It happened on July 13, at the height of summer, when the American presidential race also reached a boiling point. For a moment, it seemed that the necessary condition for victory for her, in the form of the candidate in whom she wholeheartedly believes, might disappear – and not by choice. "I think after they throw four criminal indictments and a public arrest photo at your boss, and then someone shoots at him while he's speaking on stage, and he almost gets killed in front of the whole world, nothing moves you anymore," she says.

"In those minutes I was with my husband (Darren Centinello, who was the campaign's digital director) at home. It was Saturday and suddenly, our emergency phone started exploding with calls. We read what happened and tried to understand – is he alive? Is he dead? What exactly is happening? We finally look at our phone look at what happened. We click into the event, and at the moment we click in, Donald Trump is on the ground. I think the Secret Service is already on top of him. I think he stood up after, you know, a minute, but it felt like 20 minutes, especially considering the messages we got saying, is he dead? Is he dead? So all we see is him stand up, blood rushing down his face. I'm obviously crying. I'm getting a million phone calls. My husband's trying to reach the president's family to see if we know anything else. 

"My husband's father was also at the rally and actually sat right behind the president because we got him VIP tickets, so we called to make sure he was alive too. He answered us and said everyone was looking for the shooter, and in the background, I could hear screaming."

Q: How did you handle this? 

"Immediately afterward, most of us in the campaign didn't even stop to think about it because we were so busy we could only focus on what we could control.  It's weird because obviously it's horrible, and I think if you had gone back to the Barack Obama and Mitt Romney days, just a couple of election cycles prior, this never would have happened. If John McCain and Barack Obama were running against each other and a film like that came out against one of them, even the other one, their opponent, would probably have said something about how negative and inappropriate it was. Obviously, in Trump days, everything has changed. I think after your boss gets charges thrown at him four times, gets a mug shot, nearly gets killed in front of the world, shot on stage, nothing really fazes you anymore. Most of us didn't even think about it. I saw a few scenes because people sent it to me. I didn't even watch the movie. I knew he was upset about it. I think he posted something about it once or twice. But A, we're so busy we can only pay attention to what we can actually control. And B, once your boss survives an assassination, has a mug shot that goes viral, once the FBI comes after you and your own family for working for him, nothing fazes you anymore."

Q: That's frightening. Do you think, uh, in a way, the media all over, all around the world and specifically the American media, did it undermine this, that incident in a way? 

"You know, you get scared in general, working in Republican politics, getting the messages that I get, the death threats that I get. And then when you see your boss who has, you know, some of the best security in the world, almost get assassinated live on camera, you wonder what could happen to you. So it was really, really scary for all of us and showing up to the convention and seeing the extra security and seeing our bosses tell us you cannot leave this secure perimeter, everything is dangerous. Don't talk to anyone, be careful where you go, don't go outside where there's no security. It was obviously really, really scary. But again, we're moving. We don't have time to stop. We don't have time to think about it. So it only hits you months later that your boss was nearly, you know, assassinated. The former president was nearly assassinated on stage. I mean, they wanted him to have his head blown off on camera. That's what they wanted in front of the world. And thank God it didn't happen."

Q: You seem to take it personally.

"It's hard for me because I've been around Donald Trump and I've seen the way people cover his life and his actions and his campaign or his staff compared to anybody else. I believe that there was a different race and it was, you know, Ron DeSantis and Joe Biden or Jeb Bush or any Republican that people would have accepted that wasn't Donald Trump. It would have been talked about very differently. I think, in general, Donald Trump is not treated fairly in the press. I will stand by that, not just because I've seen it happen to him, but because I've seen it happen to me because I'm associated with him. I've seen the way people have lied about me and my family and misreported so many things just to hurt me because I work for Donald Trump.

"I thought that was such a bad event that it would kind of make people go back to normal, make people realize that this could have happened to Joe Biden or Kamala Harris too and that the last thing you want is for a former president, current president, anyone, especially a politician who represents a group of people to be targeted in that way. And it would take America back to a really, really dark place. So I thought people would freak out so much that they would become normal again and say, Donald Trump is not the man we support, but he's the man that just almost got shot on stage, and millions of Americans support him. And we should respect the fact that this is a horrible tragedy in America and maybe speak normally about the election moving forward. And that lasted about two hours. And then people forgot it happened. They started making assassination jokes. Um, some people claimed it wasn't real. Obviously, politicians went back to saying Donald Trump was Hitler and a threat to democracy and insulting him and inciting the same kind of hatred that they were doing beforehand, almost, you know, 48 hours later. So, it did not last clearly. And it's obviously disappointing, but it's not surprising."

Q: How shaken was he by the attempt on his life?

"I do think he changed. I really do. I have heard him talk about it. Um, I didn't hear him talk that week. I was not with him personally. I heard his speech, obviously, and I thought he was a little different, but even seeing him later on, um, throughout the campaign and talking to him and hearing his voice when it comes up and saying, I think God saved me. Yeah, I think he definitely changed. I didn't hear him talk about God ever as much as he did after that incident. And I think, in general, no matter how tough and how strong and how cool you are when you get shot in the head, you're going, you're going to change. So I think, I think something changed in him, but you know, now he's the same Donald Trump, you'd never know. But I do think internally, he feels as though God saved him. He says it all the time. And he also knows that he survived the gunshot to the head, making him even tougher and even cooler. So he's definitely a changed man, but almost just like an elevated version of the same Donald Trump."

Q: In the end, the incident produced an iconic image, perhaps even leading to victory.

Seeing someone like that in your life who gets shot in the head and thinks in that moment, not how do I get off stage as fast as possible, but how do I respond in some way to inspire people and let them know that I'm okay. And that America's never going to be taken down if I'm in charge. Knowing someone thought of that in the moment is, I mean, one of the most inspiring things you'll ever see. And I saw a lot of Democrats, a lot of people who didn't support him, say the exact same thing. They said when he raised his fist and screamed fight, how on earth do you not take inspiration from that? And I don't know who else could have responded the same way in that moment." 

Q: Trump is considered a Wild Card. Unpredictable and inconsistent. Not exactly a statesmanlike politician.

"I will say working in politics, the grossest, most horrible word you can tell me is "politician". I hate politicians. I hate almost every politician that has existed before Donald Trump. I don't care if they're Democrats or Republicans. So I think the fact that people try to use the argument that he's not a politician to get people to vote against him backfired because most people agree with me that politicians are not the people that you want. 

"At the same time, when the world is literally on fire, I think the argument is even stronger. Joe Biden was in the White House for four years. Joe Biden was one of the longest serving politicians that we have had. Joe Biden was a vice president. He was a senator. He has more foreign policy experience as a politician than Donald Trump will ever have. And yet the world was on fire when Joe Biden was in office. Maybe politicians are the reason that the world is on fire and, that Americans aren't happy, and that things continue to happen the exact same way that no one wants to find peace because they like when things are in chaos because that's what politicians create. So, I 100% agree he's not a politician. He was the president of the United States and he's still not a politician. And that's why I support him."

Going to synagogue on holidays 

For 29-year-old Pipko, Trump has been much more than a boss. In her incredible life story, the American president constitutes a defining event, no less. A person who changed the course of her life from the moment she became aware of his political work. An almost divine factor who taught her no less than any rabbi she met in the synagogues she attended. A mentor, a spiritual teacher.

"Trump completely changed my life," she says. "So, my entire life has focused around Donald Trump for about eight years, a little bit longer. So I don't think my brain has realized yet what it means to not be in a campaign and not be fighting for Donald Trump because that's all we know. My husband and I used to joke that we'd get divorced after the election was over because we didn't know if we had anything else to talk about because all we talked about was Donald Trump…I met my husband through the campaign. I grew, I learned from Donald Trump. I love Donald Trump genuinely."

Considering that joining his team was the moment that helped her emerge from the greatest low point of her life, it's understandable. Today, she is one of the women closest to the president's ear. After working with him for eight years, and being a spokesperson for the Republican Party, coordinating campaign fundraising, and helping him reach the White House twice, Pipko is one of Donald's confidantes, and to a large extent, this involves explaining the Jewish and Israeli views to him in the current war in Gaza. 

She regularly appears in studios and gives interviews, makes regular television appearances, and defends Israel passionately. She condemns progressive nonsense, points out "woke" hypocrisy, and raises awareness of problematic to outrageous statements by people in positions of power in higher education institutions in the US. Through the "Jexodus" movement she founded (later renamed The Exodus Movement), she helps American Jews, a population that until recently was mostly identified with the left side of the political map, move to the right side. Now, she's leading a joint project with Chabad that will make mitzvot accessible to Jews in America. And to think that in a parallel universe, she's actually an Olympic athlete.

Pipko was born in New York in 1995, the daughter of a Jewish immigrant family from the Soviet Union and granddaughter of the artist Marc Klionsky. "I attended an Orthodox Jewish school from age 3, but I wouldn't say we were devout," she says. "We went to synagogue on holidays, sometimes on Saturdays, and of course, I learned Hebrew. I did everything my parents wanted me to do, but we didn't keep kosher. I never ate pork, shrimp, or cheeseburgers, but I would eat meat outside, for example."

In her youth, she discovered the world of figure skating on ice, convinced her parents to switch to homeschooling, and devoted all her time to training for the biggest and most important competitions in the world, but a leg injury pulled the ground out from under her feet and brought her to a mental low before she turned 20. After investing years in a dream that evaporated in a second, Pipko was more lost than ever.

"It was a terrible period, really awful," she recalls what she now understands was depression. "I moved to Florida to skate on ice; that's all I knew how to do; I was far from family and friends, I studied from home, so I didn't have school friends, and I skated for 15 hours every day, and then I found myself returning to New York with a huge cast on my leg, unable to walk and still studying online, so I had no friends.

"Everyone I knew was applying to good colleges; I never thought of going to college because I wanted to go to the Olympics. I stopped going to class and doing work. I just cried in my bed all day, every day.  After they removed my cast, I realized I couldn't go up and down stairs, and I was now a 17-year-old girl who was behind in her classes, had no friends, didn't know what she was going to do, and had to go to the doctor five days a week to relearn how to walk and how to do stairs.  I had nothing. And I continued being depressed and a giant mess for two years three years.

"I  still don't know how my parents kept it together and weren't so worried about me that they interfered. I think they just knew that, eventually, I would snap back. I basically was probably years behind on my schoolwork. I would go out with losers that I knew in the city and just do nothing all day, cry in my bed all night, write some sad poetry, and do the same thing the next day. I could have had a great future. I didn't understand why, after working as hard as I did, everything was taken from me. For three years, I didn't think I had a future. I was sure that eventually, I would work as a waitress, and that would be my life."

"Saved my life"

Luck began to turn in her favor thanks to her mother, or to be precise – thanks to the family dog.

"My mom used to walk our dog in Central Park, and one day a photographer who was there stopped her and asked if he could take the dog for a short time for a photo session. When he asked how he could repay her, Mom replied: 'Can you do a photo shoot with my daughter? She's very depressed, and I think she'll feel better.' I met the photographer the next day. We maybe, you know, did 30 minutes of some pictures in the park with her just trying to do it as a favor for My mom decided to send the photos to the biggest modeling agency in the world and a week later they offered me a contract.

"I never thought of such a possibility. As a little kid, I was bullied severely for being ugly. Never thought that it was gonna happen. Every girl dreams of modeling. So I'm not gonna say I didn't think about it, but it was not something I thought of at that time or worked toward. And it was basically just handed to me by God in the moment. I don't think it was the greatest part of my life, but it certainly brought me some confidence and a lot of accomplishments. For a young woman who cries all day, seeing yourself on magazine covers definitely strengthened me a bit and became a very cool part of my story."

From that point onwards, she became a sought-after model, signed with Wilhelmina Models, appeared on the covers of magazines like Esquire, Grazia, and Contrast, and is physically compared to model and actress Emily Ratajkowski ("Gone Girl", "Entourage"). But the real change in her life came alongside Trump's first run for the presidency.

"To witness the whole world mocking him when he says he's going to be president, to see him running and continuing the campaign and, of course, ultimately winning, was simply inspiring. I watched his videos, read his books and later started volunteering for his campaign.

"Today, I have a bachelor's degree from Harvard University and a master's degree from UPenn, I was the spokesperson for the Republican Party, and I think I'm doing truly important things for the world. I truly believe that Donald Trump saved my life."

Q: But it's hard to deny that he's a controversial figure, and his statements regarding women don't paint him in a positive light either.

"If I didn't know him myself and hadn't spent time with his family and staff but only read the stories about him, I would hate him too.

"I say that all the time because the stories are horrific. At the same time, when you look into the stories, you find out that this is a lie and this is exaggerated, and this is here. So, I think there are two ways to look at it. However, I have never argued Donald Trump was the perfect person. I have never argued that he was an angel on earth and that all the accusations or everything he's been through was a lie. The only thing I've argued is that he's the perfect person to be president of our country. 

"I'm not going to tell anyone he's the perfect husband or the perfect friend. I am sure that I would be wrong, and I'm sure that even he would tell me I wasn't the perfect husband, or I wasn't the perfect friend or I wasn't the perfect this. He is not a perfect man. I do not try to convince people that he was. My only argument was that against Hillary Clinton or against Joe Biden or Kamala Harris or really any other Republican or anyone else who could have run against him, he was the only man for the job... I would die on that hill. That is an argument that I think I get proven right with almost every single day with his actions. I am proud to have stood by him this entire time, but it was never because of his personal life. It was because of what he could have done for America and the world."

Q: You define yourself as a feminist, how does that align with his opposition to abortions?

"That's actually a question that's easy for me to answer. I started researching this topic in 8th or 9th grade after watching a woman testify in Congress that her mother tried to abort her, and she survived. I did a lot of research, and at some point in my life, I wanted to be closer to the Jewish religion, so for m,e the answer to this question is not found in politics but in the Torah. It's a religious issue for me and a topic close to my heart. At the time, I thought, 'how the hell can people claim that it's okay to have an abortion?' and as I grew up and met people with different opinions, I understood that these things can happen. So, as a woman, I am very anti-abortion, but I'm also very pro-America.

"Trump just said that this is an issue that should be decided by the states. I'm not for telling people what they can or cannot do, but there is a middle way. America is a great country because even if you don't agree with a law – whether it's related to abortions, gun rights, marijuana use, or anything else – you can protest it, change it, or move to a place where you agree more with its principles."

"Creating precedents" 

Last week, the world was shocked over the meeting between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. For Pipko, this meeting also touched on a very personal point. "The two main issues I talk about are the issue of Israel and the Middle East and the issue of Russia and Ukraine," says Pipko. "My family is from there, and when the war began, I loudly supported Ukraine. Even Trump said it's a shame that Russia invaded Ukraine. The fact is that it didn't happen during his term; several years have passed, and now that he's the president, he is committed to supporting peace.

"I think if Zelenskyy had disrespected other presidents that way, they likely would have talked back to him as Trump did. It didn't happen under Joe Biden, whether that's because they were team Ukraine and against America or because Joe Biden didn't have it in him and didn't have the capabilities, I don't know, but I think when a war has gone on as long as it has and you have to answer to the American people who have had billions of their own tax dollars sent over there and who have never been told this is how close we are to victory or this is what a victory would look like, you owe it to the American people to stand up for us and demand something of this man. Trump wants the war to come to an end. He did not say I am team Russia, I'm team Ukraine. He said, 'I want the war to come to an end,' and Zelensky had a problem with that, and Donald Trump is the president of the United States of America who has a responsibility to his supporters and to these people in the country to not send over billions of dollars more to Ukraine without an explanation for why and to try to bring peace to the world, which is what he promised always knew Donald Trump was going to yell at someone if they disrespected him, but more importantly they disrespected his country. He genuinely believes that if people talk to him in that way, they're not disrespectful to the man, but they're disrespectful to the United States of America, and he thinks it is his job to be the representative for the United States of America…no one has heard anyone debate Zelenskyy or Putin or anyone else for four years because we've had a president who literally hid from the media and from foreign leaders for four years in the White House. So, no one has seen anything like this. I don't think it's that shocking."

Q: How would you define the relationship between Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu?

"I mean, in general, I think the back and forth that they've had between good and bad is a good thing. I think when you have a real relationship, it has its ups and downs. I think it proves how close our nations are in general. think when two leaders have to talk as much as they have to talk, when two leaders have to work together as much as they do, A there's going to be ups and downs and B it shows how connected the two countries are. I call them sister nations in the fight in in the world right against the exact same enemies. Like Bibi said our enemies are the same enemies. Our victories will be the same victories. I think the relationship that they have proves that they both see the world in the same way.

"Trump witnessed what happened on October 7, and he is much more focused on trying to support Israel and trying to bring peace to the region than on his personal relationships with any of those involved. These aren't two leaders who meet to take a photo and then don't talk for a year. These are two leaders and two nations that actually work together in the world to try to bring goodness and preserve Western civilization for the rest of society. I think that's why they're as close as they are. That's why they have their ups and downs because their relationship is so important, and I truly am proud to have a president who treats Israel and treats its leader in a way that a lot of former presidents, at least in my recent lifetime, have not…I think they probably see themselves in a similar light and see a lot of the hatred that they get in their own country in a similar way." Before October 7 obviously, Netanyahu was dealing with the kind of protest that we see over here all the time. So I think they deal with a lot of the same things politically, . I think Donald Trump respects a strong leader, respects a strong leader who's made a comeback like he has. I don't know if anyone's comeback has been as strong as Donald Trump's but Netanyahu certainly knows his way around a comeback as well. I think, in general, the leaders have a lot in common, and again, I'm proud to know that Donald Trump will support any democratically elected leader of Israel because he supports the people of Israel and he supports the message of Israel regardless of who was in charge honestly." 

Q: Is the voluntary deportation plan from Gaza a realistic thing?

"Under Donald Trump, anything is possible. The man has done many things that many people said were impossible, that's for sure. Trump has a very specific negotiation style, right? And very often, he says things or demands things or asks for things that people say are impossible, maybe that he even knows are impossible, and at the end of the day, the compromise ends up being exactly what he would have wanted from day one. So, I'd say very often, I would question those who want to judge any of Donald Trump's negotiation tactics. 

"He's very famous and very famously known for obviously the art of the deal, but more importantly, I think people should look to him as someone who has put in the thought into wanting to change the status quo with what has gone on in the region for far too long. Whether his plan, the exact plan that he came up with, works or not, obviously, we're going to have to wait and see. But the fact is, how many leaders before him have promised peace and done absolutely nothing? And how many leaders before him have tried to do the exact same tactics and gotten absolutely nowhere? 

Q: Is he aiming for the Nobel Peace Prize?

"I would say this: After Barack Obama got it for nearly nothing, Donald Trump certainly might deserve it for even the Abraham Accords in his last term, or we'll see what happens in this one. But I mean, when he said I'm bringing the hostages home and I'm making you know peace in the region, he meant it. That's why he got to work on day one and I hope people take him seriously when they realize that his legacy is only important to him if it's the legacy that he would have wanted. He's not trying to make a legacy for himself that comes with this award and that award for the wrong reasons. He's trying to actually prove that if you do things differently and maybe not like a politician, you cannot only bring peace but prove to the world how easy it would have been to set a new precedent and move forward and do things differently and I know that he knows he has one term to do that and hopefully everyone that comes after him will continue doing what he's doing."

"A global problem" 

In a parallel universe, one where she would still injure her leg but not be swept after the current president, Pipko could belong to a completely different political camp. On the face of it, this is the life path that would be paved for a young woman from Generation Z who dabbles in poetry and went to two of the most extreme universities in terms of their approach to the events of October 7 and the war in Gaza.

In the place where she studied, privileged students who had never known real conflict in their lives called for boycotting Israel, excluded Jewish students, and declared that they were in a completely delusional and imagined humanitarian crisis, which prevented them from accessing aid and food supplies that were within walking distance from the campus lawns to the cafeteria.

"On paper, given the fact that I'm Jewish with two degrees from the Ivy League and the daughter of immigrants, I should be a Democrat," she says. "I should have blue hair and ugly glasses, and I should be screaming that I love Hamas. I did have blue hair at some point in my life, but I never supported Hamas, and the credit for that goes to my parents. I had the best parents, and upbringing, and backbone in the entire world.

"I always tried to do the right thing because I wanted my parents to be proud of me, but I also know the story of those who came before them. Even at my lowest point, I was still a proud American and Jew. I knew what my values were. If more people listened to their parents and paid attention to their history, they would be on the right side of history. There's a good side, and there's a bad side, and anyone who learns a little about the subject on a basic level knows that regarding Gaza – Israel is on the good side, and Hamas is the bad side."

Q: What do you think creates the perceptual dissonance of the "woke"? After all, Hamas represents everything they stand against – religious extremism, patriarchy, toxic masculinity, hatred of LGBTQ+.

"A few things happened quickly and all at once. The fact that our country became politically polarized during the rise of social media is a really big problem. It was hard for me to see how the media decided that its role is to tell people what to think and feel and how to vote because it was afraid of Donald Trump instead of doing its journalistic work. That was scary. Any person can consume any piece of misinformation in the world on social media and follow random celebrities who don't know anything, but feel free to tell their followers and the world what to think, feel and share. Meanwhile, our universities, whose role is to educate, decided that they need to shape.

"At the universities I studied at, I didn't have a single pro-Israel professor. Before I enrolled at the University of Pennsylvania I asked former students there a few questions. There was a Jewish girl there who said students in her class would prefer to discover that she took part in the January 6 riots at the Capitol than to discover that she's a Zionist. She told me, 'Just don't tell anyone here that you're a Zionist.' This happens on campuses, and no one says anything.

"These professors become their mentors and leaders. I'm very happy that the protests at educational institutions in America were so bad and extreme because finally, parents are saying, 'wait, I need to check this school out before I send my kids there.' I see donors saying, 'I'm not going to donate my money to Harvard.' It's not a Jewish problem but a global problem. Everyone needs to understand how badly they messed up. These are good, decent, and smart kids whose minds have been washed to support a terrorist organization that would kill them in two seconds."

Q: You said that you wanted to be a part of the administration. So what's next? 

"It would be the honor of a lifetime, of course, to serve the American people. So I'm not going to stop thinking about it. I'm going to focus on a few other things at the same time right now, but I'm sure I'll make my way into the administration before it's over."

Q: Where do you see yourself in 10 years?  

"President? Maybe that first female president. I mean, why not? We need a first female. We need a first Jew. Why not just combine the two, you know?"

The post 'The perfect person to be president': Trump's young confidante speaks appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

The anticipation and intrigue surrounding "Captain America: Brave New World," Marvel's new and eagerly awaited superhero film opening tomorrow, could have – and perhaps should have – centered on the matter of replacing the actor who plays its lead character.

After years in which the Captain was essentially the heroic embodiment of Steve Rogers (played by actor Chris Evans), the armor and suit of the all-American hero was inherited in "The Falcon and the Winter Soldier" series by his protégé Sam Wilson, portrayed by black actor Anthony Mackie ("8 Mile," "Pain & Gain").

In an era of political correctness and black representation in key Hollywood roles, Marvel's decision to cast an African American actor in one of its most important and veteran superhero roles is no small matter. However, with Israeli actress Shira Haas also in the cast, the fact that Captain America is being portrayed for the first time by a black actor has become almost secondary. Moreover, the fact that iconic actor Harrison Ford is a central part of the film's cast has become the main topic of conversation.

Ford plays Thaddeus "Thunderbolt" Ross, the US President who is also, of course, the Red Hulk in the film. Beyond impressions about Ford choosing to perform some of his own stunts, it's hard to ignore that this certainly isn't the first time the actor has stepped into the shoes of a US president, following his iconic role in "Air Force One" (1997).

When asked what quality causes directors to cast him as the leader of the free world, he can't help but laugh. "Oh yes, that has definitely happened before," he told Israel Hayom. "I don't know if anyone ever really looked at me and said 'he needs to play the president,' but I think they said something like 'he can play the president.' Because we've seen throughout history there's a wide range of presidents, all kinds of people have sat behind the US leader's desk, and some were considered good presidents and some were judged poorly."

"This isn't a movie about a good or bad president, but in this film the president is part of the story. This isn't an instruction manual for the current president. It's simply a story about a group of people in tight suits who can fly, as part of the wonderful imagination that the Marvel Cinematic Universe provides. It's primarily an escape from reality."

Many thought that the fact Ford plays both the American president and the Red Hulk in "Brave New World" hints at a comparison between him and the recently re-elected Donald Trump, as part of the filmmakers' critique of where America is heading. But Ford denies this. "There's no truth to that. Nothing. Zero. It's a movie," he emphasized. "The idea that this character is connected to reality is incorrect. It's entertainment, and it's not based on any current political reality."

Q: Have you ever received offers to play a superhero throughout your long career?

"I've never been offered a flying suit or superpowers. I guess I'm only qualified to play the president, without powers. This is definitely a different situation for me, acting in a Marvel movie. I wanted to be part of a film intended for a different type of audience than I've ever had the opportunity to address before and tell a story to. I saw how successful these films are and how much Marvel Cinematic Universe fans enjoy them, and I thought to myself that this would be an interesting thing to explore. I was offered a role that sparked my imagination and it was a great pleasure."

An incredible opportunity

Anthony Mackie, the new Captain, also jumped at the chance to lead a film from one of Hollywood's strongest movie brands for the first time. Especially with one of his most admired actors by his side. "It's an incredible opportunity, not just because of race, but also because of Captain America's characteristics," he said. "He represents the good in all of us, human decency and loyalty. So carrying this character's shield has a lot of meaning for me, it's a great honor."

Q: And you couldn't pass up the opportunity to act alongside a legendary actor.

"We acted together many years ago in a film called 'Hollywood Homicide' that Harrison probably won't talk about. When I met Julius [Onah, the film's director] we put together a list of actors who could act in this film, and Harrison was on it. It was an incredible opportunity to work alongside such an icon, an actor with 50 years of experience. Harrison is a man of few words, but when he speaks it has meaning. He gave advice on set and contributed with his presence."

The post Harrison Ford on Marvel role: It's not based on current political reality appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Daniel Birnbaum, the former CEO of SodaStream, has unveiled a controversial proposal to offer substantial financial incentives to Palestinians who assist in returning Israeli hostages held in Gaza. In an interview with Israel Hayom, Birnbaum elaborated on the reasoning behind his plan and expressed optimism that it could facilitate the release of captives.

"I've spent an entire year searching for a way to help the hostages' families and the country," Birnbaum said. He explained that following the elimination of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, he had an "epiphany" after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's statement about granting safe passage and immunity to those who return hostages. "It was a new approach, but he missed the third element – the reward," Birnbaum noted. "Once you include the third element, the hope for a better life and not just survival, it becomes an offer that's much harder to decline."

Birnbaum acknowledges the complexities inherent in such a proposal. "The challenge lies in the execution: How to provide the money without endangering lives," he said, stressing that it would have been preferable if such an offer originated from the government or an American entity. "I want to avoid a repeat of the tragedy where six hostages were killed, and I imagine the captors are already exhausted and hungry," Birnbaum added. "We need to act now, not wait. This is an opportunity to circumvent Sinwar."

Addressing the reactions to his initiative, Birnbaum said, "I've received various responses, including accusations of being a populist and endangering hostages by potentially sparking clan wars over money. My response is – haven't the hostages been at risk all along?"

He revealed that he only announced the plan after extensive consultations. "Before going public, I consulted with over 20 senior officials, including former Shin Bet members. I concluded that now is the time for action." He emphasizes that the immediate step is to convey the message to those in the tunnels. "They don't have access to Israeli news or phones. The way to reach the tunnels is through leaflets, which need to be distributed by the army," Birnbaum explained. "I believe the government wants the hostages back, and it's not just about motivation but also about effective communication."

Q: Have you received responses from Palestinian sources as well?

"I've received over 100 messages on my phone, some in English and some in Arabic. I have a team currently sifting through them. I forward potentially relevant messages to the security officials." He also mentioned that some messages include images of Sinwar with a weapon, inappropriate content, and occasionally genuine inquiries about participants' safety. "Some messages ask how they can be assured of their safety, which gives me the impression they might be authentic. I pass everything to the security system, hoping they'll follow up appropriately."

"An alternative path for Hamas members and their families"

Birnbaum also discussed the challenges in negotiating with Hamas, saying, "Negotiating with Mohammed Sinwar [the brother of Yahya] is futile. For Gilad Schalit, 1,027 security prisoners were released. In my view, we don't have enough security prisoners to meet their likely demands." This perspective perhaps fuels Birnbaum's optimism about his initiative. "This situation may have created an unofficial civilian channel to Hamas. With all due respect to the Shin Bet's work, this could offer an alternative route for a Hamas member whose family is suffering from hunger and injuries."

"Based on the messages I'm receiving, there seems to be a new line of communication that didn't exist before. I'm willing to hand over my phone to the security system. Out of the multitude of messages, one or two might have potential. It won't be straightforward, as each hostage is guarded by several people. I received a message where someone wrote 'I'm deleting this so it won't be seen.' It makes you wonder if it could be a trap to lure IDF soldiers."

Q: Do you believe the state should have made such an offer?

"It's a dynamic situation. There are numerous reasons not to pursue this course of action. However, after more than a year, we must be open to new approaches. We can't keep repeating yesterday's strategies tomorrow."

"Given the current chaos and fear, this presents an opportunity. There's no one to negotiate with directly, so we should explore alternatives. The state has already implemented two-thirds of what the prime minister proposed, so I suggest we add the financial incentive. Let's give them a chance to make a decision, which could be influenced by family pressure. Their families might advocate for accepting this offer to avoid further loss of life. We have many hostages, and each one represents an entire world. My hope is that this effort will leave me impoverished. I'm willing to become destitute for this cause. People are offering to contribute financially, but that's not the point. What's crucial is that this offer reaches those in the tunnels and that they find it credible."

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As we began our Zoom call, John Spencer made a statement that should resonate globally. "Everything that the world has heard about Gaza has actually been counterfactual. It has been wrong. What Israel has done to protect civilians, and despite what Hamas has wanted, has been an amazing achievement that I didn't even, personally as an urban warfare scholar, think was possible."

Major John Spencer speaks from extensive experience. After a long combat career in the US Army, including two tours in Iraq as both soldier and commander, Spencer emerged as one of the world's foremost experts in urban warfare. Many consider him the top authority in the field.

Currently, he leads the Urban Warfare Studies at West Point, the US Military Academy, regularly advising top brass in the US military and other armies. Spencer also co-founded the "International Working Group on Subterranean Warfare" and has authored three books in these fields.

This week, he visits Israel for the annual Shabtai Shavit International Conference between 6-7 of Oct., organized by the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT) at Reichman University. Among the speakers is Dr. Daphne Richmond-Barak, another subterranean warfare expert, who warns about Hezbollah's capabilities in this domain. This marks Spencer's fourth visit to Israel since the war's onset. During his previous three visits, the IDF facilitated his entry into the Gaza Strip. What he witnessed there left a strong impression.

The war Israel has waged since Oct. 7 defies comparison to any previous military conflict. "I wrote an article explaining that it's like comparing apples to oranges," Spencer said. The IDF's achievements in Gaza, and the series of blows against Hamas in recent weeks, led Spencer to conclude that, as in the past, Israel has once again demonstrated resilience and recovered from a devastating initial attack.

"Israel has once again proven that when attacked, it can achieve the impossible. Its actions in Gaza since Oct. 7, despite Hamas' 15 years of fortification and preparation, 385 miles of tunnels, a strategy of human shields, the hostage crisis, and simultaneous attacks from Hezbollah, Iran, and the Houthis – are unprecedented. No other army in the world has done this, and I believe none is capable of it. Some might interpret this as Israeli weakness. As a military analyst, I see it as a testament to Israel's unique capabilities."

He adds, "I acknowledge Hamas' planning for Oct. 7, likely supported by another state. But the attack wasn't worse only because the Israelis have been fighting back ever since."

"They only respond to force"

We'll return to comparisons later. As we speak on Sunday evening, Israel is already engaged in an operation to dismantle Hezbollah's missile arrays. Spencer is impressed but cautions that a war in Lebanon would differ significantly from Gaza.

Q: How do you assess the IDF's performance in Lebanon at this juncture?

"Until a week ago, the thousands of rockets fired by Hezbollah signaled a failure of Israeli deterrence. In the past week, with the pager attack [attributed to Israel] and the strike on Hezbollah's leadership, we're seeing Israel clearly say 'enough'. The north has been evacuated for 11 months. 80,000 Israelis, as you know better than I do, can't return home. This situation can't persist. So we're witnessing Israel, particularly through its air force, rebuilding the necessary deterrence to achieve de-escalation and compel Hezbollah to cease fire. Israel and the international community have exhausted diplomatic channels, but sometimes terrorists only respond to force."

Q: Will this use of force bring Hezbollah to halt its attacks? They're currently saying, "Despite your strikes, we'll continue fighting."

"Positive. I view Hezbollah as a rational actor, a prized asset of the Iranian regime that doesn't act without Tehran's approval. They want to survive, and Israel is sending clear messages: 'Stop or face destruction'. Tactically and operationally, it would be challenging for Israel to follow through, but deterrence works when you have both capability and demonstrated will. Until now, Hezbollah and Iran doubted Israel's resolve to destroy Hezbollah. They sought to maintain their strategic assets while testing Israel's limits.

"But we're seeing a shift. Israel is demonstrating not just capability, but willingness to act. This week's attacks present Hezbollah with a stark choice about their survival. Of course, a ground invasion to push Hezbollah back would come at a cost. But Israel is showing it's prepared to pay that price if necessary."

Q: Should Israel explicitly threaten to destroy Hezbollah, as it did with Hamas? We haven't heard such a statement regarding Hezbollah.

 "That's a good point. Israel needs to signal its readiness without explicit statements. An outright threat could prompt Iran to escalate its involvement and directly attack Israel. You're right – it's a delicate geopolitical balance where words carry significant weight."

Q: Is a ground offensive in Lebanon necessary to achieve Israel's objectives? 

"Not necessarily. Hezbollah could decide to cease attacks tomorrow. A ground operation would be challenging, and its necessity depends on how political leaders define the military objectives. Southern Lebanon presents formidable military challenges. It's known as 'the land of tunnels'. We must consider the military hurdles, Hezbollah's size, and the Radwan forces. But there are also key differences. We shouldn't expect Lebanon to mirror Gaza – it's an entirely different operational environment."

Q: Do you believe an eventual agreement between Israel and Hezbollah is necessary?

 "Absolutely. An agreement is crucial. We could revisit the previous framework, like UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which wasn't effectively enforced. But for any agreement to work, Hezbollah must not only cease attacks, but Nasrallah – whose lengthy speeches I've endured – needs to publicly declare an end to hostilities."

Q: The thing is, an agreement seems unlikely in the near term. Nasrallah appears intent on drawing us into a protracted conflict, as he's been doing for nearly a year. What military options does Israel have to compel a ceasefire?

"In my opinion, these terrorists only respond to force, which is precisely what Israel is demonstrating. As for additional measures, it's challenging to speculate. I couldn't have anticipated the strikes on communication devices [which Israel hasn't claimed responsibility for], or the attack on Hezbollah's leadership. Israel could potentially continue targeting Hezbollah's leadership until they conclude, 'We've sufficiently tested Israel's resolve. We've served Iran's Islamic regime's grand strategy adequately. It's time to seek a settlement.' But I can't prescribe specific actions for Israel because Hezbollah won't run out of rockets or fighters. However, your adversaries might exhaust their will to continue incurring losses. Ultimately, the decision lies not with Hezbollah but with Iran's regime. They'll determine how much of Hezbollah can be sacrificed before deciding, 'We've inflicted enough damage and can now stop'."

Q: How would you assess the damage Hezbollah has sustained from Israel's actions so far?

 "Military strength isn't just about numbers or troop count. They can promote existing commanders to replace casualties. There's a qualitative aspect to well-trained leadership, and some of those eliminated had decades of experience. The pager operation represents a historically catastrophic blow to a terrorist organization. It's not just about physical damage or casualty figures – the psychological impact is profound. Targeting communication devices – pagers, radios, cell phones – it's psychologically exhausting.

"From a military history perspective, Hezbollah has suffered massive damage in the past week. This was a devastatingly effective operation, perhaps more so than any previous action by Israel or others against the organization. While they may project resilience, an objective analysis reveals catastrophic damage. However, they remain highly dangerous and are striving to maintain their capabilities."

Regional implications

Oct. 7 dealt a severe blow to Israeli deterrence, a cornerstone of regional stability that had kept both adversaries and allies in check across the Middle East for decades.

Q: Has Israel's recent actions, including the alleged pager attack, restored this deterrent image?

 "Oct. 7 was catastrophic for Israel's regional security perception, reflecting accumulated threats and global miscalculations about the hierarchy of threats, including existential ones to Israel. But Oct. 7 has been transformative – for Israel, the Middle East, and hopefully, the world. The Iranian regime's grand strategy aims to destroy Israel, and then target the US, using proxy armies. The approach to these terrorist proxies was misguided, not just by Israel but globally. Israel's security paradigm, internal defenses, military size, technological reliance, and assumptions about Hamas' true intentions – all proved problematic. Yet, as in past crises, Israel has demonstrated its ability to achieve the seemingly impossible when attacked. Moreover, Israel's allies have shown it doesn't stand alone. As an American, I take pride in US military efforts to intercept Iranian rockets, missiles, and drones, with support from Arab nations like Saudi Arabia and Jordan.

"Personally, I'm disheartened by the global disinformation campaign against Israel. It exploits very old antisemitic beliefs about Israel and its actions. But I think Israel has also demonstrated its strength through this – not just to the US, but to many regional allies. You've had to navigate an incredibly complex strategic environment, unparalleled outside of Israel. Israel must fight these existential wars, yet still finds a way to achieve the unthinkable. I believe that's what we've witnessed since Oct. 7. Oct. 6 can never recur in any domain."

Q: Do you think our region shares this view? In other words, do the countries that have made peace with us, and even those that haven't, believe Israel has restored its deterrence?

"That's a crucial question. Whether we're talking about proxy terrorist armies or the Islamic regime itself – I believe Israel's strength has been proven. I think Hamas and Hezbollah expected to inflict much more damage, but Israel's power has been displayed to the world. The question is whether the Islamic regime in Iran will change its approach."

Q: That's precisely the question. In Tehran's eyes, do you think Israel appears stronger or weaker than on Oct. 6?

"I believe they think they struck Israel when it was vulnerable, causing multi-year damage in many areas that Israel will need to recover from. But this also exposed Israel's strengths. They had one opportunity. It revealed Israel's weaknesses, but also the truth – that the US doesn't abandon Israel under direct attack from the Islamic regime, and the fact that someone eliminated a very important terrorist under the Islamic regime's protection [Ismail Haniyeh]. So all these are signals of strength. Not absolute power. I don't think the Iranians will abandon their strategy to destroy Israel, but they'll need to recalculate their approach now that their 'hands' have been exposed. So they'll be more cautious about Israel's strength now, but they still believe they can achieve their long-term goal."

Q: Let's return to Lebanon. What does international law permit our soldiers to do in southern Lebanon?

"Well, under international law, especially Article 51 of the UN Charter, Israel can do what's necessary to defend itself against attack. There's a significant difference from Gaza, as in Lebanon there's a place where civilians can be safely evacuated. In Gaza, due to Egypt, civilians had no exit point from the combat zone. In Lebanon, it's different. So soldiers can operate within all the laws of war, proportionality, necessity, to do what's needed to remove the threat that has persisted for 11 months."

The world remains hypocritical

"The international courts, the ICC and the ICJ, risk making their own true objectives very irrelevant in the international community," Spencer said. "The reason is that both cases against Israel, especially in the International Criminal Court (ICC), lack foundation. They're not based on any evidence – not on field investigations, nor complementary investigations. These are cases based on accusations and statements, usually relying on what we call 'outcome-based analysis'. That's not how the laws of war work."

Q: Please explain.

"The investigation shouldn't examine the results of military action, but rather the decisions that a military commander or leader makes in real-time, based on military necessity, or the measures taken to evacuate civilians from the area. An investigation can't be based on numbers, certainly not on numbers and statistics from a terrorist organization, which are inaccurate. These institutions were established for genuine humanitarian goals so that individuals and nations would comply with international law, as Israel does. But they're becoming irrelevant and undermining their own real legitimacy because they're deviating from the purposes for which they were established. They shouldn't have allowed these cases to proceed at all. Everyone can have their own opinions about the number of civilians killed in Gaza, but not their own facts. This shows they're a political organization. Therefore, the fact is they're becoming less relevant. That's my opinion."

Q: Their main claim, and that of others against Israel, is the allegedly high number of civilian or non-combatant casualties. They compare the war in Gaza to Mosul, for example. 

 "There's actually no comparison. I wrote an article about that showing that that's apples to oranges. Yes, the Battle of Mosul 2016 against ISIS was a really big, the biggest battle since World War II, because just 3000 ISIS fighters were able to hold a city for two years and prepare it for battle, whereas in Gaza, Hamas had two decades almost to prepare every inch of Gaza for war, to have the 400 miles of tunnels, to weaponize the laws of war and what's called lawfare. There actually is no comparison, especially when they try to compare a single battle to a war. There are 10 battles of Mosul in Gaza. There are two Stalingrads there. There's just no comparison at the scale or the intensity or the preparedness of the urban defender, which means that it's going to take a lot to get to the urban defender who has built his entire cities for the sole purpose of war, the underground networks, the caches, and buildings. I can't find a historical example."

Q: So what would you say to an ambassador who told me that the destruction in Gaza is worse than in Dresden in 1945?

"Tell him to do his homework. The fact is that we dropped three or four times more on Iraq in 40 days than was dropped on Dresden. The number of civilian casualties in Dresden wasn't known for years, so it's just a foolish comparison, devoid of context. There were no hostages there, no requirement to enter Dresden on the ground, the objectives of that operation were different, and certainly the damage is not greater. So these are essentially more lies – damned lies."

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"We have three objectives: returning the hostages, dismantling Hamas, and safely bringing back the residents of the north. This remains our focus, despite the current media attention on the northern front," says Brig. Gen. Amichai Levin, commander of Hatzerim Air Force Base, in a joint interview with Lt Col M., commander of the 69th Squadron, following the elimination of Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah.

Levin has only been in command of Hatzerim Base for about two weeks, but previously served as head of the Attack Department at Air Force Headquarters, the division responsible for operational planning in the northern arena. "I was involved in most of the planning," he notes.

"The base, the squadron, and the entire Israeli Air Force continue to operate intensively and significantly in Gaza, but we've reached a strategic point where it became necessary to separate the northern front from the Gaza arena to achieve all our objectives. If we want to return residents to the northern border, the separation between the fronts is critical, to dismantle Hamas and create conditions for the return of the hostages.

"Yesterday, we carried out a historic operation with deep strategic importance that extends beyond Lebanon's borders. Nasrallah's elimination will have a profound impact that will change the Middle East and bring us closer to achieving our war objectives. It was a very complex operation planned for a long time; I was involved in several versions of it in my previous role as well."

Levin describes the operation as "exceptional cooperation between Military Intelligence Directorate and the Israeli Air Force. Intelligence and the air force bring unimaginable capabilities to the table."

"Beyond the technical aspect, the operation expresses initiative, audacity, determination, and offensiveness that were lacking before October 7, and this is our most important lesson from it. We need to act proactively and offensively against all those who wish us harm, and there's no shortage of them. The mission is not over; they continue to fire from the north, the hostages are in Gaza, and we haven't marked the root treatment of Hamas in the south. We remain focused, with humility and diligence, on the threats. Just last night, the squadron and the Israeli Air Force continued to operate powerfully until we complete the missions."

Lt Col M, 37, has been commanding the 69th Squadron, which carried out the elimination, for several months. He took command in the middle of the war after commanding an F-15 squadron at Tel Nof Base. Lt Col M.'s family is from the north, and his wife is from a kibbutz on the border fence. Her family has been evacuated and is staying with the lieutenant colonel.

"The squadron has been operating in war for about a year now, in all sectors, and in the last week has been attacking and defending significantly in the northern arena," he recounts.

"Three hugs after landing: for the navigator, the technical officer, and my wife" Lt Col M describes how the squadron prepared for the elimination operation in recent days, alongside the alertness during the days until the opportunity arose. "The preparation process – it started with a technological process, taking the planes, arming them. It involves a lot of forces and significant firepower. Many people in the base and squadron's technical array were under the wings and sweating, as they have been throughout the war."

"The second process was preparing the operational crews - planning, briefing, thinking about cases and responses. On a mental level, people understood that they were going into a significant operation where they needed to be very precise because this was a very rare opportunity and we needed to succeed, to be 100% ready. There was a wide range of crews that flew, from crews that finished their training only a year ago, the number 2s were young guys, there were both regular service and reserve personnel, the oldest of them in their 50s, with rich experience."

"The formation that flew was diverse, young and experienced," he recounts. "I and a reservist led the operation. Everything we planned went out accurately, without hitches – not in the intelligence planning aspect, not in the planes, and not in the execution itself. A huge sense of pride as a squadron commander, everything went smoothly. We prepared ourselves for cases and responses, but in practice, we didn't use them this time. We went out to attack massively, in the heart of Beirut, in Dahiyah, we knew who we were going to eliminate."

"Three hugs after the landings: when we land, you hug the crews because you realize you've done something big, historic, and once in a lifetime. My navigator, who is a reservist, over 40. The second hug to my technical officer, who and his people armed the planes. He's from the north, his uncle was killed by Hezbollah in 2007. And the third hug – I returned home and met my wife, her family evacuated from the kibbutz. We didn't talk much, but they understood very well where I came back from. And then we went straight back to work to carry out operational missions, without stopping, and mainly to wait. Just as there was quality intelligence pre-operation, to wait to confirm that the mission was completed."

"The main operational challenge in elimination operations is first and foremost accurate intelligence," adds Levin. "All the intelligence agencies of the IDF and the defense establishment are working to bring accurate intelligence. The second big challenge is to ensure that the object that needs to be eliminated, in this case, Hassan Nasrallah, and others, don't receive early warning and escape when the planes are on their way to execute or when the munitions are on their way to the target. We continue to refine this all the time, mainly through many young officers who give ideas on how to deceive our enemies so that the target remains stable during execution. The anti-aircraft array in Lebanon is very significant, and it's still a threat. In the months of the war, we've hit Hezbollah's air defense system, and even more so in Operation 'Northern Arrows'. Their residual capability has decreased significantly. It's still a significant focus in the air force."

Brig Gen Levin: "No missiles were fired at the planes during the execution, there was no risk to the planes in real-time." Lt Col M: "We've been preparing for this operation for several days, a compartmentalization process that we're slowly exposed to. At headquarters, they understand what the target is, the squadron is exposed a few days before execution. To maintain compartmentalization in case the operation is postponed – we work on the planning without knowing what the target is, we work on the conditions for execution, and a few hours before execution, we expose the crews to the operation, when we understand that there's approval to go out for the operation. A few hours before the operation, it causes people to understand mentally what they're going for, what the policy is, on what basis they're flying, what the risks are. We expose this at the right time because an operation like this can be postponed, information security is significant. Both before and after."

Brig Gen Levin: There's a wide range of tools that were operated in this operation, we won't refer to the technical details of the operation. But the execution and attack are carried out by Squadron 69 in full. In every Air Force operation, there are many circles of activity that are required to synchronize an aerial operational action - everything from prior intelligence gathering, rescue forces in case something goes wrong, intervention forces and air superiority in case there are aerial threats. Everything is synchronized at the Air Force's operational headquarters.

Brig Gen Levin: To achieve results, you need extraordinary intelligence knowledge, and you need to give credit to the entire intelligence community led by Military Intelligence. Precision and synchronization with a large amount of munition are required here to bring the achievement, and this is part of the challenges for the pilots in the operation. To bring such an amount of heavy munition in a wide scope with high synchronization without malfunctions is a badge of honor for the technical array of the Air Force. They are an integral part of the mission. Without them, our capability is such. This is the living spirit under the wings.

In response to a question about the protests against the government in 2023,  Levin says: "The 69th Squadron is strategic in the Israeli Air Force. Some of the most important missions that the Air Force carries out are placed on its shoulders. The warriors in the squadron are diverse, half of them are reserve fighters. Half of the participants in the operation are reserve fighters. Let none of them doubt their love for the State of Israel and their willingness to sacrifice their lives in missions near or far. This operation highlights this, but for 11 months already they've been on alert in the squadron, flying around the clock and will continue to do so for years to come.

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Israel's decisive defeat of Hamas in Gaza will facilitate regional peace with Saudi Arabia, whereas failure to achieve such a result is thwarting a deal, according to former US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman.

Friedman, who served under former President Donald Trump when the Abraham Accords were signed four years ago, told JNS that US pressure on Israel regarding the war was making the chances of regional peace more remote.

"Being a strong regional superpower that can manage its borders is what is admired in the Arab world," he said in an interview with JNS. "The Saudis want to see a strong Israel defeating [the two countries'] common enemies."

The Biden administration thought, he continued, "that by limiting Israel's ability to prosecute the war, they were preserving the opportunity for peace between Israel and Saudi Arabia; just the opposite. What makes the Arab world pay attention to Israel is Israel's strength against the enemies their countries face as well. If you reduce that strength, you reduce the prospect of normalization."

My second book, ONE JEWISH STATE, is available on September 3. Whether you are religious or secular, right or left, this book offers a common sense perspective that I hope will resonate. In the aftermath of October 7, all the relevant vectors — faith, national security, human… pic.twitter.com/AdJACCG4qW

— David M Friedman (@DavidM_Friedman) August 13, 2024

 The former ambassador, who conceded that no one could have imagined that the war against Hamas would drag on for nearly a year, downplayed assessments that terrorists carried out the Oct. 7 massacre to thwart an emerging deal with Saudi Arabia. "They did it because they could," he said. "Their motivation was hatred, with or without the Saudi initiative, and they did it because Israel let its guard down."

Friedman voiced pessimism regarding a hostage deal between Israel and Hamas, despite recent remarks by US President Joe Biden and top administration officials that a deal was close. "I am not optimistic that they will ever make a deal," he said.

A Second Term?

Friedman, who is based in the United States but travels to Israel several times a year for his "spiritual health," said the Oct. 7 attacks have made him want his old job back, should Trump be re-elected in November. "There is unfinished business and course correction after four years of the Biden administration," he said.

Friedman, a proponent of Israeli sovereignty over the biblical heartland of Judea and Samaria with local autonomy for Palestinians, said Israel needs to change the deeply entrenched international paradigm of a two-state solution, which he called "fitting a square peg in a round hole," by first changing its own mindset.

There must be a serious national discussion and consensus on the issue in Israel, he said, noting that it has been relegated to the Israeli far right, who he said have no credibility on the issue and don't speak for the mainstream public at large. "There is a vacuum on this issue … and leadership is not in place to make this happen," he said.

This article was first published by JNS.

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Fresh off his Olympic bronze medal victory in Paris, Israeli judo sensation Peter Paltchik is still riding high. The 32-year-old athlete, who carried the nation's flag at the opening ceremony, sat down with Israel Hayom for an exclusive interview, offering a candid look into his journey, the pressures of competing on the world stage, and the future of Israeli judo.

While Paltchik hasn't made a final decision about competing in the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics, many in his circle are encouraging him to continue. For now, the judoka plans to take some time off. He and his wife Danielle are expecting a child, after which he'll reassess whether he'll commit to another four-year Olympic cycle.

Q: How do you feel after your recent victory?

"Incredible. I've waited so long for this moment, my moment. I arrived at the Olympic Village relatively early, and I was concerned about managing the mental tension for such a long period. As soon as you enter the village, the volume is turned up high."

Q: Who supported you during this journey?

"My team was crucial, [coach] Oren Smadja's presence was invaluable. They all enveloped me with support, with a fixed and organized training schedule. I could focus on the small, daily tasks, keeping my mind occupied."

Q: How did you feel about carrying the flag at the opening ceremony?

"When I found out in Israel that I would be carrying the flag at the opening ceremony, I was moved to tears. It's one of the most emotional experiences I've had. It's a great honor to bear the flag, especially now, considering what we're going through as a nation. As a young athlete, I always looked up to the flag bearers, imagining myself in that role. It was a moment of pure joy, and the rain only intensified the experience. I carried that energy into the competition."

Q: Did you worry about the ceremony affecting your preparation?

"Many told me, 'You'll carry the flag, burn energy, it will impact your performance.' They primarily wanted me to compete and deliver on the mat."

Q: Did you imagine this outcome?

"Absolutely. Everything came together perfectly at these Olympics. I was the flag bearer, and the competition unfolded flawlessly. I gave my heart on the mat, and I'm glad it all came together as I wanted. Every competition morning, I close my eyes and hope for everything to align. When it does, good things happen to me."

Q: How did it feel to represent Israel during this challenging time?

"I imagined this day with a bronze medal on the podium, on the world's biggest stage, during the most difficult period in Israel's history. It's my greatest privilege to represent the country, and I'm glad I did so with honor and strength."

Q: How did these Games compare to Tokyo?

"These Games were on a scale I've never seen before, a real festival. The Israelis who traveled all the way from home, filling the stands – it was incredible. I felt like I was at the Tel Aviv Grand Slam. Every match gave me goosebumps, pushing me through tough moments, especially against the French competitor. I looked at the crowd and felt I had no right to give up."

Q: What was your most memorable moment from the competition?

"At the beginning of the day, against the Mongolian, I executed a perfect ippon – perhaps one of the most beautiful in my career. I looked at Oren and said, 'We've got this today.' I saw he believed it too, and that was all we needed."

Q: How important was Smadja's presence in Paris? As we know, his son recently fell in Gaza, and it was uncertain whether he would attend.

"It was the most important thing in the world. I knew in my heart it would happen. I know him, and he comes from a family of fighters. With his wife Liat and the children – it's not by chance he's here. It's symbolic. He rose to the occasion, and that says it all. He was with us for every match."

Q: What do you think this means for the future of judo in Israel?

"I hope more children will take up judo. Every medal and successful Olympics has the power to deepen the sport further. We saw what it did for gymnastics and taekwondo after the last Games. I hope people remember this historic moment when Israel won three medals in almost 24 hours, all from judo. There's no reason to cut funding; instead, we should invest more. Give our sport financial stability, and you'll see many more medals, both at the Olympics and from the younger generation looking up to us. We need a broad base."

Q: Are you considering competing in the Los Angeles 2028 Olympics?

"It's not easy, and it's hard for me to even think about it right now. I know what I've been through and what it takes to reach this moment. Qualification, battles, fights to win – I need to ask myself if I can continue another campaign."

Q: To whom do you dedicate this medal?

"To my wife, who's my private fighter, my queen who sacrifices so much. Also my family, including my parents and in-laws, as well as my grandparents. We're partners in this journey, and the medal is largely thanks to them."

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Andrey Kozlov, who was rescued by the IDF in Operation Arnon after being held in Hamas captivity feels fortunate to have survived his ordeal. Just over a month after the dramatic operation that also freed Noa Argamani, Shlomo Ziv, and Almog Meir Jan, he is calling on the public to take action so that other hostages can be as lucky as he was. "I'm certain there's only one way to bring them home. A deal. It's the safest way to save them," he says.

Kozlov, who immigrated to Israel two years ago, was abducted while working as a security guard at the Nova music festival near Kibbutz Re'im. He was held in harsh conditions, often receiving only pita bread and labneh (a kind of strained cheese) once a day, and was kept with his hands bound. Every day, the guards threatened him with death.

Despite this, throughout the interview, he did not express anger or bitterness about his eight difficult months in captivity. Instead, he implored the state not to forget the remaining hostages and not to rely on military operations. "Operations might bring back more hostages, but it could take 5 or 10 more years. We need a deal," he says simply. "I was lucky. I didn't have it as bad as others. There are hostages underground who are starving. They don't know what happened to their families, or if they'll be killed or not."

He will never forget the rescue. It began like any other day in captivity. He and two other hostages were reading books – something they had been allowed to do since April. "I heard pop-pop-pop. The captors always told us, 'If they come to rescue you, we'll kill you.'" Then the soldiers arrived, shouting, "What's your name, what's your name?" "One of them spoke to me in Russian and said, 'You'll be home tonight.' I couldn't believe it and asked, 'Wow, tonight?'"

But then the real drama began. "I saw that the terrorists who had been guarding us were dead. They told us 'Run' and then 'Put on a helmet,' 'Duck,' and so on – until we reached the helicopter. I thought they might fire an RPG or a grenade at us. Even though I was scared, it was the best day of my life."

When he reached the vehicle, he met more soldiers. "Arnon Zamora was already wounded in the car," he says sadly. "There were many soldiers who shook our hands and said, 'Friends, we love you, we're going home,' and 'In three minutes we'll reach the next stage, the helicopter.' That surprised me. I thought we'd just leave Gaza by car. They told us what was happening at every stage of the operation," he recounts. "When we got to the helicopter, I saw about 20 more soldiers. They were so happy they had succeeded. They offered us Coke. I started crying, but after a few minutes, I started laughing."

He pauses for a moment as he recalls the moment he realized the nightmare was over. "I'll never forget the view from the helicopter window as we moved away and the Gaza Strip was visible from the back of the helicopter. I waved goodbye, 'Bye Gaza,'" he says, demonstrating. "I still can't believe it."

He can't stop thanking the forces that rescued him. "I'm very grateful to them for everything they did for me. I have no words to describe my feelings. I'm very thankful that they gave me a chance to live my life."

"The terrorist forced us into the car"

The moment of his abduction was no less dramatic. He had arrived on October 5 to help organize the Nova music festival. "I never imagined that after 40 hours all this would happen," he says. Between Friday and Saturday, he tried to sleep but didn't really succeed. In the morning, he woke up to the sound of rocket barrages. "We didn't understand what was happening. They told me, 'Don't worry, the army will come.'"

When he saw the festival-goers trying to leave, he noticed something was wrong. "The cars weren't moving. I realized they had fired RPG grenades at the cars, causing a traffic jam. One person came back from the jam holding an injured woman, and then after 10 minutes, hundreds of people ran into the bushes. I ran to a potato field. I saw a car with terrorists shooting and changed direction. I yelled at other cars, 'Take me.' I got in and we tried to escape, but we were surrounded."

He recounts the moments of his capture: "At one point, I hid near large containers. I saw people outside and told them to run. I decided to move when the terrorists arrived quickly, and I ran in a direction where there was no noise. People were covering their heads there. I understood from them that they had simply accepted that they would die. A person running with me disappeared, probably shot and killed. And then someone called me, 'Come here,' I was sure he was a soldier.

"The terrorist forced us into the car. The two of us were in the car with the terrorist. I noticed we were moving towards Gaza. We saw many bad people on the way, like savages. A really scary sight. The driver took us to a house where they tied our hands behind our backs. I said I was Russian and didn't understand Hebrew, but they yelled at me to shut up."

Q: Did they try to harm you when you arrived?

"They tied our hands behind our backs for two hours. After two hours, they also brought Almog. We changed locations seven times."

"There were nights when there were bombings just 50 meters from us"

When asked about his routine in captivity, he says: "There were about 30 guards. Some were good and some were bad. Some played cards and joked around, and some were really scary. Sometimes in the mornings, they would pretend to shoot us with a Kalashnikov. It was a regular joke. They told me, 'Tomorrow I'll kill you, just wait.' They told us not to talk and made a quiet sign with their finger."

Q: What was the hardest part?

"Between mid-November and mid-December, they put us in a half-finished building. They locked us up the whole month and brought food only once a day. We heard a lot of bombings. There were nights when there were bombings just 50 meters (160 feet) from us."

He says his captors made sure to tell them that Israel was not interested in returning them. "Many times they told us that Israel would kill us because we were a problem for them. They showed us that there were protests against the government and told us that the government didn't care about us." Still, hope remained in him. "I admit that I never lost hope even once. I didn't think about farewell messages to my family. We were sure we would be released after months or a year or two."

Q: What do you have to say to Hamas?

"I only have one thing to say. Hamas gave me the worst days of my life. That's all."

Q: Will you stay in Israel after everything you've been through?

"I sweat every day, but the weather is perfect, especially compared to Russia," he answers without hesitation.

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The following is another excerpt from an interview with Donald Trump. To read the full interview (including this excerpt) click here. 

During an exclusive interview with Israel Hayom, President Donald Trump made sure to mention his record on Israel while president during the interview. "I was the best president in the history of Israel. But there's never been a president and mostly anybody whether it's a president, nobody did for Israel what I did for Israel, including defense, including billions and billions of dollars a year $4 billion a year for years, when other people wanted to cut it off. But I will say that Israel's in trouble right now it's in trouble. It's a very troubled place. An attack happened that should have never been allowed to happen, both from the Israeli standpoint and from the United States standpoint. If they respected our president, which they don't, they have no respect for him whatsoever. That's why it wouldn't have happened with me. But I say just be strong. Be smart. And let's get this over with and when it's over with, you're going to be back to having a great life."

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He added that he wished Israel could move beyond the tragedy of Oct. 7.

"Look, I know Israel, very well. Spent a lot of time there. And I have a lot of friends there. tremendous number of friends here. They're incredible people. It's an incredible place. You have to finish up what you want this through. We gotta get back to having that country again. The way it was so sad that this could have happened. The date of October 7 is gonna go down...and it bothers me so much when I see people, they don't talk about the October 7 thing. They talk about how aggressive Israel is. It's amazing that they're not talking about October 7. They don't want to talk about it, when I talk about it, people don't want to hear about it."

Q: Why don't they want to hear about it? 

"You have a lot of a lot of people on the outside that are not friendly to Israel, and they're never going to be friendly to Israel. And you have to be very careful. You're in a very treacherous neighborhood that's a little on the dangerous side, but they're in a very dangerous neighborhood. And with Iran getting a nuclear weapon, once they have a nuclear weapon, you'll be speaking to them a lot differently than you speaking right now. They would have never had a nuclear weapon with me."

Video: The interview with Former US President Donald Trump

Q: They will not have a nuclear bomb if you are president? 

"They will never have a nuclear weapon no. They can have a nuclear weapon in 35 days. I have seven months to go, and nine months to take office. A lot of bad things can happen in that period. That's a lot. That's like an eternity. Seven months in this world, and especially in the Middle East, where it's so and so combative, and so combustible, that's a long period of time, so many bad things can happen. And also, so many good things can happen. If we had a real president, if we had a president that knew what he was doing, who could put two sentences together, that could get solved very quickly."

The full interview will be published in the coming days.

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The post Trump to Israel Hayom: I was the best president in Israel's history appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Tom Nides will take off from Israel in several weeks for the final time as the US ambassador. He announced his departure several months ago. He simply missed his family too much; he has a Jewish heart beating inside him.

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Despite the US-Israel friction as of late, Nides believes his short tenure was a success. He spoke with Israel Hayom this week to talk about his experience.

Video: Archives

"I can't grade myself, because that would be self-serving. But I think I've done a pretty good job. I was told by the president that we have an unbreakable bond with Israel, 'don't break it on your watch.' So I've got two weeks left, I don't think I've broken it yet. So I think I'm okay. I've articulated the vision of the importance of the bilateral relationship, it's really important to us. I have worked on a whole variety of issues that at this time, beyond the security issues, which is number one, in my view, to try to improve the security, as well as working with three prime ministers in two years. And I think I've been, you know, pretty successful working with all of them. In a time where it ain't easy. Naftali Bennett was the prime minister when I got here. I then worked with Yair Lapid and now I'm working with Netanyahu, I have worked with three Defense Ministers. I've worked with multiple foreign ministers. And I think generally, most people would say I get along with people pretty well. I care about this relationship. I don't always agree. But I don't usually say it in a negative way, or, or an aggravated way. I try to do it in a relatively pleasant way. But it's a huge honor. This job is a huge honor, the American ambassador to Israel."

Q: I want to challenge what you said in the beginning about whether this bond is broken or not. It's been seven months since the new government was sworn in but the prime minister has yet to receive an invitation. When it comes to Iran, there are big differences because you want to push toward those understandings. When it comes to West Bank, Palestinians, we have condemnations every day. And when it comes to Saudi Arabia,  there is still no breakthrough. And it appears that China is on the rise while the US is getting weaker. So perhaps the US-Israel relations have not been broken but challenged? 

"No. I totally disagree...every relationship has its ups and downs. It's positive, negative. Listen, the reality of this is the relationship with the United States in Israel is rock solid."

The devil is in the details 

Nides, 62,  had a career in business and politics before becoming an ambassador. He is married to Virginia Carpenter Moseley, who works at CNN as executive vice president of editorial for the network's US operation. The couple has two children, and they are very close to the Democratic establishment, including President Barack Obama and the current White House occupant.

"This has been an unbelievable experience for me. How lucky I am. A little Jewish kid from Minnesota is the ambassador, the most important ally to the State of Israel. Pretty cool. Pretty cool, right? I only wish my parents were allowed to see it," he said in the interview. 

Nides was tapped by the Biden administration at the end of 2021 to serve as the ambassador to Israel. For the first several months he lived at a hotel in Jerusalem until a residence was found on Emek Refaim in Jerusalem, making him the first US ambassador to live in the city. The US Embassy Act, which requires the relocation of the embassy to Jerusalem, also stipulates that the ambassador lives in the capital, making him the first to fully implement that part.  The rented home is very different than what US ambassadors normally enjoy, and worlds apart from the estate that the US had in Herzliyyah for the ambassador's residence until was sold. "I live better than 99% of people do. At some point, we will build an embassy. and build an appropriate residence for the ambassador."

Q: Where do things stand regarding a permanent US Embassy building? You and your predecessor have talked about it for years.

"We have two sites, right one here. It's coming to head. Months, months, not years. I pushed hard to get this done. I want to get done on my watch."

One of the most anticipated things for Israelis is the Visa Waiver Program, which Israel could become a member of as early as September, Nides explains that there is still no certainty.

"This is complicated. I mean, I hope it happens. I think the government has done what it needed to do to pass legislation, as lots of things that need to get done. You know, at the end of the day, some point in July, hopefully, there'll be a pilot to see how it works [regarding the entry of Palestinian-Americans to Israel].

"The pilot will be for the policy and Americans been able to see they come back and forced to you know, it's complicated. And then by the end of August or early September, the secretary of state and the head of the Department of Homeland Security have to approve it. So I'm hoping I'm not gonna be here, but I'm hoping that it gets done. There's no guarantee okay, there's no guarantee."

Q: Do you know or see any problems that might derail it?

"The devil is in the details we have a memorandum of understanding, it is a massive project. And so I don't know, I think I think it should be okay. But like anything, I'm not going to over-commit and under-deliver. I have worked for almost two years on this since the day I got here."

Could the differences between Israel and the US on settlements and other matters impact it? 

I hope not.

Q; You hope but you are not sure?

"I mean, this is what I like to do what I like to tell people: This is for the Israeli people. We do the visa waiver for the Israeli people. It's not for Prime Minister Netanyahu. It was started under Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, and then with Prime Minister Yair Lapid, and then it was Netanyahu. This is not like we are giving a gift to Netanyahu. I mean, yes, he's the prime minister, but this is for the Israeli people."

Q: So why not take any possible linkage off the table?

"I think this will be done on its merits. You know that they [Israelis] qualify, or they don't qualify, either they fulfill the obligations or do not fulfill the obligations. That's the facts. This is a legal thing. This is not politics. We can't use politics. Either the Israelis have fulfilled the obligations of the MOU, or they haven't."

Between Iran and Saudi Arabia

Nides is convinced that he is leaving behind a US-Israel relationship that is on a sound footing.

"Let's step back. Again. Joe Biden came here in July of last year. Got up onto the podium, he looked into the cameras, and said the following thing: ' You don't have to be a Jew to be a Zionist.' He has it in his kishke (Yiddish for gut) because he cares deeply about their relationship. He not only worked with Prime Minister Bennett and Lapid but he's also known Netanyahu for 40 years. The reality of this is that the relationship of the United States with Israel is rock solid. Let's take the security issue. I think that's very important. One of my biggest surprises is how close our defense department is to the IDF and how close are your intelligence agencies Shin Bet and  Mossad are to our CIA? I knew it intellectually. I had no idea in practicality."

Q: Can you give me an example?

"Everyone assumes is this United States doing things for Israel? That's just not true. Yes, we do a lot for Israel. Israel does a lot for the United States in this region, constantly giving us intelligence, constantly helping us toward threats in the Middle East. We're constantly asking Israel for assistance. So this relationship on security is rock solid. And I feel this is just unbelievable...I think the prime minister would say the current prime minister and Lapid and Bennett would say there has been complete transparency with the Israelis vis-a-vis Iran. Joe Biden has been crystal clear. He said he was here. Tony Blinken said was here, Jake Sullivan said it was here that we were not gonna allow Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon."

Q: But the US chairman of the joint chiefs of staff said that you wouldn't let Iran field nuclear weapons. Which is something very different. 

"He corrected himself. I think. The president speaks for the government. The president I had said he was not going to stand by and let Iran get a nuclear weapon.  Last time I checked we did one of the biggest military operations or exercises in the history of the Middle East, a couple of months ago. There have been some rumors that equipments have been moved into the region. There's constant conversation CENTCOM now has Israel. Not only is America engaged in the Middle East, we're a massive player in the Middle East.

Q: I am not sure this is the impression in the region. We see Saudi Arabia getting closer to China. As are other countries. 

"The issue around Saudi Arabia, listen, at the end of the day, if there's possible normalization with Saudi Arabia, it's going to come through Washington. And who knows, ultimately, what will happen. But Joe Biden is leaning into that. Did you notice that weeks ago the Secretary of State was in Saudi Arabia, and Jake Sullivan was in Saudi Arabia and all of our team? Again, the US relationship in the Middle East is as strong as ever. And there's a reason why all these countries want a relationship with the US because we're important.

Q: What about a meeting with Biden? We are seven months into Netanyahu's term, but he has yet to have received an invitation.

"It will happen at some point, there's no question about it. When does it happen? I have no idea... The reality is, the president will make a decision, the prime minister will make a decision, on when they'll get together. They know each other."

"Again, President Isaac Herzog, the president of your country is coming in July to speak to a joint meeting of Congress, and he'll meet the president for the 75th anniversary [of Israel's founding]."

Q: So the president will have met Herzog twice within 12 months, but not even once with the old-new prime minister?

"President Biden has probably met with Bibi Netanyahu about 30 times. So I'm not worried about their relationship. I'm not. I mean, there will be a meeting, they will meet in the White House. There'll be a beautiful meeting. It'd be a beautiful conversation. I'm not worried about that. But listen, as you all know, Israel is going through a lot of consternation right now. Judicial reform, and other things. Ultimately, I think everyone wants things to settle down a little bit so the visit doesn't turn into a big, you know, rap about the current events, and we can focus on the big things. One thing that Netanyahu has said over and over again, he wants to focus on the big things. Iran, normalization with Saudi Arabia. That's what he wants to do. All this other stuff is, in my humble view, a distraction. He has his hands on the wheel, as he's told me millions of times, and he wants to focus on big things, and that's what he should be focused on. And that's what we want to focus on.

Q: Netanyahu is expected to visit China and possibly meet President Xi Jinping before meeting President Joe Biden. What is your reaction? 

"We don't tell leaders who they can and can't be with. He's a democratic leader. If he wants to go meet with President Xi, he can go meet with President Xi or not, we're not telling people who they should not meet with."

Slowing down the nuclear program

Have Iran and the US reached understandings over the nuclear program?

"There are no understandings. This is completely blown out of proportion. We've said this over and over again, there is no deal on the table. There is no less-for-less deal. It doesn't exist. I mean, would there be at some point, something that we can grab onto? Who knows? But there's nothing. You're not going to wake up tomorrow and read about it. By the way, Israel knows everything we have done and said, if you ask the Israelis, they know exactly what conversations we've had. But there is no deal. We've said this 100 times, there's no deal. Ultimately, the president has made it very clear that he would love a diplomatic solution, or at least to slow the program down. That's true. But there is no deal.

"One thing Joe Biden said when he became president, that – contrary to the previous [Democratic] administration, during the Obama administration, which I was involved in – he was gonna make sure that Israel was never surprised at what we were doing. And I think we fulfilled that commitment to both Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, Prime Minister Yair Lapid, and now Prime Minister Netanyahu and I think they all understand that we'll be totally transparent. Transparent that we're not gonna let Iran get a nuclear weapon, that we obviously are going to try to do plenty of deterrence, which is what the Israelis want us to do, including joint exercises, doing the things that send strong messages. We're doing all of that, which we said we're going to do."

Q: Where do things stand on the possible breakthrough in normalization with Saudi Arabia?

"Joe Biden has given permission to his team, to explore the possibility of doing a deal with Saudi Arabia, who will ultimately I don't know where that will go. But Joe Biden has made that decision.  And by the way, he's always we've also been communicating that with the prime minister, and with Strategi Affairs Minister Ron Dermer National Security Advisor Tzachi Hanegbi. They all know that; they were just in Washington. Joe Biden would like to get it done. Will it happen? unsure. I don't know. This can only get done if Biden himself expends a lot of political capital to try to get it done.  It's complicated. It's very difficult, but only great things happen only if they are complicated. I think it would be an unbelievable achievement for President Biden and Prime Minister Netanyahu, but most importantly, for the Jewish people. This will change the face of the region just like the Abraham Accord was a phenomenal success." 

Q: What is the main obstacle? 

There are a dozen issues. It's complicated. I can I can't get into all the issues. But the reality is is like anything it's very complicated. Most of those roads lead through Washington."

Q: During the Trump presidency the US would condemn settlement activity three or four times a year, but not you condemn Israeli announcements twice a week and loudly.

That's not true. All right. Okay. So that is not true. We've been very clear from the get-go by the way. With Prime Minister Bennett and, and Prime Minister Lapid. and Netanyahu we do not support settlement growth. We've been very clear about that.  By the way, either was the position of George Bush's government, it was a position quite frankly, even of Donald Trump's government. ..It has been Joe Biden's position since he's been a senator in the Senate [in the 1970s]." 

Q; That may be true, but I can't recall such public condemnations from the State Department as is the case now. 

"We should check the tape, as I like to say, but we've been pretty clear about it. The pace of this, because of this government has gotten a little quicker, as you see right. At the beginning of the right at the beginning of the prime ministership, they announced they originally wanted out to 15,000. They dropped it down to 10. And then they did the 10. And then they added back the five...It makes it more and more difficult to ever have a two-state solution. More settlement growth prevents that. So I don't think the volume is going up or down. Our position has been very clear. And that's what our position has been."

Q: So there was no difference between the way that administration treat this new right-wing government and the way you treated the former government? 

No. First of all, I don't think that's the case. I mean, I did this with Bennett, too. And Lapid. I mean, there are other issues that have come up in the meantime, which are kind of convoluted,

Q: You mean the religious reform? 

A: The judicial reform, some of your ministers are a little bit more aggressive than normal. So So there's, I think it all kind of gets mixed up in the, in the sauce, right? So I think ultimately, our position has been very consistent. My position has been pretty consistent. We do not support settlement growth, and I am on the phone every day trying to get things off the list. Try to see, you know, we got E1 off the list. That was a big deal, right? But then we got, you know, 5000 units at it. So again, I'm just trying to do the best I can. This is not ideological for me, the thing I wake up every day I am just trying to keep things calm. Settlement announcements do not help keep things calm, it may help the government keep its calm. But it certainly doesn't help the bilateral relationship. And that's what I've been trying to work on. And by the way, this position was no different than the Trump administration and the Obama administration. We've got to figure this out. Because we're in this do loop: We complain, you add more settlements, we complain you have more settlements. So we got to figure out a new way of doing this.

Q: Do you have any ideas on how to resolve it? 

"No, no, I'll pick up my ideas when I leave."

Q: You meet with settlers but not with right-wing ministers and party representatives like Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. 

"Those guys. Just to be clear. The government is run by the prime minister, I made that clear to the prime minister that he's my interlocutor, The reality of this is I've met with many many MKs.  I've been here for two years, you can ask most of them. Some are right-wing, some left-wing. The reality is, as I've said to the prime minister, as it relates to, you know, dealing with the sensitive issues around security economics, I deal directly with the prime minister. So I don't go around and try to run around and try to maneuver this government."

Q: So there is a de facto boycott on their parties. 

I don't know if it's a boycott. I just haven't I haven't done it. Because I quite frankly, have such a close relationship with the Prime Minister. I don't need to do it. But I don't boycott anyone.

Q: Why did you stop funding technological initiatives in Judea and Samaria?

"That support was decided on October 15, 2020. Before the November elections. He switched the policy as they were walking out the door. And, you know, we reversed it. I don't think any money was ever expended. 

Q: On the day of the Eli terrorist attack, you posted a tweet that essentially compared the murdered Israelis and the terrorists killed by the IDF soldiers during a raid in Jenin. After an hour you posted a correction. What happened there?

"I screwed up. I had just returned from Los Angeles when I got word of the attack. I was shown a draft of a tweet and I signed off on it. But it was a stupid thing to do. Moments later, I saw that Bennett had tried to reach me. I asked him, 'What happened?,' and he said I had screwed up. And so I made sure to immediately issue another tweet [that included a clear condemnation of the terrorist attack]. In no way do I compare terrorists and those who are murdered by terror. You know I have gone to many funerals and visited many bereaved families, including those beyond the Green Line despite the opposition of those in Washington. I will not accept a situation in which I only visit two families of victims from a certain attack but do not go to the third victim's family just 20 minutes from there just because they live across the Green Line. This tweet was the first time that I messed up like this."

Q: Is Biden fit to be president? We have all seen the confusion and his recent fall. 

"100%. I don't do politics anymore, because I'm an ambassador. But to be clear. What this president has accomplished in his tenure so far, is beyond remarkable. The economy the unemployment rates, the bills that he passed for infrastructure, and how of care or the massive…even this most recent debate around the budget you know they were having to hold above the debt ceiling. It's unbelievable how he pulled us off. I mean, it was without any insanity...I mean with age comes experience. As it relates to Joe Biden's relationship with the State of Israel, it is rock-solid. Okay. When he got off that airplane, and that July on the tarmac, when went it's the Holocaust Museum and held the hands of those three women for 20 minutes.  Crying, tears coming down his eye. That's who Joe Biden is. That's who this guy is so from someone who cares deeply about the bilateral issues with Israel."

Q: Will You go back to business or enter politics? 

I'll do a business thing but I'm sure I'll be involved in the campaign.

Q: How do you respond to the weakening support for Israel in some parts of the US Jewish community, particularly in the progressive-Reform camp? 

"Like any democratic country, which we are in Israel, right, you're gonna have critics. That's okay. That's okay. That's what a democratic country with democratic values. You have plenty of critics of Israel In Israel, you know, every weekend, okay. There are plenty of people who criticize Israel In Israel. It does, just because you're critical, doesn't mean you don't love someone. I mean, you can have arguments with people all the time doesn't mean, you don't believe the importance of this. Look. The reality is the vast, vast, vast majority of Democrats and Republicans not only support the State of Israel but deeply love the State of Israel."

Q: Including in the Jewish community.

Without question. I just had here in this room Rick Jacobs, who runs the Reform Movement. The one thing I've learned in this job, you got to be open-minded, you got to talk to everyone. You got to understand everyone loves Israel in different ways. The vast, vast majority of people from the Left, and from the Right, care deeply about this relationship and deeply care about this bilateral relationship."

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