As surprising as it may sound, if there is a broad consensus among the ultra-Orthodox sector on something outside of Torah study, it is Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Opinion polls have shown this is a widespread phenomenon that is no less true of more modern haredi Jews. Attempts to argue this is due only to the Netanyahu government's being one of the most convenient for the haredi sector since the founding of the state have been proven wrong. At the height of the crisis over the haredi draft, at a time when everyone claimed it was Netanyahu that was steering the crisis, every haredi lawmaker interviewed at the time voiced their support for the prime minister.
These ultra-Orthodox lawmakers, some of the shrewdest in Israeli politics, cannot be accused of naivete. The claim they blindly support Netanyahu is preposterous. The haredi parties know that, should the political map change, they could find themselves in the opposition. Yet they believe that, for as long as it is possible, Netanyahu is the prime minister for them.
The haredi public's love affair with Netanyahu is not the result of politics, but two interconnected reasons. The prime minister's language is imbued with the word "Jewish" and not just "Israeli," and he obstinately struggles against traditional centers of power. The change in discourse is part of the shift in the center of gravity from Left to the nationalist camp, which includes the ultra-Orthodox. Unlike the deceptive perception that haredi Jews do not show an interest in the country's situation, the Jewish character of the state is very important to them.
This support for Netanyahu, though true of large parts of the haredi public, is especially pronounced among those who seek to integrate themselves into Israeli society. The integration of ultra-Orthodox Jews in the academia and the job market began over a decade ago, and now many yeshiva graduates can be found working at government jobs or in the private market in a variety of professions.
When Netanyahu fought against the old elites, he was fighting the haredi fight. One day after former Prime Minister's Office spokesman Nir Hefetz agreed to turn state's witness in the investigation into Netanyahu, young haredi Jews aspiring to become part of the administrative echelon of the state expressed real concern. In their mind, the Prime Minister's Office now helps serve the new elites, who they see themselves a part of.
The Left may publicly say it seeks to integrate haredi Jews into Israeli society, but even if their intentions are good, they are incapable of fulfilling that promise. The integration of an entire sector is dependent not just on practical assistance, but on a narrative framework. As long as the man who heads the state uses Jewish terminology when he speaks, the haredi path to becoming part of the story of the State of Israel is possible. Among the many hypotheses as to what will transpire in the post-Netanyahu era, there is one point to consider: If Netanyahu goes down, the process of haredi integration into society would slow down significantly.
