The thwarting of Iran's missile attack by Israel's defense system, with the assistance of the regional defense alliance formed with the United States and regional countries, is a phenomenal military and diplomatic achievement. Iran failed miserably, while the Jewish-Arab-Western bloc, which it threatens, demonstrated operational cooperation for the first time.
It's important to understand that Saudi Arabia and Jordan may have assisted Israel in thwarting the missile and drone attacks, but primarily, they helped themselves. Iran's launching of its aircraft through their airspace is a breach of sovereignty of the highest order. According to all laws, they have the right to prevent this.
Of course, the achievements of the Israeli Air Force and intelligence agencies in the Star Wars battle, in close cooperation with the US, are indisputable. Decades of amazing technological innovation, combined with perfect operational capabilities, have resulted in a 99-1 outcome in Israel's favor. Hats off to everyone who contributed, past and present.
And now, we must consider how to proceed. Looking back, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the IDF's biggest mistakes over the past two decades have been the missed opportunities and their lack of initiative. The abduction and murder of the three teens in 2014 in the run-up to Operation Protective Edge provided national consensus to decimate Hamas in a wide-scale war, yet both the prime minister and the military settled for a more moderate offensive. They didn't even want to deal with Hamas' tunnels in Gaza.
A similar mindset has prevailed regarding Hezbollah. Over the past decade, the murderous organization was deeply embroiled in the civil war in Syria. Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah suffered significant losses and financial setbacks, prompting some in Israel who suggested exploiting the situation and launching a preemptive strike. Netanyahu wasn't interested.
These mistakes must not be repeated. The failed war Iran initiated against Israel provides rare international legitimacy to respond to fiercely. The situation also presents a relatively convenient military opportunity for Israel because Iran has lost been losing hold of three of its strategic cards since October 7: Its plan to launch a multi-theater surprise attack on Israel, using the pincer movement; most of Hamas's military strength; its ability to strike Israel with a massive missile strike.
While Iran's tremendous losses cost us dearly in the horrific invasion on Oct. 7 and in the casualties of the battles in Gaza, this week's highly successful defense efforts tilt the strategic balance in our favor. Iran exhausted most of what it had and was humiliated. On the other hand, we still have many arrows left in the quiver.
Under these circumstances, the best course of action is to seize the opportunity. From Israel's perspective, the most necessary action for national security is to deliver the strongest blow possible to Iran's nuclear program. This program poses a significant threat to the Jewish people and its state. As a matter of fact, the attack we endured this week illustrates how dire the situation could be if, God forbid, it had even a single nuclear missile.
So, if there's an operational and diplomatic window of opportunity to eliminate or at least weaken this program, it must be seized. Besides, striking the Iranian snake's head would significantly weaken its Hamas proxy that is in its last throes in Gaza.
Iran's significant counterresponse will be activating Hezbollah. Of course, we shouldn't underestimate the price we'll pay in such a case. But here, too, the situation is better than it was seven months ago. The organization has already suffered around 300 casualties and has been pushed away from the border. The IDF is fully prepared for war in the north. Displaced civilians in the north have already got their fair share of cross-border attacks. In other words, part of the price has been paid upfront. There's an opportunity here as well.
The US may not currently endorse such an Israeli action, but history teaches us that over time, it will welcome it. Because a severe blow to Iran's nuclear project aligns perfectly with the most fundamental American interests. Even our Arab allies, who contributed to the operation, will be grateful if Iran, even partially, loses the atomic asset it's nurturing with diligence and is close to acquiring.
Finally, setbacks to the nuclear project will partially restore Israel's military standing, which suffered greatly after Oct. 7. So, despite the risks, we mustn't repeat the mistakes of the past decade and miss the opportunity. We've learned that kicking the can down the road exacts the gravest possible toll.
