Coptic Christians constitute the largest minority in Egypt. Interestingly, they are the original natives of the region encompassing Egypt. The etymological meaning of Copts, that is, the people of Egypt, corroborates their belongingness. They trace their origin to St. Mark who consequently brought Christianity to Egypt and spearheaded the foundation of the Coptic Church.
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Amalgamation of Copts within Egyptian discourse is a perennial theme. The national unity narrative espouses cordial relations between Muslims and Copts. In fact, in the 1919 revolution, Copts and all other Egyptian communities stood against the British as a single entity. A similar trail of solidarity was also witnessed during the Arab Spring Protests (2011) when Muslims and Copts protected each other. However, the spark was doused when Churches were bombed, and later on, the military showed its might.
If we look at the legal system, successive constitutions have portrayed the majority Islamic character, even in the latest 2014 constitution, thereby tacitly submerging the unique identity of Copts under the umbrella of the majority. Different regimes reiterated discriminatory practices against the community. Nasser's regime discriminated in public sectors like employment and with regard to religious sites like prohibition from construction and renovation of churches. Since time immemorial, Coptic girls are abducted, forcibly converted to Islam, and then married to Muslim men. According to one Catholic news service, there are specific organizations designed to commit such heinous acts of kidnapping Coptic girls. The incumbent regime of Sisi is no different than his predecessors. Although the president has exhibited verbal support to the Coptic community, the on-ground situation remains more or less the same.
As we know, Coptic Christians are in the minority in Egypt but the term "minority" is preferred to be excluded from the Egyptian landscape because it jeopardizes the "national unity'' portrayal. For decades, Muslim-Coptic harmony has been pivotal in developing the imagined community of Egypt which has been buttressed time and again through rhetoric and narrative-building. But it is this reinforcement of the national unity narrative that has led to the systematic elimination or invisibility of Copts in political affairs as their minority rights get submerged under homogenization. In this context, we can refer to Moncef Khaddar who has argued that there lies a difference between "anti-colonial nationalism" and "state nationalism". According to him, the former was "diverse and inclusive", in the situation of opposing colonialism. On the other hand, he says that state-nationalism is authoritarian and promotes uniformity, "treating all forms of dissent as anti-national".
Here it is also important to note that the Coptic Christian Church has always opposed the idea of unified law for building places of worship. Accepting the proposal of unified law would have ameliorated the grievances of the Copts as it could allow them to construct and renovate their churches without any restriction. They have more or less opted for a "millet'' system in which the Church dominates over religious affairs. Apart from the state policies, the church has also reinforced the status quo which is conspicuously in favor of the majority. Thus, the goal of recognizing the diversity remains a farfetched dream. The slogan "long live the crescent with the cross'' seems superficial at this point when Coptic Christians are being discriminated against by the majority and relentlessly persecuted by the state machinery.
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