The gathering seeks to forge bridges of connection and trust linking Israel with Diaspora Jewry, businesses with the US administration, and classical Zionism with the emerging landscape of technology, economics, and global communications. The summit will spotlight the period's central questions – how to build the day after the war, what role the American Jewry plays in shaping Israel's future, and how to preserve mutual responsibility and shared values connecting the Jewish people across the ocean.

The summit comes at a dramatic moment. Israel has been recovering from its longest war in history, while the American Jewish community confronts a rising wave of antisemitism and a New York mayoral election where an anti-Israel candidate leads in polls. Against this backdrop, New York – home to the world's largest Jewish community outside Israel – will transform for one day into an extraordinary gathering place for leaders, entrepreneurs, intellectuals, and diplomats.

Among the many prominent figures participating in the New York summit are Israel's UN Ambassador Danny Danon, former Ambassador David Friedman, former Ambassador Gilad Erdan, Israel's Ambassador to the US Rabbi Dr. Yechiel Leiter, the parents of fallen hostage Omer Neutra, the parents of returned hostage Edan Alexander, Senator John Fetterman, philanthropist Sylvan Adams, Strauss Group Chairwoman Ofra Strauss, businessman and entrepreneur Adam Neumann, Rashi Foundation Chairmain Shaul Shani, philanthropist and businessman Michael Eisenberg, HaShomer HaChadash CEO Yoel Zilberman, Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli, Heritage Minister Amichai Eliyahu, Masa Israel Journey CEO Meir Holtz, Rabbi Ari Berman, Elan Carr, and additional senior guests from the worlds of policy, academia, high-tech, and the Jewish community.

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Israel Hayom has learned that Kirk confirmed his attendance after Minister of Diaspora Affairs Amichai Chikli invited him through a mutual acquaintance, Kirk's pastor, Rob McCoy. The Annual International Conference on Combating Antisemitism, which gathers many of Israel's most passionate supporters from around the world, was set to include Kirk this year, who frequently fought for Israel's reputation on campuses and in media interviews.

In a discussion between Chikli and Pastor Rob McCoy, the latter mentioned that Kirk seldom leaves the US. Nevertheless, his team would arrange the visit and his address at the conference. All of this, as noted, is now impossible.

Minister Chikli wrote a eulogy for Kirk on Wednesday, noting among other things that "Charlie was a man of faith who lived the value of liberty, breathed it, and radiated it in every word and every deed. He understood that liberty is not an empty slogan, but the foundation of human existence – the condition for any free and just society. He naturally represented the unique, deep, and unbreakable bond between Israel and the United States. He knew that liberty is the shared value that stands at the core of the connection between the ancient nation of liberty and the new nation of liberty."

Chikli also wrote that "at the time he was shot and murdered, while seeking to promote those same values through discourse and persuasion, he wore a white shirt on which was written a single word – liberty – a word that has become his legacy and a call to action – to continue the fight and to stand together, Jews and Christians, Americans and Israelis, to ensure that liberty will prevail over the sword of Islamist fanaticism and over neo-Marxist tyranny, which dons a liberal mask."

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Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli said in the cabinet meeting that French President Emmanuel Macron's step in leading the initiative for a Palestinian state
"has struck a severe blow to the hostages and to the State of Israel, and no statement of ours on the subject is sufficient." Chikli added that "drastic steps are required against France, and chiefly among them is the nationalization of its assets in Jerusalem, mainly the closure of the consulate."

In response to Chikli's words, Sa'ar confirmed that the last step is being considered and revealed that he recommended it in detail to Prime Minister Netanyahu. The French move is expected to reach its peak in September at the UN.

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"If it looks like Hamas, talks like Hamas, and acts like Hamas, it's Hamas!" Chikli declared. "We must not stand idly by in the face of the Islamist-Nazi terror regime of Al-Qaeda in a suit and tie. Anyone who thinks Ahmad al-Shara is a legitimate leader is gravely mistaken — he is a terrorist, a barbaric murderer who should be eliminated without delay.

"We saw the horrific massacre of the Alawites, met with deafening silence from European leaders, and now we are witnessing the slaughter and humiliation of the Druze. The terror regime in Syria must be fought."

Trump's new friend 

In recent days, Israel has carried out multiple airstrikes in southwestern Syria, following the movement of regime tanks toward Sweida, home to the country's largest Druze population.

Despite the military escalation, there have been increasing reports of a budding security agreement between Israel and Syria, potentially as part of the Abraham Accords framework. Former US President Donald Trump, during a landmark meeting with al-Sharaa in May, reportedly urged him to join the accords. Trump also removed Syria from the US list of state sponsors of terrorism.

Additionally, recent reports indicate meetings between senior Israeli and Syrian officials in Azerbaijan. Syrian media claimed last week that National Security Council head Tzachi Hanegbi met with al-Sharaa in the United Arab Emirates. While this meeting has not been officially confirmed, Israel Hayom revealed that dialogue with the Syrian regime is indeed ongoing.

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The settlement pioneers will establish their community in Tevetz, a newly designated settlement built on the former Al-Malih base site. Military planners consider this location strategically vital, positioned adjacent to what Israeli forces term the "triangle of villages" – Taצmun, Tubas and Taysir. Israeli sees this corridor as a primary route through which Iran smuggles military equipment via Jordan into northern Samaria, facilitating subsequent terrorist operations within Israel proper.

The Settlement and National Missions Ministry, headed by Minister Orit Malka Strock, has been coordinating the project alongside the Diaspora Affairs and Combating Antisemitism Ministry under Minister Amichai Chikli. The Amana movement provides institutional support, having championed the initiative from its earliest stages.

Movement leadership emphasizes that this represents the initial phase of an ambitious expansion plan targeting additional settlement cores nationwide. Their vision integrates substantive reserve military service with practical Zionist implementation and comprehensive national responsibility.

Maj. (Res.) Gilad Ach, who chairs the Miluaimanikim Dor Hanitzachon movement, characterized the development as historically significant. "This represents a historic day in the chronicles of Jewish settlement in the Land of Israel," Ach stated. "Several months ago our movement launched this settlement project where reservists return to settle in regions where they conducted combat operations, and through partnership with regional councils we are preparing to establish four new reservist settlements this summer while strengthening approximately 20 existing settlements along the state's borders in the north, surrounding areas and in the valley."

"Reserve fighters have demonstrated their profound commitment to the state and the people, and none are more deserving than them to spearhead the next generation of settlement and revitalize the Zionist movement," Ach continued. "This governmental action transmits a direct message to Israel's enemies that for every murder we will bring additional life and construction forever."

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In a departure from Israel's traditional foreign policy, Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli has been quietly cultivating relationships with far-right parties across Europe, many of which have shown unprecedented support for Israel following the October 7 attacks.

Just a year ago, when senior members of Sweden's far-right Sweden Democrats party visited Israel, the Knesset's Foreign Affairs Department advised lawmakers against meeting them, and the Foreign Ministry, including its leadership, ignored their presence. Now, as right-wing parties gain strength across Europe and express strong support for post-October 7 Israel, it appears doors are opening for them in unexpected places.

While the Foreign Ministry maintains its policy of avoiding parties with neo-Nazi roots, Chikli has taken a different approach. He recently met with representatives of the Sweden Democrats in the Knesset, signaling a shift in engagement.

Operating largely under the radar of official foreign policy channels, including those overseen by Foreign Minister Israel Katz, Chikli has been weaving a network of connections with European right-wing parties since October 7. In recent months, he has visited France and Hungary and addressed an official conference of the national right-wing Vox party in Madrid. Last month, he traveled to the United States, meeting with several senators to bolster support for Israel. His future plans include visits to Portugal, Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, and Mexico.

While one might welcome a change in Israel's diplomatic direction given the hostility from some European countries led by left-wing parties now pushing for recognition of a Palestinian state, this is not an official policy shift. The Foreign Ministry's official stance remains largely unchanged, viewing these parties as extreme and avoiding formal ties. However, Chikli has emerged as a new de facto foreign minister, consistently cultivating official government relationships with those who have become prominent supporters of Israel in its war against terrorism.

Chikli explains these new alliances to his social media followers, citing shared values in the fight against radical Islam, which he says is flooding Europe and seeking to destroy the Jewish state, as well as opposition to a nuclear Iran.

While one might welcome a change in Israel's diplomatic direction given the hostility from some European countries led by left-wing parties now pushing for recognition of a Palestinian state, this is not an official policy shift. The Foreign Ministry's official stance remains largely unchanged, viewing these parties as extreme and avoiding formal ties. However, Chikli has emerged as a new de facto foreign minister, consistently cultivating official government relationships with those who have become prominent supporters of Israel in its war against terrorism.

"October 7 became a trigger," unnamed sources in Chikli's office say, "and since then, the minister has devoted considerable time to pro-Israel foreign policy."

Chikli's Diaspora Affairs Ministry has absorbed the Ministry for Strategic Affairs, previously headed by Gilad Erdan, whose departments have since been shuffled between various ministries, primarily Foreign Affairs and Diaspora Affairs. The portion that landed in Chikli's lap includes the fight against Israel's delegitimization, which has transformed in the wake of the war into a struggle to strengthen Israel's legitimacy to defeat Hamas, and more.

Chikli finds a receptive audience among parties like Vox in Spain, Marine Le Pen's National Front in France, Viktor Orbán's government in Hungary, Geert Wilders in the Netherlands, the Conservatives in Britain, and many others.

Given the stance of governments in Ireland, Norway, the Netherlands, Spain, and others, it's understandable why Israel seeks to strengthen ties with those not only sympathetic but also showing signs of growing stronger across the European continent.

But is this official Israeli policy? Publicly, it seems not. In the Foreign Ministry, apart from a tweet by the current Foreign Minister, no change has occurred. It can be assumed that Netanyahu gave unofficial approval for this further division in Israel's foreign service, as previously only Knesset members and Likud party figures "risked" managing such relationships.

Now the foreign service suffers not only from the traditional split between Katz and Dermer (Netanyahu's) "US portfolio holder," but also creates a new head: Chikli – holder of the strengthening right-wing portfolio in Europe.

Alongside seeking new friends for the country, the Israeli minister also doesn't shy away from intervening in others' politics. "Winds of change!" Chikli was quoted earlier this month by a major European media network on the European Parliament elections. "It was a great evening for Europe and a turning point for Western civilization. The spirit of 'wokeness' that led to moral collapse is being replaced by a new but old spirit: conservatism. Even if the road is long – truth will prevail."

On the same day, Chikli didn't stop and tweeted against the Belgian prime minister, who displays a hostile approach to Israel in its war against Hamas and was caught on camera holding his head following the defeat in those elections.

"Belgian PM @alexanderdecroo   cried yesterday when his party was defeated. Apparently supporting terror doesn't resonate with the Belgian people," Chikli tweeted. The next day, Chikli tweeted in favor of a British politician close to Trump who heads the UK's Reform Party, writing, "The violent attacks against @Nigel_Farage  reinforce his argument – England is at a critical juncture with significant implications far beyond its borders: either surrender to the left and radical Islam or stand up and fight for the preservation of England's identity."

Is this official Israeli policy? Publicly, it seems not. In the Foreign Ministry, apart from a tweet by the current Foreign Minister, no change has occurred. It can be assumed that Netanyahu gave unofficial approval for this further division in Israel's foreign service, as previously only Knesset members and Likud party figures "risked" managing such relationships.

Beyond meetings, speeches, and tweets, Minister Chikli is also paving a direct connection to former Republican President Donald Trump's inner circle, and to heads of other countries where power shifts to the right side of the political map have already occurred.

Recently, he asked the former president's people for help in saving a Jew in our region who has been sentenced to death. While Chikli consistently denies the findings of a recent report that in the foreign media that his office manages an influence campaign on foreign soil, it seems that reality is not far from this, and not just in America. Without significant Israeli money but with a lot of attention, speeches, and a well-used diplomatic passport.

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We met just a stone's throw away from the Jerusalem Theater, in an old, but recently renovated building, which was extremely warm and inviting in view of the biting cold Jerusalem winter air outside. The instructions I received on arriving at the nearby square were crystal clear: "For the Fund for Zionist Leadership in Israel turn right, for the Israel Democracy Institute (IDI) turn left." I turned right and entered the building. This is how I began the interview with the Diaspora Affairs and Social Equality Minister Amichai Chikli.

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One month after entering office, Chikli is contending with one of the greatest challenges in the current government – the need to explain to Diaspora Jewry the government's actions, above all the judicial reform and the desire to change the "grandchild clause" in the Law of Return. The very person who epitomized rebelliousness in the previous Knesset, who opposed every single act of the "government of change", is now precisely the one charged with explaining to the Jewish world what form the State of Israel will take on in the future.

"This gives me a sense of immense responsibility, a feeling that from now on, in any sphere relating to me, I can point an accusatory finger at only one person, and that is me, of course. These are topics that I had much to say about in the past, and now it's squarely in my court," says Chikli.

Following the formation of the government, many people within Diaspora Jewry voiced significant concern with regard to what steps it was about to take, mainly in view of statements on issues of religion and state, which for the moment have been somewhat overshadowed by the judicial reform and the desire to amend the Law of Return so that grandchildren and great-grandchildren of Jews will not be able to automatically make aliyah to Israel. Chikli tells of heated meetings he has held with senior figures in the Jewish world. "I came across concern, chiefly from people who are more identified with the liberal-progressive approach. I understand their concern, but I really think that it is mainly due to a considerable amount of disinformation. A political campaign of the opposition that has crossed a red line.

"I cannot remember a single situation in which the Opposition has ever recruited forces from Diaspora Jewry against the government. This is contemptuous. Instead of enlisting their help in the fight against Iran's nuclear program, they are recruiting them to take part in a political argument between the Right and the Left. Having said that, these senior figures are no fools and quickly identify that there is 'much ado about nothing' with numerous false alarms regarding the end of democracy and a regime coup – statements that could be no further from the truth."

Q: In the past, there have been people who warned of a potential rift with Diaspora Jewry. Do you feel that such a rift exists?

"I have met with a number of important figures within Diaspora Jewry and I don't feel that there is any such rift. Some sectors are worried, but I believe that we can solve the disputes. I look at US Jewry and fully understand that one of the most important tasks is to preserve the strong bond that keeps them all together. It is an extremely complex task to keep this people together."

Q: The anger expressed by many Jews results, among others, from the attitude of certain members of the government, your colleagues, pertaining to the Western Wall Outline. Don't Reform and Conservative Jews deserve a place too at the Western Wall?

"I don't look at it from the perspective of one faction or another, but from a much broader point of view. The Western Wall Plaza should remain unchanged. There is a partition, there is room for prayer, and this is how it should remain. At the same time, there is the Ezrat Israel plaza (the non-Orthodox prayer area designated for egalitarian prayer), and this should enable a couple visiting Jerusalem with their children to come and place a note in the Wall. It doesn't have to be considered a major incident. A family should not have to split up into two halves in order to place a note in the Wall. Currently, there is no access to the Wall in the Ezrat Israel [the egalitarian section south of the main plaza] and I am in favor of regulating this issue. As far as I am concerned, the arrangement reached is in the right direction and is most appropriate."

The Diaspora affairs minister is also working towards attaining broad consensus and dialogue on another issue, currently on the agenda, which is even more of a powder keg – the "grandchild clause". Israel Hayom recently published that over the course of the last year, a record was broken in the number of new immigrants coming to Israel who are not Jews. This adds to the figures based on data from Israel's CBS (Central Bureau of Statistics), according to which more than 70% of new immigrants making aliyah to Israel under the Law of Return are not halachic Jews.

"We are in need of urgent amendments", says Chikli in an attempt to clarify his position. "An individual who is not Jewish, and whose link to Israel is via his grandfather or even his great-grandfather, should not automatically be granted citizenship. This issue is currently completely wide-open, and the State of Israel is entitled to request that an individual, who does not adhere to a Jewish way of life in any form, to undergo an orderly process to make aliyah. We are currently facing a severe problem and many people who shouldn't be entering Israel are doing so. Forty percent of them leave after receiving the economic benefits associated with making Aliyah. It is clear that somebody who has strong Jewish roots enjoys a completely different status. The State of Israel has the right to examine whether a person seeking to come and live in Israel because his grandfather was Jewish, wants to be a part of the Jewish people, and perhaps even undergo a conversion process if he is coming to live here for good or for a shorter period. The figures require us to invest a serious effort in addressing this issue. This is not a game.

"I am looking to advance this issue based on consensus as it genuinely is a complex matter. I aspire to make the requisite amendments to the grandfather clause from a national perspective but also based on dialogue and consensus. As far as I am concerned, the idea put forward by the President to convene a committee to work on these amendments is most welcome, and we shall of course ensure that representatives of Diaspora Jewry are also included on such a committee. It is important to respect them and to listen to them. I believe that an orderly process needs to be set in motion, just as you receive a visa for a number of countries so that somebody who has no direct link to Israel can make aliyah."

"What are you on about?"

While Chikli is in favor of dialogue with the Diaspora on the grandchild clause he is categorically opposed to this when it comes to the judicial reform which he fervently supports. "In 24 out of the 38 member states of the OECD, it is the political leadership that appoints the highest legal instance, and in the US the president appoints the Supreme Court judges subject to a majority in the Senate – a conservative president appoints conservative judges and vice versa. We are simply taking a further step toward what happens in the US and this redressing of the balance is occurring as a result of the change of government.

"It is impossible to detach the court from political issues, such as Judea and Samaria, religion and state, refugees, etc.; therefore, the balance must emanate from the fact that different governments appoint different judges. When you look at the current composition of the Supreme Court in Israel – it represents a rather restricted range of views from Meretz to the Blue and White party, and even so it does not even fully take in all of the positions in this part of the political spectrum. I really do not think that the judicial reform is going too far on this issue. Of all the OECD member states, only in Turkey and Greece do the judges appoint themselves.

"I have had meetings with senior Diaspora Jewry figures who have expressed concern over the "overriding clause" but the issue of the overriding clause was implemented in the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation, by none other than former President of the Supreme Court, Aharon Barak himself. At the state level in the US, the judges themselves are selected to serve based on elections. Israel is progressing towards adopting the US model, and this is a welcome step forward. If anybody has an objection to the idea of the overriding clause, they should address their reservations to Aharon Barak."

The Diaspora minister also claims that the method of appointing the attorney general also needs to be addressed and amended. "In western states, it is simply not acceptable that the power of the Attorney General supersedes that of the ministers. The perception of the courts as the gatekeepers of democracy developed here as a supplement to the judicial reform that occurred in Israel during the 1990s, and I am happy that I have the right to put an end to this bizarre anomaly. Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara is living proof of the need for such an amendment. When serving under a left-leaning government she was as quiet as a mouse. I don't remember her uttering a sound when the Pegasus spyware scandal erupted, during the Gilboa Prison guard pimping affair, or when, on the eve of the elections, former Supreme Court Justice Menachem "Menny" Mazuz, sought to become appointed as chair of the advisory committee for the appointment of senior officials. And what a surprise, suddenly, now, when a right-wing government is formed, she magically springs to life."

Q: Yet, it is still impossible to ignore the claim that if this was a political appointee, their word would be void of any value.

"I have no problem with the fact that this does not have to be a political appointee, but it should be crystal clear that they provide purely non-binding recommendations and that it should be possible to fire a legal counsel under special circumstances. It is unacceptable that a legal counsel is not prepared to represent the minister's position. This is a situation in which you need to remove that legal counsel from their position. You don't want to represent the minister's position? Fine, then go home."

Q: There are some extremely senior individuals voicing opposition to the judicial reform, referring to it in extremely harsh terms.

"All the hysteria and talk about a regime coup and the end of democracy as we know it is utterly baseless and completely irresponsible. In complete contrast to the outgoing government, which was formed under false pretenses and by stealing people's votes, this is a legitimate government with a majority of 64 MKs and mass popular support. This clearly might spook certain people. There is an entire section of the left wing that has become hysterical and is unable to act rationally. You hear people like former Prime Minister Ehud Barak who are beginning to stutter and speak nonsense about civil unrest. Excuse me, but what are you on about?"

"Even at the time of the Oslo Accords and Israel's unilateral evacuation of the Gush Katif settlements, the senior right-wing leadership never talked in these terms. Maybe on the radical fringes of the right, but not the senior leadership. Some of the leaders of the current protest have explicitly stated that the people might well have made their choice in the ballot box, but they are wrong. They don't regard their vote as being equal to that of Biton from Beit She'an or Segal from Ofra, they regard themselves as being the lords and masters of this land. These are people who come from very specific areas within the population. It is their right and their duty to express their opinion, but it is important to note that there is a considerable degree of patronage and a lack of willingness to accept the fact that there are other voices and communities of citizens with equal rights."

The method: shaming

In early February, Chikli presented a summary report on antisemitism for 2022 highlighting a significant rise in the scope of the new antisemitism, namely anti-Zionism and anti-Israelism.

"Hand in hand with a decline in the scope of antisemitism around the world, an increase in antisemitism in the US was recorded. This week there was an incident involving a petrol bomb being thrown at a synagogue in New Jersey, and antisemitic graffiti is appearing on campuses along with swastikas. There is cause for concern. We are currently facing a very dire situation entailing genuine danger to the security and safety of Israelis and Jews in the US. The Ruderman Foundation recently conducted a survey in which it emerged that 90% of American Jews are concerned with the sharp increase in antisemitism in the United States. More than 40% experienced an antisemitic incident.

"The situation on campus is most problematic. 65 percent of the lecturers in political science and Middle East studies faculties think that Israel is an apartheid state, and a quarter of the students believe this to be true. One of the most important issues here is the need to adopt a completely different approach.

"To date, the State of Israel has been dealing with hasbara or public diplomacy, but I believe that this is an extremely feeble term. No single country in the world has a Ministry of Public Diplomacy, we don't need to explain anything. These are 'brand awareness' statements to the effect that Israel has a right to defend itself. This is obvious. So far we have been playing on our half of the pitch, and the goal should be to shift the play to the other half of the pitch.

The Diaspora minister is referring here, among others, to the special report published recently by his ministry, containing information on the deadly terrorist attack in the northern Jerusalem neighborhood of Neve Ya'akov, which was disseminated to organizations dealing with this issue and to dozens of Israeli embassies worldwide. "As far as I am concerned this is batash – a Hebrew military acronym referring to routine security activity – and this is exactly how we are going to work. We intend to publish a rating of the most antisemitic campuses in the US. Shaming for those institutions that promote antisemitic stances, where Jewish students feel uncomfortable." Among others, this new report, that was first exposed in Israel Hayom, differentiates between the Arab world and the PA (Palestinian Authority), uncovering the severe incitement being led by the PA against Israel, alongside support by the EU for entities that in practice are involved in putting forward antisemitic viewpoints.

"The PA is the most antisemitic state entity in the entire world. Some 93% of the public there adhere to antisemitic viewpoints. This is an appalling statistic. The PA is the focal point for the dissemination of the new antisemitism, namely: denial of Israel's right to exist, demonization and comparing it to the Nazi regime, accusing it of ethnic cleansing, etc. The Fatah newspaper features caricatures that would not put Der Stürmer to shame. They lead virulent incitement against the State of Israel and the Jewish people. Only Iran, perhaps, compares with the PA in terms of the intensity of its anti-Jewish hatred.

"The European Union provides a clear contribution to promoting campaigns against the State of Israel. While the official declarations opposed defining Israel as an apartheid state and support its right to self-defense, there is a dramatic disparity between them and the actual activity adopted by it. The EU finances dozens of organizations, including those that refer to Israel as an apartheid state and call on the US to put an end to its military aid to Israel. We addressed the EU with a request to understand whether these actions are conducted with its awareness, whether the decision-makers are aware of the volume of funds that are transferred to organizations of this kind.

"As far as I am concerned, the watershed on this issue is the Oslo Accords, which represent the State of Israel's most severe strategic disaster, equivalent only in terms of its severity to the surprise attack that set in motion the Yom Kippur War back in 1973. Since then, the State of Israel's position has been seriously undermined, and there are more and more voices identifying the State of Israel with apartheid and other similar bizarre claims."

"Gaining a stronger grip"

Chikli thinks that the policymakers in Israel should change the state of mind pertaining to our relations with the Palestinians. "It is about time that we address the question of the long-term alternatives, and I am not sure that the Palestinian Authority, in its current format, is relevant to the future of the region. With sufficient imagination, boldness, and dedication it is possible to find alternative options, starting with Dr. Mordechai Kedar's proposed 'Palestinian Emirates Plan', and I wouldn't take the Jordanian option off the table either."

Q: So what is the solution for Judea and Samaria? Sovereignty?

"It is the Palestinian Authority that is currently imposing sovereignty on the ground, as part of a strategic partnership bankrolled by the EU with hundreds of millions of euros, operating in Area C as if it belonged to it while trampling Israel's sovereignty there underfoot and ignoring Israel's security and national interests, as well as the State of Israel's profound historical link to these areas of its homeland.

"It is happening at Tel Aroma, a Hasmonean fortress in Samaria on the remains of which a mosque was built in memory of the 'shahidim'; on Mount Ebal, which has already been damaged and on which an entire residential neighborhood has been planned; and in numerous other locations too. During the weekly government meeting, I recommended to the prime minister that he should announce a state of emergency on the damage to sites of global heritage and to annex those areas to Area C, in order to protect historic sites that have no substitute."

Q: Having said all that, do you support imposing sovereignty throughout Judea & Samaria?

"As I see it, declarations are less important. The really important issue here is gaining a stronger grip over the territory via the settlement enterprise and expansion of the settlement blocs, alongside an all-out war on the Palestinian efforts to take over Area C, by the methodical dumping of waste into the streams, the illegal quarries, burning refuse, and the charcoal kiln pollution. There is a genuine need for urgent action to be taken."

Chikli also serves as the minister for social equality, and as such is in charge of the planning and oversight in Israel's Arab population. According to him, the problems in Judea & Samaria are the root cause of the unequivocal radicalization among the Bedouins in the Negev.

"There are more than 300,000 Bedouin living in the Negev, of which 25,000 families live in villages of unauthorized building, with no connection to the most basic infrastructure. Polygamy is rife among this population too and this often involves the spread of Palestinian nationalism as a result of Palestinian women originating from villages in Judea and Samaria marrying into Bedouin society. The majority of violent incidents that have included elements of terrorism have been carried out by the sons of women who have come into Bedouin society from the PA. Sons of Palestinian mothers tend to be involved four times more in terrorist activity than the rest of the local Bedouin population, and so the problematic issue of polygamy is at the top of the agenda.

"We need to effect a change in the financial benefits so that they are granted according to the father and not the mother, as currently importing women from the PA is a real business, as they receive national insurance, allowances, and even plots of land. There is also a phenomenon of forging divorce papers in order to define the mother as a one-parent family and thus gain relevant benefits. We need to put a stop to this, and to do so quickly."

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Former Israeli lawmaker Amichai Chikli will not be able to run in the November 1 elections as a member of the right-wing Likud party's slate, the country's Central Elections Committee (CEC) head and High CourtJustice Yizhak Amit ruled on Wednesday. The decision automatically moves to the Supreme Court for a final ruling.

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After two hours of talking about politics, lies, and disappointments, MK Amichai Chikli had enough. "We didn't even touch the most pressing issues, which are so much more important," he tells me. Suddenly, Chikli becomes animated, springs from his chair toward the whiteboard in the corner of his office then takes out a green dry-erase marker, followed by a red one and a blue one. He proceeds to draw an identity pyramid that is split down the middle: Left, Right, and the key features for each side. "I could never anticipate the degree to which I would be dragged into the news," he says me as he draws the first horizontal layer, which is the famous "Four Tribes speech" delivered by former President Reuven Rivlin, in which he warned against Israeli fragmentation. Another layer has Israel's elite Ashkenazi class alongside nationalism and the have-nots; and on top of that layer, there are the two types of democracies: the basic vs. the substantive. 

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He explained that the Left, often called the elitist "First Israel" that has turned its back on its Jewish identity, has resolved to attack former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu when he was in office "because attacking a powerful icon would undermine the other side of the pyramid, the Jewish side, and when Netanyahu falls, the entire Right falls." 

Q: How long have you believed in this?

"When I went to Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Shaked (who head the Yamina party Chikli represents in the Knesset) before the new government was formed and before Operation Guardian of the Walls, I told them that toppling Netanyahu is not just about Netanyahu, whom we may disagree with, but a big event that we have to see in the larger context of Donald Trump's loss. I told them that Trump's departure was a major blow to the national-Jewish camp and that we have to see how this could impact the situation with Iran and the EU's motivation to influence President Joe Biden and his team and their drive to push various diplomatic initiatives.

"Another thing I told them was that if they want to be prime ministers for real, not just as the leaders of 6 seats, they must never insult their future voters, who are in the Jewish side of the pyramid. If they focus on the short term, the 30 seats that are hidden there will never go with them again."

Chikli's first Knesset bid was through the ill-fated New Right party, where he was placed 9th on its candidate list. But the party failed to pass the necessary Knesset threshold. 

Just before the latest election, he joined Yamina, after being hastily summoned and being told he had to make a decision on the spot. "I felt better with the split from the Religious Zionist faction, the party seemed less elitist that way, even though I was not happy about how they (Yamina) were not willing to give me time to think about it," he said. 

Throughout the interview, it is clear that the rough and tumble of political life is not his natural setting. He prefers deep thinking and long-term planning that is based on a practical application of subject matter. "I run marathons. I have come with the feeling that there is time, slowly but surely. I was the one who wrote Yamina's platform on the environment and I was the one who prepared Knesset queries on how to restore law and order in the Negev and fight foreign funding of NGOs in Israel. This week I was on the tip of the iceberg, there is no middle ground on this matter."

Q: You are the only MK who has the privilege of voting with your conscience rather than abide by party discipline. But it seems that you ultimately voted according to politics rather than ideology. 

"I said I would vote for the Citizenship Bill (which is designed to combat the naturalization of Palestinians married to Israelis) in its original language. But over the course of the plenum debate, various compromises were reached, such as increasing the number of Palestinian naturalizations to 3,100 from 1,500, and that a humanitarian committee would examine further requests. It is clear that six months from now this matter will once again come up for a vote and more compromises will be announced. I know that Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked has the prerogative to decide on each case, but I am not sure Shaked would have enough time to deal with this matter." 

Q: What about the no-confidence vote? 

"That is what ultimately tilted the scales. I stood there and realized that I had to go back to the evening when the government was sworn in. I was asked to vote not on the merits of the bill but on whether I, through this vote, support in principle this government. This is my experience. The easy option was to be a no-show and the bill would have passed, to the chagrin of certain circles. A less easy option would have been to enter and abstain. But it is tenfold harder to vote no." 

Q: You say it is hard to vote, but it seems that you have received a warm embrace by Likud and on social media. 

"It's hard on other levels. I have not asked for this publicity and the social circles I am in do not vote for Yamina or for Likud, and this vote is very problematic. People who are not here do not know how fateful decisions on Israel's security are made, in the middle of the night. I did not receive a clear position, in writing, on the consequential things. They did not come and tell us that Meretz and Ra'am were against it and that there might not be enough votes, that it's best if I go to sleep for several hours to see if they could reach some understandings and vote at 11 a.m. What happened shows that Ra'am and Meretz have real leverage. The way things have been run is just not right."

Q: How is your vote preventing improper conduct? 

"It sounds the alarm that there is a much bigger problem than improper conduct: Anytime something related to national values comes up for a vote, the government would have to rely on Ra'am and Meretz. In six months, we are going to get this played out all over again, and after the Citizenship Bill issue is resolved, there will be other bills on the table with similar aspects, or a military campaign in Gaza, and the issue of the Evyatar outpost will resurface. What emerged from that night of the vote is Ra'am's real power; it holds the balance of power. That is why I felt I could afford to lose this battle because the larger war is over the government and its composition, which is much more dangerous than this bill."

Q: What can you tell Yamina voters? You are after all committed to them and it's hard to believe that they would be in favor of passing that bill.

"The ultimate goal is to change the government's composition, that bigger war is more important, even if that means losing a battle."

Q: So, in the long run, this is how you plan to topple the government? 

"It's hard to delineate exactly how this will unfold and that the best path to do so is. The vote is a test case, it is an issue of national importance but not a major one – the vote was not on war or some strike on Iran, or on an American statement, and we saw how the government had to give in on Zionist principles and water down the bill. It is not unthinkable that this conduct will repeat itself in future cases that would be of much greater national significance."

This was the first time that Chikli, 39, voted against the government. Although he is still technically part of Yamina, he appears very comfortable in his role as a member of the opposition.

Q: Yamina has threatened to trigger a mechanism that would make you a renegade defector.

"I don't think this would happen. And this doesn't scare me."

Q: So what would you do if this happens?

"This will be an opportunity to form a movement that would fill the vacuum on the Right, a movement championing liberal economics that would give people an ideological-intellectual anchor that stays fixed without following the latest fad. I think there must but a movement that is to the Right of Likud, like Meretz, but a polar opposite. A movement like this, once it is formed, would be able to run for the Knesset. Aside from that, I can always pre-empt any move to declare me a renegade by resigning and then launching a bid with Likud or some other party, and there is another option: that I would run and fail. That's perfectly fine by me."

Q: So a day after you announced that you were breaking with Bennett and Shaked, you were invited to the Prime Minister's Residence (Netanyahu was still prime minister). What did Likud promise you? 

"There is nothing final with Likud. I went there several days after Bennett and Shaked announced that they would form the change government and I made sure that there would be nothing final in my meetings. It's also important to understand that I had been having a tough time in Yamina." 

Chikli points to the event that took place toward the end of Operation Guardian of the Walls as the point of no return, in which a crisis of trust emerged between him and the rest of the party with which he had campaigned during the 2021 election. "During the operation, I was told that Yamina no longer saw a partnership with Yair Lapid and Mansour Abbas as being on the table, and I was instructed not to speak on the matter publicly. I was told not to take part in a conference organized by right-wing organizations on the terrorists in mixed cities. I was told by the party that the conference would have no media presence because it would not serve the goal of forming a new right-wing government that they were trying to form, now that they no longer sought a change government. I asked that the media do cover it and I got a favorable response from news outlets, but Bennett's spokesman said no."

Q: That sounds a bit naive on your part.

"Why?"

Q: Because you had been told that a right-wing government is about to be formed but you don't ask how? You don't inquire whether there are renegades among Gideon Sa'ar's party to make this happen? You don't try to add up the numbers to see if an actual government is about to be formed?

"At no point was I involved in the negotiations and I don't know what Bennett was telling Meretz and Ra'am as they were trying to form a government. Several days later I see that there is a meeting between (left-wing MKs) Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid and Blue and White Chairman Benny Gantz. I felt that I had been conned. A crisis of trust was created that made it difficult for me to take any promises from the party chief seriously."  

Q: Netanyahu is more trustworthy?

"When it comes to being committed to his voters, yes." 

Q: You know that it was Netanyahu who made Abbas legitimate in the public discourse and that he would have given him the same funding that Bennett and Lapid gave him. 

"I have been very critical of Netanyahu and the Likud over the years, and I have not deleted a single post I made online, but Yamina's conduct is critical because the question is the wholesale reneging on their promises, not whether they may have gotten something wrong. It's a question of what's left of the party's identity." 

When I ask Chikli what he is offering voters on a practical level, he says: "I am not blind to the complexities of our political deadlock. It is Bennett's responsibility to deliver to voters what he campaigned on by partnering with Likud and hopefully he will be able to bring with him people like Benny Gantz." 

Q: But the Likud does not want this. 

"I hope some responsible adult with national right-wing views emerges and make sure that such a government would be formed without having to be at Ra'am's mercy as the party that holds the balance of power." 

Q: Do you have the name of someone who could emerge? 

"I would rather not name names."

Q: Do you still talk with Bennett? 

"On a technical level." 

Q: Do you think that after the vote on the Citizenship Bill he came home and told himself he had made a mistake? 

"No. He has his own narrative." 

Q: During the vote over the Citizenship Bill, Bennett could be seen wandering the Knesset plenum trying to scrape votes while Lapid, Yisrael Beytenu leader Avigdor Lieberman, and New Hope leader Sa'ar were sitting idly by. 

"Yes, I saw this. During Operation Guardian of the Walls, there was an opportunity, and perhaps if we had said that we are in favor of the original language of the bill, a crack could have been formed and Sa'ar would have found a face-saving solution to his intransigence. The operation made us all reset our promises. Whenever there is a major event like that, it serves as a way to show flexibility. It's no coincidence that Bennett said that this operation had him rethink his course of action. But at that point during the vote, I was no longer relevant." 

Q: Has Netanyahu congratulated you on the appointment of your new spokeswoman, Noy Bar, who is Avner's girlfriend? 

"Of course note. The hiring process was actually the exact opposite of what's common. After I got the best resume, I asked myself what impact her boyfriend would have on me, and whether I have to think about what people would say. More than 65 resumes were submitted and only 20 made the cut. We met four of them, two of whom were the finalists who got tasks, and Noy reached the top. After she was tapped, I realized that some would say that 'I am a Netanyahu diehard' but she has great qualities. The anti-Netanyahu protesters have no sway on me." 

Q: How many hours of sleep do you get? 

"Usually five, but after that vote, I slept three hours, between 9 and 12." 

Q: You once said that you would prefer to enter public life only after the kids had grown up. 

"In terms of my family, the price is very difficult. Over the past week, I left my home on Sunday at 5 a.m. toward the Knesset and came back on Thursday afternoon. This week I managed to come back on Tuesday night, but that is not the norm. The job I have right now is like being the commander of a battalion, and when I am back home, I can think clearly. The ability to ignore texts on my iPhone is different. Until I entered politics, I had a rule that the iPhone would always stay in my car, but this is hardly what happens now. It is a very tough challenge, and what saves me is the Sabbath."

Q: Do you keep Shabbat? 

"I go out my way not to use the cellphone on Shabbat and usually I manage to do so. But if I go traveling on Shabbat then I do use it to play music. I fall off the wagon sometimes, but this is the general rule."

Q: So you use the car on Shabbat but you don't look at screens? What's the rule? 

"There is Kiddush, and Havdala and family trips, and I can go by car just to eat something, even if I go up to read from the Torah at synagogue that day."

Q: Doesn't that confuse the kids?

"No, they are Jewish. We are not affiliated with any stream. We are just what people might call observant." 

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