Over one hundred days following what is arguably the State of Israel's greatest intelligence and security failure in its history, its citizens are more divided than ever. This is true concerning both the handling of its ongoing war with Hamas, the PIJ, and Hezbollah as well as the political debate concerning what has been appropriately referred to as the "day after."
Depending on which news source one relies upon one can read, view, and hear arguments across the political spectrum.
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Ranging from the far Left's cry for greater action on behalf of the hostages still held captive by Hamas and the PIJ, to the far Right's insistence that even more must be done to mitigate further casualties to IDF soldiers, Israelis had seemingly remained united on one fundamental principle. Until now.
The same overriding sentiment that prevailed in the immediate aftermath of October 7 - namely that Israel must wait until after the war before it establishes a National Commission of Inquiry like that of the Agranat Commission established following the 1973 Yom Kippur War - held firm concerning any potential public outcry for National elections. Until now.
To be fair, the far Left progressive establishment that essentially controls Israel's media, industry and even the upper echelons of the IDF top brass have consistently and vehemently publicized their anger and discontent with Prime Minister Netanyahu in general, and his current "far-Right religious" coalition government in particular for many months if not years.
That being said, even Israel's most vociferous opponents of Netanyahu and his coalition understood that the nation is at war - on multiple fronts - and welcomed Netanyahu's overt gestures to establish an emergency war cabinet within days following Oct.7.
Of course, there was also - and remains - the pressing need for Israelis to unify behind the cause of securing the release of the 136 hostages held by Hamas and the PIJ.
It is unfathomable, even Israel's far Left seemingly agreed, to hold new elections at a time when every day that goes by greatly increases the risk to the hostages' health and possibly their lives.
Fast forward one hundred days since Israel's "9/11" and the far Left is (once again) publicly calling for new general elections and particularly Netanyahu's immediate resignation. To date, they argue, close to 190 IDF soldiers have been killed and over 1,100 injured since Israel launched its Gaza ground offensive. Of those, a huge percentage of casualties were the result of friendly fire or other military accidents.
Lastly, and perhaps most importantly from the perspective of the progressive Left, a number of hostages were either themselves killed by friendly fire or during botched rescue attempts by IDF forces. Their state of health remains a mystery. Their precise whereabouts remain either unknown or are deemed by Israel's War Cabinet as being currently impenetrable.
Result? The major far Left organizers of both the Anti-Judicial Reform Protest and "Bring Them (the Hostages) Home Now" movements are now being backed by an ever-growing list of Reserve and retired Israeli army generals and other high-ranking officers calling for Netanyahu to resign, and for new elections to be held. Immediately.
Adding fuel to the proverbial fire, it was recently reported that US President Joe Biden publicly accused Prime Minister Netanyahu of "dragging out the war for political and personal reasons, and that he does not put the release of the hostages as a top priority…and is only interested in a deal for the release of the hostages in a few months."
News flash. From the perspective of this US-Israeli dual citizen who holds far-Right ultra-conservative viewpoints concerning both Israeli and American politics, neither the Israeli far Left nor President Biden are entirely wrong.
How far Right? As an American citizen, I proudly voted for Donald J. Trump both in 2016 and 2020 and have every intent on doing so yet again this coming November.
As an Israeli, I have never once found the Likud - Israel's predominant political party - in general, nor Likud Chairman Netanyahu in particular, as being sufficiently opposed to the idea of a so-called Two-State Solution that would enable the establishment of a Palestinian state in the Land of Israel with East Jerusalem as its capital.
Indeed, as the (un)popular adage goes: The Likud has been the only political party to concede "territory for peace". From former Prime Ministers Menahem Begin to Ariel Sharon (the latter having been elected via the Likud ticket despite having eventually formed a new political party), Israel relinquished huge amounts of territory since 1982 that arguably strengthened the political and military capabilities of Hamas, resulting in the October 7 catastrophe and Israel's prolonged war.
As far as Netanyahu is concerned, Likud and other right-wing voters would be wise to recall how the Prime Minister, back in October 1998, agreed to concede to the PLO terrorist organization's demand for a Palestinian "Police Force" and far greater control over the so-called West Bank under what became known as the Wye River Memorandum.
More importantly and far more relevant to Israel's current war with Hamas, Netanyahu infamously voted in favor of Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip in his role as Israel's Finance Minister in Ariel Sharon's government almost 19 years ago.
Lastly, it was Netanyahu who gave the order for the release of over one thousand Palestinian and Israeli-Arab terrorists held in Israeli jails in exchange for IDF soldier Gilad Shalit in October 2011 - almost twelve years to the day before Oct.7.
Which all leads back to the role - or rather lack of - Israel's perceived extreme Right religious Zionist political parties since Israel's 37th Government was formed on December 29, 2022.
Simply put, as coalition partners together with the ruling Likud party, neither the Religious Zionist nor Otzma Yehudit political parties can be viewed as entirely guiltless in their respective roles as 'partners in crime'. Indeed, Netanyahu's entire Government - together with Israel's respective security agencies - failed to foresee and prevent Hamas' brutal surprise attack over three months ago. Enough said.
Magnifying the aforementioned claim is the simple fact that the two respective leaders of these far-Right political parties, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and Minister of National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir have been rendered completely irrelevant ever since the inclusion of former opposition member - not to mention former Defense minister and former IDF Chief of Staff - Benny Gantz, along with four others from Gantz's National Unity Party within Netanyahu's emergency coalition.
Ministers Smotrich and Ben-Gvir held within their grasp the ability to demand inclusion in Israel's War Cabinet. They either chose not to or failed in their efforts to do so. They should be demanding far greater funding for our combat soldiers at the fronts (especially in the Gaza Strip) and assurances that the lives of our soldiers will far overrule any perceived need to prevent "civilian casualties." They have either chosen not to or have failed in their efforts to do so. Ditto for any assurances that Jewish Israelis will have the Right to (re)settle the Gaza Strip after the war ends, whenever that might be.
A more cynical view can be applied - if not adequately substantiated - as well. It is certainly not atypical for politicians across the political spectrum to get quite comfortable in their respective promotions and roles as Cabinet Ministers - be it in Israel or elsewhere. With that in mind, it is high time that a truly revolutionary Right wing party - a far Right wing party - be established in Israel, and quickly, so as to be eligible for the electoral ballot in time for an Israeli election that many believe is imminent.
First and foremost, such a far Right Israeli political party will insist upon the timely enactment of hawkish laws - as opposed to any ministerial portfolios - as the precondition to any coalition agreement. With a campaign slogan such as "Legislation, NOT Portfolios" (this actually rhymes in the original Hebrew: Chukim, V'lo Tikim), such a party will offer voters, the mass and social media, and of course potential political allies, full transparency and clarity vis-a-vis its basis for joining any future coalition - i.e. based solely upon enactment of legislation within reasonable timeframe, such as 6 months up to one year.
The flipside of this coin would be to bring down any government - and without hesitation, and regardless of circumstances (e.g. war) - that either does not fulfill its coalition agreement to support such legislation, and/or crosses any one of a handful of iron-clad red lines as outlined in both the party's platform and stipulated in said coalition agreement.
Think about that for a moment. Imagine a far Right Israeli political party that will pre-insist from any potential major coalition partner (e.g. Likud, National Unity) upon new legislation to be passed within 6-12 months that will effectively put into national law any or all of the following:
The One-State Law (Chok Medina Achat in Hebrew) legally declaring that the Land of Israel in its entirety will forever remain a Sovereign state for the Jewish people (i.e. putting an end to any delusions of a so-called "Two-State Solution"). This law could also include or otherwise be drafted separately, a provision guaranteeing an immediate "Right of return" for Jewish settlers to the Gaza Strip, or a portion of it, as well as the annexation of the Gaza Strip.
An extension of legal annexation (known as Ribonut in Hebrew) could - and should - include Jewish Judea/Samaria. Any new government formed would likewise commit to the enactment of the following legislation: Death penalty for murderous terrorists and expulsion of their family members from Israel, the demolition of homes of terrorists and their families even if convicted "merely" for attempted murder or manslaughter, the Right for the State of Israel to repossess homes and (re)conquer entire Palestinian cities and villages used for any sort of terrorist enterprise, etc. Just imagine the added value from the perspective of home affordability let alone security.
Now imagine that same right-wing party more than just waives any claim for any sort of cabinet position or even chairmanship of a Knesset Committee. It goes so far as insisting upon new legislation that will forever limit the number of cabinet ministers to 15-18. All savings from such legislation resulting in the dismantling of wasteful and redundant ministries could then be earmarked for increased funding for combat soldiers including, though not limited to, increasing the salaries of such soldiers in fighting units, and enhancement of their supplies and battle gear.
Israel's growing far-Right deserves better representation. Not just for any right-wing agenda, but for the collective safety and welfare of all our soldiers and citizens regardless of where they may reside. Not "after the war," but now.
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