Samer Sinijlawi

Samer Sinijlawi is a Palestinian activist and political commentator from east Jerusalem, one of the Fatah opponents of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, and the chairman of the Jerusalem Development Fund.

Mahmoud Abbas is a burden, not an asset

Moving towards moderation and pragmatism within the Palestinian society needs to consolidate democratic norms within the Palestinian political system.

 

The continuation of the policy of tyranny and oppression pursued by the regime of Mahmoud Abbas has not and will not be the way to achieve progress in the lives of the Palestinians nor to achieve any positive development between Palestinians and Israelis.

Moving towards moderation and pragmatism within the Palestinian society needs to consolidate democratic norms within the Palestinian political system. It needs to replace the policies of oppression that Abbas resorts to, with policies of unleashing freedoms. The development and openness of Palestinian society and its shift towards moderation requires the establishment of transparency in the Palestinian political system, not resorting to deception, lying, and evasion practiced daily by Abbas's regime and involving all Palestinians in a democratic political system instead of the policy of exclusion, deportation, arrest, torture, and intimidation that the Palestinian security services resort to against anyone who dares to criticize Abbas' regime. Any Palestinian leadership must push forward the spirit of hope among the Palestinians instead of drowning them in fear. The political system must be built on institutions, not on the glory of individuals, and this system must be based on justice and the rejection of violence. It has now become necessary to end the regime of Abbas, and this is our only gateway to a comprehensive change in the nature of the Palestinian-Israeli relations.

After the campaign for the need for a revitalized Palestinian Authority launched by President Biden in November 2023, Abbas responded by appointing a new Prime minister replacing Mohammad Shitayah, a more diplomat and less corrupt, with Mohammad Mustapha a less diplomat and more corrupt person. Mustapha is disconnected from reality and distanced from the street, simply he and his family live in Amman, he arrives at his office in Ramallah during the weekdays and disappears during the weekends and holidays. Imagine if the Israeli prime minister lived in New York with his family and arrived at his office in Israel only during working hours. Mohammad Mustapha's salary is 120 times more than the average Palestinian salary and even bigger than the salary of the US President. A man who spent the last 20 years only taking instruction from Abbas, not only Mahmoud, the father but also Yasser, the son. Most of the senior executives in the Palestinian Investment Fund whom he headed, are sons and daughters of senior aids of Abass including the Abbas spokesperson Nabil Abu Rudaina and Abbas Consultant on diplomatic relations Majdi Al Khaldi. A man that his full CV shows that his best qualification for the job was that he knows only how to say 'Yes' to Abbas.

Abbas' leadership continues losing its moral conviction and grows increasingly detached from what Palestinians need and want. The last public opinion polls keep showing 90% of Palestinians want Abbas, who is 89, to resign. For us, Palestinians, revitalization of the PA will have legitimacy only if there are fundamental changes in the authority's structure — and that includes removing Abbas and his cronies from power.

Abbas' first big failure was losing the legislative elections in 2006 for Hamas. Then losing the Gaza Strip and allowing Hamas to establish their regime in the Strip. Divisions in the Fatah movement have grown over his increasing control of the Palestinian decision-making process. These differences came to a head in the run-up to elections scheduled to be held in 2021, which Abbas ultimately canceled after Fatah split into three lists aligned with different leaders: one with Abbas, one with Mohammad Dahlan, and the third with Nasser al-Qudwa. Had he allowed that election to happen, it would have led to a new regime governing both the West Bank and Gaza led by the younger generations of Fatah leaders and this would have definitely prevented the catastrophic October 7th.

The necessary change in leadership is now led by both Mohamad Dahlan, currently one of the most influential Palestinian political leaders who declared his support to these reforms without necessarily accepting any governmental position, and Dr Naser Alkidwah, the strongest candidate to lead the potential day after unified reform government (both Fatah opponents to Abbas).

If Israel really wants Gaza without Hamas then we must have first the West Bank without Abbas. Changing the current Palestinian regime is essential to pave the way out of the current war and releasing the Israeli hostages. Abbas must immediately resign from all his positions, and even better for him to leave the whole country.

If he doesn't resign then the only way left for the Palestinians to achieve the regime change is forming a new political body in Gaza by which all Palestinian political forces participate, charged with appointing a temporary President and a government to lead the way in the reconstruction of Gaza and its political reunification with the West Bank. For this to work, the Arab countries, the international community, the donor countries and Israel would have to recognize this governing body.

The new established government must adopt a strategy that finds a way to join hands with Israel in bringing this conflict to an end.

This Palestinian new leadership must invest time and resources in rebuilding trust and confidence with the Israeli political elites in a speedy top-down process that might include revising both educational systems and media policies towards eliminating hatred and incitement and advocating for tolerance and coexistence. It must develop new security arrangements that include inviting an Arab transitional force with the task to secure Gaza borders and control those who wish to threaten Palestinians or Israelis.

All the stars are aligning together now, the Saudis signaled their intentions to normalize with Israel, and all the other Arab countries including Egypt, Jordan, and UAE are willing to engage in a new regional arrangement that will be able to guarantee security to Israelis and national aspirations to Palestinians. We, Palestinians and Israelis, need to sign in now before it is too late. It is time for us Palestinians to adapt to a strategy based on guaranteeing security to Israelis, and for Israelis to adapt to a strategy based on guaranteeing human dignity, respect, and national aspirations to Palestinians.

It is time for Palestinians to have a more representative, accountable, and younger new leadership, for Israelis to have  peace, security and full integration in the Middle East in warm relations with all the Arabic and Muslim states.

 

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