and outgoing President Joe Biden seeking to cement his legacy, Israel finds itself in an increasingly complex position as the current war continues.

History offers a telling precedent: When former President Barack Obama's term was ending and Trump had won his first presidential election, the outgoing administration left Israel with an unwelcome surprise. The US broke with tradition by withholding its Security Council veto on anti-Israel resolutions, leading to the passage of a measure condemning settlement activity. This December 16, 2016 decision marked Obama's parting gesture after years of tense relations with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Jerusalem, mindful of this precedent, is now on high alert. Israel's UN Ambassador Danny Danon warned earlier this week about the potential weakening of US support at the Security Council. In a chamber where Arab nations and Israel's critics hold a decisive majority, the risks are substantial – ranging from proposed arms embargoes against Israel to resolutions advancing Palestinian statehood or full UN membership, or demands for ending the war on terms unfavorable to Israel.

A crucial test looms within days. The White House has pressed Netanyahu to increase humanitarian aid to northern Gaza, expressing continued dissatisfaction with current efforts. If significant changes don't materialize quickly, the administration may feel emboldened to impose conditions on Israel regarding the war's conclusion. Should direct pressure prove insufficient, they might pursue their objectives through the Security Council.

Biden, who has been considered a pro-Israel president and whose legacy will be judged by history, seeks to leave his diplomatic mark in the coming months. The Middle East situation presents more opportunities than other recent conflicts, making agreements on Gaza and Lebanon likely priorities.

Netanyahu, who yesterday accelerated the process of removing Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant from the defense ministry, may navigate these challenges effectively – though the situation remains complex. More optimistically, Trump's imminent return to the White House in roughly two months could serve as leverage in dealings with Arab nations and terrorist organizations, as these actors anticipate a potential shift in US policy toward the regional conflict.

This dynamic might, for the first time, lead Hamas to consider agreements without demanding complete war termination, while Lebanon could show unprecedented flexibility in negotiations. The transition from a moderate Democratic administration to an unpredictable president could significantly influence the terms of current agreements.

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Any attempt to explain why to vote for one candidate or another is bound to fail from the start. The scope is too vast to capture in brief, and the discussion too important to be reduced to acronyms or slogans. But for those who believe, as I do, that Donald Trump is the preferred candidate for the US presidency, the task seems easier. After all, Trump was president for four years, which means that instead of prophesying about what might be, we can easily look at what was. So why vote for Trump today?

Because while every American president since 1995 refused to honor Congress's decision to move the US Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, citing fears of Palestinian violence, Trump inaugurated the new embassy, teaching everyone an important lesson about refusing to surrender to threats.

Because when all the learned experts explained that peace between Israel and Arab states was impossible without first solving the Palestinian issue, Trump delivered the Abraham Accords – the most significant step toward lasting peace in the Middle East in decades, and the only one not based on the failed and detestable equation of "land for peace."

Because when Obama, Biden, and their associates eagerly promoted a foreign policy centered on cooperation with Tehran's murderous regime, Trump reinstated sanctions, eliminated Qassem Soleimani, and made it clear to the ayatollahs that terrorism would have severe consequences – an understanding that led to quiet until the Democrats returned to the White House.

While President Joe Biden delivered eloquent speeches and transferred vast sums to Ukraine, he failed in the most crucial mission: arming Ukrainians with the military capabilities to defeat Putin. And Trump? The man whom the media and US intelligence agencies tried to frame as Moscow's agent ended the five-decade disarmament agreement with the Russians and signaled to Putin that any aggression would not be well-received. He also armed President Volodymyr Zelensky's military with Javelin anti-tank missiles, which perhaps explains why Putin, like Hamas and its Iranian supporters, waited until Biden was settled in the White House before invading and starting the war.

Because his economic policies reduced, for the first time in 60 years, the wage gap between America's bottom and top quartiles, explaining why the vast majority of working-class people, including most trade union members traditionally considered enthusiastic Democratic Party supporters, now vote for Trump, and why more than two-thirds of those earning $500,000 or more annually support Harris.

Because Trump is the first president who stood firm against Western appeasement of China, making it clear to Beijing that its flagrant theft of software, industrial secrets, and intellectual property – theft costing the American economy around $600 billion annually – must stop. Trump backed his tough talk with equally tough trade agreements, causing the Chinese to back down briefly, until Biden returned to Washington and nullified all his predecessor's achievements with a stroke of a pen.

Because Trump understands there's no more acute problem, or greater existential threat, than millions of illegal immigrants crossing the border unchecked. Just last week, for instance, one of them, benefiting from Biden and Harris's reckless and permissive immigration policy, randomly shot a Jew walking to synagogue on Saturday. The US must secure not only its security future, endangered when thousands of unscreened violent migrants roam its cities freely, but also its economic future, which is at risk if illegal immigrants continue to pose an enormous burden on taxpayers – in New York alone, they cost the city $5 billion, forcing the city to reduce welfare services for US-born poor – and continue taking jobs that traditionally supported minorities and lower classes.

Because Trump was the first to expand the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to define Jews as a protected minority, giving the federal government broader power to fight rising antisemitism, especially on campuses. Instead of applauding the president for this necessary step, US media portrayed the legislation as an attack on free speech and continued, without any factual basis, to accuse Trump of antisemitism.

The idea: Common sense and freedom of choice

One could go on and on, but the bottom line is clear: Donald Trump may be an unconventional and unusual candidate, and sometimes he makes statements that even his most ardent supporters would prefer to forget, but he was a measured, responsible, and excellent president. Instead of accepting as gospel the educated lies of the elites – for instance, that anyone who wants should be allowed to enter the US, or that wars can never be won and therefore aren't worth trying – he promoted different, necessary ideas that history has already proven absolutely correct.

After years of elite rule, during which giant corporations, media conglomerates, intelligence agencies, and politicians became one inseparable entity serving only its own interests and no one else's, while taking more and more basic liberties from other citizens, Trump came demanding change. The movement he leads is a return – irritating, disruptive, but absolutely necessary – to American founding principles, foremost among them the understanding that democracy's owners aren't just in Hollywood, Silicon Valley, or Wall Street, but all of us, the unglittering majority who, like any normal person, care first about their own interests. The deranged American press calls such an approach "racism" or "misogyny" or "transphobia" or "xenophobia." The more accurate definition is common sense and freedom of choice, a basic idea that Donald Trump apparently understands better than anyone else.

Liel Leibovitz is a senior editor at Tablet Magazine and a popular podcast host. The author of several books, he writes for Israel Hayom, The New York Post, The Wall Street Journal, and other publications.

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Americans who haven't participated in early voting will go to the polls today to decide whether the US remains a functioning liberal democracy that stands by its allies, including Israel – or abandons them. This is the choice between Kamala Harris and Donald Trump.

Voting for Harris is the best way to ensure that the US-Israeli alliance endures through challenging times. Contrary to popular opinion, shared even within the Israeli government, a Trump victory could lead to the abandonment of the alliance with Israel. The notion that Trump would be "good for Israel" is one of the greatest illusions of conservative Jewish politics in recent years.

Unlike Trump, Harris promises loyalty to the rule of law and the US Constitution, and the continuation of America's global role since World War II, the Cold War, and the post-9/11 era. This role now includes unwavering support for Israel's survival and well-being. Harris has shown courage in her consistent support for Israel's right to self-defense, even when this position became unpopular within her party's left wing.

Addressing Republicans who have grown weary of Trump's authoritarianism, increasing boorishness, threats of violence, and tolerance of antisemitism, racism, and sexism among his supporters, Harris has built a broad coalition – while Trump has only escalated his appeals to his angry, grudge-holding base. Harris has promised to listen to those who disagree with her, while Trump drops dark hints about "the enemy within," namely the Democratic Party.

Separatist Right and Personality Cult

The anti-Zionist Left criticizing Israel has not taken over the Democratic Party. Conversely, the separatist Right, in the form of Trump's personality cult, sets the tone in the Republican Party. As Jacob Heilbrunn recently reminded us in his book "America Last" – isolationism, enthusiasm for foreign dictators, and contempt for involvement in international politics have long existed as a current within the Republican Party.

As Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently pointed out in Foreign Affairs magazine, a small group of "revisionist forces" including Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea seeks to change the principles of the international system. The Russian invasion of Ukraine and Iran's threats against Israel are part of this effort.

Despite these threats, Trump has expressed bizarre admiration for Putin, who declared war on Ukraine and reportedly ordered assassinations of Russians opposing his rule. Trump's strange enthusiasm for Putin and his fundamental isolationist beliefs will work against an American or joint American-Israeli strike on Iran.

It's unlikely that someone who attacks Liz Cheney, one of hundreds of Republican politicians and advisers who switched sides, calling her a "war hawk," would order the US military to strike Iran's nuclear program, especially when such a strike would harm Russia's ally. When forced to choose between good relations with Russia and good relations with Israel – it's entirely conceivable that Trump would prefer Russia.

An American Brand of Fascism

America's power to influence world affairs and stand in defense of Israel doesn't stem solely from its military superiority. It also relies on alliances – primarily NATO. During his first term, experienced conservative officials prevented him from destroying NATO. If Trump decides to implement his threats to weaken the Western alliance – if elected again, these barriers will no longer be there. Instead, Trump will surround himself with sycophants and ideologues who share his "America First" impulses. During the first half of his term, and certainly following his efforts to disrupt the certification of election results, it became evident that Trump indeed represents a unique American brand of fascism. He treats the legal system as a tool for self-benefit. He has no understanding or appreciation for the system of checks and balances in the US.

Conversely, the Harris administration will continue the important efforts undertaken by President Biden, Secretary of State Blinken, and Secretary of Defense Austin to restore and deepen American alliances, including with Israel. Despite friction, the Biden-Harris administration has stood by Israel in the complex and tragic year since October 7.

Kamala Harris has emerged as a center-left politician, with different emphases than Biden, but one whose support for Israel is unwavering. Choosing her will provide the best guarantee for four more years of uncompromising support for Israel, and for preserving the values and institutions of liberal democracy in the US.

Jeffrey Herf is professor emeritus at the University of Maryland. His latest book, "Three Faces of Antisemitism: Right, Left, and Islamist," was published this year.

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Election Day in the United States is here, and it seems the only thing we can agree on is that this is a crucial one.

Having served in the first Trump Administration, I unsurprisingly want my former boss of almost a quarter-century to win, and think he represents the best path for America, the Middle East, and world Jewry. But I think there is something more important to say this Election Day.

Regardless of who wins, the next few years will be critical to the future of the West. Whether the free world is led by Donald Trump or Kamala Harris, good people across the globe will have a role to play in shoring up our security, improving Western nations' standing, and maintaining our place as technological innovators and economic powerhouses.

While this is true across the West, I'll focus on two countries struggling with severe division: Israel and the US. Regardless of who is at the helm of those two great nations, the best way to achieve our basic desires for these countries is to try to heal internal divisions and improve our sense of unity.

In the US and Israel, arguments over how to handle tense social and political issues are everywhere. To some degree, that's healthy and natural. We should argue about how best to deal with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, judicial reform, the secular-religious divide, and more. But heated times like these, which prime us to see the world as your-team-versus-mine, often devolve into division and enmity.

Even arguing respectfully is not enough. Especially at moments like these, we need to recognize that when bad actors sense our division, they smell blood. Debate is a strength but treating our friends like enemies is a dangerous form of weakness.

True unity requires working together, even when we don't agree on many details. Right and left, secular and religious, and yes, Arab and minority citizens too – all need a seat at the table, a common set of rights and obligations, and a willingness to subdue self-interest at times in favor of the good of the community. Building bridges with those we disagree with, explaining why we disagree and seeking compromise when possible or conveying legitimate reasons why compromise may not be possible – those are prerequisites to healthy unity.

In both countries, I believe that one of our basic unifying commitments must be achieving stability through strength. Acknowledge and fight those who threaten our citizens or way of life. But do so with an eye towards connecting with individuals and nations that have been caught up in conflicts but are not themselves guilty of inflaming them, and who may be willing to partner with us to reduce or even seek to extinguish the violence.

To that end, I hope that Israel and the United States will show warmth and understanding towards Israel's Arab neighbors – those who signed the Abraham Accords and those who have not yet but hopefully will someday. We hardly agree on everything, but we need each other economically, diplomatically and from a security perspective in a region where some leaders seek only chaos, violence and destruction.

One more note on unity between allies: To truly succeed as a world power, Israelis must learn to put themselves in the shoes of their now-allies and not-yet-allies and better understand their needs and decisions. All of those countries, from the US to the Arab states, are independent in some ways and intertwined in many others – including some that have little or nothing to do with Israel. Just as Israel is an independent nation with a unique set of problems and the right to make its own decisions, its allies and neighbors are too. If Americans choose to take a path Israelis would prefer they didn't, which may happen from time to time, that is not automatically a sign of abandonment. Neither side of our bilateral alliance can afford to give up on the other, no matter how much we may question the other side's policy choices. Arab states also have their own limitations, goals, and expectations to contend with, and those may be different from Israel's. That does not mean that common ground cannot be found.

Am Yisrael Chai is a promise, but it is also a mission: What are we doing to ensure the Nation of Israel lives? Rejecting division and taking steps towards unifying the good people and great nations of the world is central to that mission. On this Election Day, I pray for the forces of true unity to prevail. God bless America, Israel, and its new allies, and its not-yet-allies. God bless the Israel Defense Forces who embody unity in their righteous fight against evil, thereby protecting not only the State of Israel, but Jews all over the world.

Jason D. Greenblatt was the White House Middle East envoy in the Trump administration. He is the author of In the Path of Abraham: How Donald Trump Made Peace in the Middle East—and How to Stop Joe Biden From Unmaking It, Senior Director of Arab-Israel Diplomacy for the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs and the founder of Abraham Venture LLC. Follow him on X: @GreenblattJD

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The 2024 presidential race enters its final stretch, following months of extensive coverage of Republican candidate former President Donald Trump and Democratic candidate Vice President Kamala Harris. While each candidate has their own strategy to win the election, they share one consensus: the significance of their positions on the ongoing war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, following Hamas' deadly attack on October 7, 2023. This issue takes on additional significance when it comes to dual citizens – Israeli-Americans – who make up a distinct voting bloc.

Following a year of volatile protests across American campuses, rising antisemitism, hostages still being held in Gaza, and an ongoing war with no end in sight, Americans on both sides of the Israel debate have criticized the current administration's handling of the conflict. For Israeli-American voters, this has raised a crucial question: which candidate do they trust with their vote?

"I didn't realize how seriously Israeli-Americans take this election until I posted an Instagram story asking for help signing up," Daria Bar, a 30-year-old Israeli-American resident of Haifa said. "I was bombarded with messages advising me who I should vote for and why, even though my mind was set on Trump. I felt many judged me for it – someone even said it was 'out of character' for me. Trump is definitely a controversial person, but if the question is what's best for Israel's interests, there's absolutely no doubt. After Harris acknowledged Israel was 'committing genocide,' how could I vote for her?"

For dual citizens, the significance of this election extends beyond typical partisan politics. In the aftermath of Oct. 7, many find themselves weighing each candidate's potential impact on the two nations, having to consider what might serve America's interests versus Israel's needs during wartime.

"In my 35 years in Israel, I have always voted in the US Presidential elections. I did not even consider not voting until maybe a month ago. I've debated intensely with myself and a few close friends and I have decided not to vote," a 67-year-old Israeli-American resident of Binyamina who chose to remain anonymous said.

"I did not even consider not voting until maybe a month ago," a 67-year-old Israeli-American resident of Binyamina who chose to remain anonymous said, reflecting on his 35 years of voting in US presidential elections. "I've debated intensely with myself and a few close friends, and I have decided not to vote. I could never vote for Trump because of the type of president he was and no doubt would be in the future. While I can agree with some of his policies, especially as regards Israel, I am absolutely unable to return this type of person to such a powerful role.

"Early on, I thought I could support Harris, even though as VP she never really impressed me as an assertive person with clear objectives," he added. "But in the last month, I sense that she is absolutely not clear, perhaps not even with herself, and certainly not strong enough to lead the 'free world'. Her stance on Israel is the worst it could be in my view – it's ambiguous and seems intentionally uninformed. I could not vote for her either. I've always valued my vote from Israel, but for the first time, I feel like I don't want to participate in this at all. It is a very difficult feeling for me."

However, for 29-year-old Raz Elfar, an Israeli-American resident of Tel Aviv, Trump is undoubtedly the obvious choice, though he too won't be voting in this election. "Being registered in California, I knew from the start I wouldn't vote – there's simply no motivation to do so. But if I could, I'd vote for Trump, which I believe should be obvious, even for non-Israelis. Look at Trump's presidency – the world was in a far better place. Now we're witnessing chaos on all fronts: Russia-Ukraine, China-Taiwan, North Korea, Iran-Israel, October 7th – all unfolding under Biden's watch."

"The White House needs a stronger presence," he added. "Trump's actions consistently demonstrated his support for Israel. While Biden has been helpful in many ways, I sense Harris holds a less favorable stance toward our interests. Choosing Trump serves both American and Israeli interests – with World War III looming, it's time for the sheriff to return to town."

According to a new survey by the Israel Democracy Institute, this pro-Trump sentiment is widespread among Israelis. The poll shows they strongly prefer former President Trump over Vice President Harris when it comes to Israel's interests. Approximately two-thirds of respondents indicated Trump would be better for Israel, while only 13% favored Harris.

The political breakdown among Jewish respondents in Israel revealed that 90% of right-wing voters and 52% of centrists believe Trump would be more beneficial for Israel, while the left slightly favors Harris over Trump (42% versus 29%). Gender analysis in Israel showed a moderate gap, with 69% of men preferring Trump compared to 60% of women. The most striking difference appeared in age demographics: an overwhelming 90% of young Israelis believe Trump would better serve Israel's interests, compared to just 55% of older respondents who shared this view.

The results may be unpredictable, but one thing is certain: never has the American public, including Israeli-American voters, been more divided over their presidential candidates. This unprecedented divide likely stems from the sense of urgency and gravity surrounding the upcoming election's outcome. As both American and Israeli-American voters prepare to cast their ballots or choose to sit this election out, Israelis too are watching intently to see which leader will shape the war's trajectory moving forward.

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On a dimmed stage in Hollywood, Florida, five years ago, I had a glimpse of a side of Donald Trump that too few see – or want to see.

The then-president was the keynote speaker at a convention of the Israel-American Council. After his typically rousing speech, when TV cameras were turned off and reporters were heading for the door, Trump lingered to listen respectfully to a rendition of "God Save America" by Shalva, a band of special-needs musicians from Israel. One by one, they then shuffled up to the towering leader of the free world, who was more than happy to hug, clap, and chat with them.

This was no scripted photo-op with models or generals, statesmen, or sportsmen. There was no political payoff. It was as simple and as sincere as it looked: a beaming father of five, extending his paternal warmth and encouragement to an extraordinary group of young people.

The image has stayed with me, a useful antidote to the endless farrago of lies about a man who seems to uniquely madden the news media.

And it is advisedly that I use the word "man" to describe our former – and, God willing, future – president. Because, yes, manly traits are desperately called for in our confused and dangerous times. The United States and its allies again face enemies guided by the most atavistic of values – extreme violence in the pursuit of extreme power – and we need a president who can push back, unambiguously.

There is simply no alternative to the courage, protectiveness, and clear-sightedness that Trump evinces with such peerless energy. We all witnessed this in his first term: The slashing of needless economic regulations and willingness – so timely, in retrospect – to call out NATO partners for not holding up their end of the defense spending. The unvarnished warnings about unchecked illegal immigration. The ripping up of the awful Iran nuclear deal. The implementation the people's will - as expressed in a much-deferred act of Congress from 1995 – by moving the US Embassy to Jerusalem.

Trump stood for what was right, even if that meant standing alone. He did so while buffeted by an unprecedented deluge of hostile press and confected legal actions. And, throughout, he kept up that signature good cheer that is the mark of true self-confidence and leadership. He showed, in fact, that he can be a real mensch – which, not coincidentally, is a Yiddish word for "man".

In a democracy like ours, an election reflects the will of the people. But it should not be a popularity contest. It should be a choice based on principles – not a show of principles being elasticized to please an electorate.

Mr. Trump, you have my vote. I say this clearly, as a proud female professional, a former army officer, a veteran physician, and businesswoman: You are the right man – the only man – for the job. ‎

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US Election Day 2024 is here, and in a post-Oct. 7 world, this one feels more crucial than ever. There's been an overwhelming amount of toxic commentary regarding this election's potential impact on the US-Israel relationship. I've seen too many divisive statements from American Jews who idolize their chosen candidate or party, often demonizing those on the opposite political side. It's almost absurd that some believe their candidate – whether it's Donald Trump or Kamala Harris – alone will define the future trajectory of American Jews.

I am not American, so I feel no need to contribute to the toxic rhetoric, and I know that no matter who wins in November, Israel will somehow survive. I also believe that the US-Israel relationship from a military and intelligence view is ironclad in a way the general public cannot comprehend. In fact, the recent findings from the new Harvard CAPS Harris poll found that at least 80% of Americans polled support Israel over Hamas, 78% want to see Hamas removed from running Gaza, and 71% of Americans think the crisis in Gaza is created mostly by Hamas.

The conversation shouldn't focus on how this election will affect the US-Israel relationship but rather on how it will shape US policy toward Iran. Since the 1979 revolution, neither US party has sustained a consistent, long-term approach to address this threat. Goli Ameri perfectly summarized the problem in The Hill: "Republicans must be uncompromising on Iran, and Democrats need to pursue negotiations at all costs. Neither side has won a trophy yet."

The Iranian regime is one of today's largest-growing threats, and many Americans recognize this. Gallup polling consistently shows that nearly 75% of Americans view a nuclear Iran as a "critical threat" to the US. Even more telling, a recent poll by the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans shows that 85% of Iranian Americans do not support returning to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Since 2000, Iran has faced repeated rounds of sanctions for its pursuit of nuclear technology and regional destabilization, yet there has been no long-term plan to halt the regime's ambitions.

On Oct. 26, Israel retaliated against Iran for its indiscriminate attack on Israeli civilians on Oct. 1, 2024, targeting air defenses and key facilities involved in advanced ballistic missile production. Israel has essentially dismantled Tehran's primary strategic capabilities, showing the world just how vulnerable the regime truly is. Now is the time to confront the "head of the snake."

Anyone who cares about Israel needs to care about which person they think is better suited to be commander and chief in handling the Islamic Republic of Iran. There is a sense that because of the election, the Islamic Republic is going to try to make a mad dash for a nuclear bomb, and the person in charge must prioritize and make the difficult decision in doing whatever is possible to prevent Iran from gaining nuclear capabilities – full stop. The next US administration must reapply a maximum pressure campaign and then some when dealing with Iran and must never regard the regime and the Mullahs as reliable or honest negotiating partners.

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