A foreigner arriving in Israel these days would most likely be baffled by what's going on: A prosperous country, a villa that stands out in the Middle East jungle had woken up one day and decided to self-destruct from within without any real reason. This is clearly evident in the economic indicators: the rising deficit and declining tax revenues; dramatic decline in foreign investments in the high-tech industry; a brain drain; a depreciation in the shekel.
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The security situation can also support this diagnosis: Israel's standing has worsened in all theaters, with a clear and present danger of escalation and possible war. And this – before we start talking about the worrying pace at which Iran has been advancing in its nuclear program. Diplomatically, things are just as bad: Israel is facing increased isolation and estrangement in foreign capitals and Arab states, and most worryingly – there is the cold shoulder from Washington, with potentially far-reaching ramifications. But the most obvious indication of our collective madness is the social schism: the polarization; the fragmentation and the animosity felt everywhere at all times.
Each one of these components requires immediate and careful attention. In normal times, when faced with such crises, Israelis drop everything and work together to solve them. This is what it did during previous economic crises or when the Second Intifada erupted and budgetary sacrifices were needed; this is what it has always done when consequential moments on security and diplomatic masters arise; and this is what it knows how to do when social challenges emerge.
With all that in mind, there is no escaping the feeling that Israel is betting against itself. Israel, a state that has always known how to unite in the face of any threat or challenge and to find a common denominator to replace the divisions, is now acting in a manner that runs against its very interests. It is threatening its own existence.
We are long past a simple disagreement over the bill limiting the Supreme Court's ability to cite "reasonableness". Yes, the judiciary needs reform; yes, the justices have overreached by their excessive usage of the reasonableness standard. But the language of the bill that passed its first reading early Tuesday is over-the-top and lacks a valid rationale. No, we cannot entrust Israel's current government with the task of safeguarding democracy and the public's interest from various caprices of its elected officials.
Israel has always been able to rise to the occasion; to find unity and understand that pursuing various endeavors that cause social unraveling is not worth it. Can you find a single cabinet minister who would say that passing the "reasonable standard bill" is a justified end even if this comes at the cost of having our economy in shambles, our personal security in tatters, and Israel becoming a global pariah or descending into civil strife? Likewise, is there a single protester who believes destroying Israel from within is a worthy price for derailing the reform?
Yes, we can hold a futile debate on who started this and who should stop: the government, which sets the agenda, or the protesters. Unfortunately, those two camps are hell-bent on achieving their objectives: The government managed to have the first bill pass its plenum vote and is already drafting legislation that would restructure the Judicial Selection Committee; the protesters have resolved to bring the country to a halt on their day of disturbance on Tuesday.
"Look at me, and do likewise", says the famous biblical quote on the barracks of the IDF officers' training base in southern Israel. It was originally said during the times when Israelis had leaders that were idealized. Israel of 2023 is searching for leadership that can restore its sanity, its confidence, its unity, its hope, its inner and external strength. A leadership that would sew back what unraveled and build bridges rather than set barriers. A leadership that will save it from itself.
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