The indictment alleges al-Halabi, 62, evaded capture for years in European cities with assistance from Western intelligence agencies – including Mossad, for which he allegedly served as a double agent while actively serving in the Assad regime.

Al-Halabi was arrested in December in Austria after a 12-year manhunt. Alongside him, Lieutenant Colonel Mua'sab Abu Ruqba, 53, who served as head of criminal investigations in Syrian intelligence in Raqqa, was also charged, though his custody status remains unclear. Both deny the abuse allegations through their attorneys.

This represents Austria's first indictment against senior Assad regime officials, joining similar prosecutions in Germany and Sweden. Prosecutors identified 21 victims tortured by al-Halabi and his team, many testifying about severe beatings and electrocutions carried out by his operatives at Branch 335 of Syrian State Security in Raqqa, which he commanded from 2008.

Al-Halabi, from Syria's Druze community, served extensively in the Syrian military and hails from Sweida near Damascus. He joined the intelligence services in 2001 and was appointed to lead Branch 335 of State Security in Raqqa in 2008. When anti-Assad protests erupted in March 2011 during the Arab Spring, his unit spearheaded activist arrests and interrogations designed to expose protest organizers and prevent documentation from reaching international media.

Dr. Obada Alhamada, a 39-year-old physician who helped organize protests and ran a secret clinic for wounded activists, said he was arrested at gunpoint in February 2012 and tortured throughout the night in al-Halabi's private office. "His mistake was removing my blindfold," Alhamada told The New York Times, recounting how he was stripped and beaten with a bat or pipe by Abu Ruqba, who demanded activist names from the uprising.

According to The New York Times report citing the indictment and Syrian organizations, Halabi operated as a double agent for Mossad before escaping Syria in 2013 to Paris, aided by Mossad and Austrian intelligence, who transported him by vehicle across Europe and sheltered him in a safehouse.

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This figure, reported by The New York Times, represents the first estimate provided by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) as it seeks to enter Syria to assess what remains of Assad's military program. The number is far higher than any President Assad ever acknowledged, according to The New York Times reporting.

These sites are believed to have been involved in research, manufacturing and storage of chemical weapons. The New York Times notes that President Assad used weapons like sarin and chlorine gas against rebel fighters and Syrian civilians during more than a decade of civil war. The security status of these sites has remained uncertain since rebels toppled Assad last year.

The chemicals now represent a major test for the caretaker government led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), headed by Abu Mohammad al-Julani. The US designates HTS as a terrorist organization, though it has renounced its links to al-Qaida.

"There are many locations that we don't know about because the old regime was lying to the OPCW," said Raed al-Saleh, the leader of the Syria Civil Defense (White Helmets), a volunteer group that says it is working with the government to dismantle chemical weapons sites.

The stakes are high due to the deadly nature of these weapons, particularly in densely populated areas. Sarin, a nerve agent, can kill within minutes, while chlorine and mustard gas burn the eyes and skin and fill lungs with fluid.

Syria's foreign minister said during a March visit to OPCW headquarters that the government would "destroy any remains of the chemical weapons program developed under the Assad regime" and comply with international law.

Nidal Shikhani, who leads the Chemical Violations Documentation Center of Syria and has worked with the OPCW for years, told The New York Times his group identified dozens of new locations that could be chemical weapons stockpiles or former research sites based on interviews with Syrian government scientists living in Europe.

Finding and securing these sites is crucial not only for security but also to collect evidence for investigations into Assad's repeated use of chemical weapons. International observers have documented dozens of attacks with thousands of victims, including children. The most notorious was a 2013 sarin gas assault on Ghouta, a Damascus suburb.

Last year, Israel launched airstrikes on several Syrian regime facilities where chemical weapons were believed to have been held, though it remains unclear whether those strikes destroyed the weapons themselves, according to the Times. Shikhani and others worry that the strikes may have created environmental contamination and destroyed evidence. International groups hope chemical evidence will answer key questions about the Assad government's research and aid international prosecutions.

"The Israeli attacks that happened right after the fall of Assad are probably likely to not have put a dent in some of this, and potentially also obscured efforts toward accountability," said Natasha Hall, a senior fellow with the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.

Syria's chemical weapons program began in the 1970s with hundreds of government scientists, many trained in Germany and other parts of Europe. Despite the new government's assurances, weapons inspectors remain cautiously optimistic, having heard similar promises before.

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Despite his media presence over the past decade, Ahmed al-Sharaa only became a household name worldwide after reshuffling the deck and becoming Syria's new president following the overthrow of the Assad regime as the leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham.

Al-Sharaa, who until recently was known by his alias "al-Julani," is a longtime jihadist who was part of the ranks of organizations associated with al-Qaida and ISIS, and even orchestrated an attack against Israel – milestones that led to his designation as a "Specially Designated Global Terrorist" by the US, with a reward of approximately $10 million for information leading to his capture.

With such a biography, one can't help but wonder: Are his international wanted status, use of a stage name almost like the best pop stars, and his renewed status as Syria's president the reasons behind this Syrian jihadist's fashion transformation?

From his activities in 2006 until 2024, his fashion choices reflected the characteristics of the organizations he participated in and their worldview: jihadist camouflage clothing, keffiyeh or head covering wrapping his head, a long and somewhat disheveled beard, and above all, a threatening appearance – exactly what you would expect from a member of organizations like al-Qaida and ISIS.

With the fall of the Assad regime in December of last year, an interesting process began. Al-Sharaa's appearance still maintained a combative but simpler style: dressed in black clothes and a green jacket with a matching cap, a long beard per Muslim tradition but much more groomed. It seemed that until now, he shared this new fashion choice with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who recently made headlines after his meeting in the Oval Office, wearing informal attire.

But in a surprising twist in late December, the leader of Syria's rebel forces met with official figures from the Druze community in Lebanon and with the Turkish foreign minister, and for the first time, the jihadist look that had accompanied him for years was replaced by a tailored suit and a green tie – a nod to his roots – tightly secured. From this point, it seems, there is no turning back.

From that moment on, like a makeover in fashion reality shows, the sophisticated and diplomatic look has accompanied al-Sharaa on his world travels as the Syrian representative. His beard is immaculately groomed (compared to before), his head covering has vanished as if it never existed, and his suits even come in colors besides black.

Days after the notable meeting, the Syrian president was photographed in a suit that appeared to fit him much better, and the green tie color changed to a much more subtle blue tie. About a week later, during a press conference in Damascus, a particularly bold fashion choice was recorded with a precise blue suit, accompanied by a white button-down shirt and a tie combining both colors. One cannot ignore the delicate, representative, and calculated look he modeled this time, which, if not for the Syrian leader's beard, would have almost erased any trace of his past.

The display continues during the Syrian president's visit to Saudi Arabia, and in February, a fashion experiment was recorded in even more relaxed colors on the beige scale, as seen in his exclusive interview with The Economist, although he was not eager to abandon his habit of wearing black clothing under the light blazer, and in his interview with the Syrian media podcast Levant24, though there is still work to be done on color coordination.

At the "Arab Emergency Summit" held last night in Cairo, the Syrian president returned to the formal and meticulous look that began his entire tie-wearing revolution, with a black suit tailored to his measurements and a dark blue tie. Beyond wondering about the identity of his tailor and stylist, one cannot help but compare the fashion choices of Syria's new president to the old one, whose meticulous suits and supposedly "diplomatic" appearance were not enough to obscure his crimes against humanity.

Beyond the Syrian revolution, is it Turkey that is taking part in al-Sharaa's fashion revolution in an effort to create a new persona for him with arms open to embrace the world? What's certain is that he has spared himself American comments about his look.

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As you read these lines, a tall, slightly hunched man stares through the expansive window of his apartment atop a skyscraper in Moscow City, examining the view with a melancholic gaze. Over the past two months, his eyes have grown accustomed to this vista, though they've never learned to draw comfort from it. The gray winter skies of the Russian capital weigh heavily on his somber thoughts, crushing the last remnants of hope. The river visible from the window is impressive, yet its persistent flow only triggers images he perhaps wanted to suppress, or perhaps burn into memory: the warm palace in Damascus, the line of generals under his command, and the country that was entirely his, his from home.

However, don't be too quick to pity Bashar Assad, the new resident of Moscow City. "Moammar Gadhafi would surely have been willing to trade places with him," a Moscow-based journalist tracking the Syrian ruler's new life in the Russian capital, speaking on condition of anonymty, said with with a smile. "Libya's ruler ended his worldly existence in the filth of sewage, blood, and excrement, with his former subjects abusing him at will. Assad, by contrast, is fortunate. Not only did he escape and survive thanks to Vladimir Putin's explicit order to extract him from the epicenter of his regime's collapse – he brought with him everything necessary for a comfortable, worry-free life: money, more money, and lots of money."

The journalist is convinced that Assad learned Gadhafi's lesson, and not just regarding the preference for escape over remaining in a falling country. Gadhafi understood the wisdom of acquiring properties and holdings in future sanctuary locations but failed to escape to them in time. Assad excelled in both aspects.

Russia's established media does not cover the Assad family's activities in Moscow. "It's a forbidden topic for reporting," the journaklist confirmed, guaranteeing that no journalist would dare violate the ban and publicly report where family members live, what they do, and what their daily routine looks like. "It's not impossible that whoever granted Assad asylum might one day decide it's worthwhile to bring the Syrian exile before approved reporters and put some message or other in his mouth, perhaps some touching story about how good life is in Russia," he assessed. "But for now, the Russian authorities have nothing to gain from such exposure, and if they have nothing to gain, why permit it? And there's much to lose: flaunting Assad could irritate Syria's new authorities, and then the Kremlin can forget about the dream of preserving Russian military bases in Syria."

In the crosshairs

The lack of publicity hasn't prevented Moscow's elite social circles from filling with rumors about the Assad family's experiences in their new location. Telegram channels, a rather effective tool in Russia's stifled media landscape, don't remain silent either, occasionally offering various pieces of information. Those who collect these pieces together, as the Moscow-based journalist does, can assemble a reliable picture of the deposed Syrian ruler's life.

The fortune Assad transferred to Russia well in advance constitutes the most crucial component of this existence. "It's quite simple: after you receive asylum, you're either a beggar subject to the host country's whims, or you're wealthy, and then you're the boss," the journalist analyzed. "You can purchase influence, tame law enforcement agencies and so forth – all this as long as you don't overdo it, follow the rules of the game, and don't develop too big an appetite. Bashar Assad will learn the rules of the game. In fact, he may have already learned them."

He isn't alone in thinking that Assad learned the Russian rules while still Syria's ruler, long before opposition units swept through the country and forced him to flee. D., who has had a lengthy career in Moscow real estate, recalled how about a decade ago he was involved in marketing properties in the Moscow City towers, which were under construction at the time: "Representatives of a 'senior Syrian figure' came to us interested in purchasing luxury apartments. They were very fond of the project and didn't think small. They bought several apartments under the names of Bashar Assad's relatives or under their controlled companies, and paid without haggling."

According to the Moscow-based journalist, the Assad family purchased no fewer than 19 different apartments throughout Moscow City over the years. The price of a regular apartment in the complex stood at about $2 million at the time, but Assad's representatives preferred higher-than-usual standard units. D. added that the purchases gave Assad's extended family members more than just an attractive investment channel – they constituted no less than an entry ticket to Moscow's elite club. Moscow City is a status symbol, and with the symbol come the associated privileges.

One of these involves participation in Moscow's rich social life, but the journalist assured that Assad has completely avoided it so far. "Perhaps the explanation lies in his wife Asma's serious illness, perhaps Assad himself is depressed after losing power, or maybe he's being directed by Russian security agencies not to go out unnecessarily due to assassination risk," he speculated. "I don't know the correct explanation, but one thing is undisputed: no one has seen Assad at launches, parties, or other glittering events that Moscow's elite so prides itself on."

Perhaps all of journalist's explanations are valid. Reports indicate that Asma Assad's leukemia has worsened, and she is hospitalized in complete isolation at one of Moscow's premier medical facilities to minimize infection risk. Additionally, it's questionable whether Assad has adjusted to his new status as a wealthy exile spending his days at parties. Finally, whether he likes it or not, personal security concerns follow him to the Russian capital.

The journalist reveals that his sources in Russian security services report that "half of the FSB is tasked with Assad's protection." Even if this is an exaggeration, it's clear the Russians take the security of Assad and his family members seriously. Who could threaten him in Moscow, thousands of miles from Syria? The same jihadists who fought against his regime, M.the Moscow-based journalist responded: "Don't forget that citizens of Central Asian countries that were once part of the USSR – Uzbeks and Tajiks, for example – can enter Russia without visas. Citizens of these countries fought for jihadist groups in Iraq and Syria, joined ISIS, underwent radical extremism, and some returned to their home countries. They could come to Moscow seeking revenge against the man who suppressed their jihadi comrades."

Hafez Assad Jr.

Moscow has indeed experienced Islamist terrorism. The most severe occurred less than a year ago, when a group of four gunmen opened fire at the Crocus City Hall entertainment center on the capital's outskirts. At least 144 people were killed and hundreds wounded in this attack. Authorities sought every way to link the act to Ukraine, but the perpetrators were Tajikistan residents, operatives of the Islamic State Khorasan Province terror organization.

In recent years, following the invasion of Ukraine, Moscow has also experienced targeted assassinations. Senior military officers and official propaganda service operatives were eliminated by assassins, likely directed from Ukraine. Each such case caused major embarrassment to the regime, M. notes, and exposed the surprising vulnerability of its loyalists, even in the heart of the Russian capital.

Thus, on December 17, when Assad was already in Moscow, unknown assassins killed General Igor Kirillov, commander of Russia's CBRN defense forces, using an explosive device hidden in an electric scooter's steering column. A similar scenario regarding Assad is absolutely unthinkable for the Kremlin, hence the Syrian exile, who already has so many enemies, has been assigned particularly stringent security.

What, then, remains for a ruler who lost his country and isn't eager to dive into Moscow's glamorous life? "Assad will venture into business, if not personally then through his children," the journalist predicts. "The foundation has already been built for him, based on cash flown from Syria several years ago. Those in the know swear that this is how $250 million in bills, weighing two tons in total, was transferred to Moscow in more than 20 flights!"

According to him., in May 2022, Assad's cousin Iyad Makhlouf established a real estate company in Moscow: "Only the blind wouldn't understand who the true owners of the company are and where its funds come from. If Asma recovers, she could join the operation – after all, her resume includes work at an investment firm. But the family's hopes rest on Hafez Assad, Bashar's eldest son (named after his father, the dynasty's founder), who completed his doctoral studies at Moscow State University last November. Thanks to his studies, he understands Russian culture, and is also known there. Though Hafez studied mathematics, he'll primarily need to count money."

The younger Assad's doctoral thesis was written in Russian and spanned 98 pages. Its acknowledgments section includes – alongside thanks to parents Bashar and Asma, sister Zein, and brother Karim – Hafez's gratitude to "Syria's martyrs, first and foremost the martyrs of the Syrian army."

Interestingly, Asma Assad and her parents attended Hafez's pinnacle university event, when he defended his thesis before a panel of distinguished professors, even though it occurred on the exact day rebels entered Aleppo, marking a crucial breakthrough in their path to Damascus. Not that anyone really worried about the outcome or thought family support would help the heir navigate between formulas. Asma and her parents came to celebrate, though unlike the previous ceremony where the proud mother celebrated Hafez's master's degree completion in June 2023, photos from this event weren't published.

"It's a common phenomenon in the 'Deposed Dictators Club' forming in Moscow: the children actually adapt faster to the new situation and find ways to optimally exploit their status as privileged exiles," the journaist claimed.

"The Deposed Dictators Club"

In case you wondered, no one in Russia would say "Deposed Dictators Club" on air, but when there's no microphone around, even media figures close to the Kremlin use it shamelessly. Currently, it has two members: Bashar Assad and Viktor Yanukovych, Ukraine's former president, who was also evacuated to Russia moments before his regime's collapse. Strict observers insist on mentioning in the same breath former Kyrgyzstan president Askar Akayev, who received asylum in Moscow under similar circumstances in 2005, but Akayev managed to reach an agreement with his country's new authorities and no longer needed protected exile status in Russia. Either way, one of Moscow's popular speculations is guessing who will be the group's new third member: perhaps Nicolas Maduro from Venezuela, maybe Daniel Ortega from Nicaragua, or possibly Alexander Lukashenko of Belarus.

The Russians were keen to emphasize that Assad hasn't met with Vladimir Putin since arriving in Moscow, nor is such a meeting expected. The Russian president isn't exactly eager to be seen with someone who, like Yanukovych, lost control of his country and thus acquired a loser's image. Bashar will need to forget about politics and summit meetings with leaders, but Moscow has no shortage of power players who would gladly collaborate with him in business. The money he brought from Syria's coffers will speak volumes.

"Alexander Yanukovych, the son, was considered wealthy even before their flight from Ukraine, but when they arrived in Russia out of necessity, his businesses began flourishing even more," the journalist clarified. "Despite Western sanctions imposed on him, as they were on Assad Jr., Yanukovych's heir manages to circumvent them, and his controlled companies supply coal to EU countries. Recently it was reported that he's selling coal from Russian-occupied Ukrainian territories to Turkey, and from there to additional destinations. While the Yanukovychs have always dealt in coal, and the Assad family is light-years away from coal business, Bashar and his children will likely find business channels close to their hearts. Moscow provides countless tempting opportunities for people like them: flush with cash, connected to the Kremlin, and without a homeland."

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A Syrian activist from Aleppo supporting the new government revealed to Israel Hayom that recent clashes erupting across western Syria are being orchestrated by pro-Iranian elements.

"The demonstrations were contained and specific. Participants included minority groups, former regime loyalists, Iranian supporters, and suspected war criminals. These protests were organized to provoke a civil war, following Supreme Leader Khamenei's statement threatening Syria's stability," explained the resident of the northwestern Syrian city.

Media outlets aligned with the pro-Iranian axis have deliberately amplified footage of the protests, aiming to catalyze further demonstrations that could escalate into widespread unrest. A significant Alawite minority population remains in Syria, expressing discontent with the ascension of Islamist factions to power. Simultaneously, the Christian community faces mounting tensions following provocative acts, including the burning of a Christmas tree during holiday celebrations.

The Interior Ministry of Syria's new government confirmed that 17 security personnel lost their lives and 10 sustained injuries in an ambush by former Assad regime loyalists. The Syrian Center for Human Rights documented three armed opposition casualties in the provincial clashes.

Intelligence reports indicate that Internal Security forces were attempting to apprehend a former Assad regime officer linked to operations at the notorious Saidnaya prison complex near Damascus. Syrian sources informed the center that the target was a military justice division director implicated in thousands of executions. The confrontation escalated in a Tartus province village when locals blocked security forces from conducting house searches.

An Interior Ministry official disclosed to Al Jazeera that former regime members deliberately torched an Alawite prayer house. The source maintained this was calculated to ignite sectarian conflict, resulting in armed confrontations with local groups and several Internal Security force casualties.

Addressing military developments, the Aleppo resident discussed Israel Defense Forces operations in southern Syria, stating, "Syria and its people require stability to enable displaced persons to return home. Further displacement from Israeli military actions is unwanted. Following the withdrawal of Iranian militias that threatened both nations, we see no justification for continued Israeli offensive operations."

While rejecting Iranian influence, the government supporter embraces Turkish engagement: "Syria now welcomes cooperation with all nations. Turkey's assistance in stabilizing Syria has been particularly constructive and appreciated."

The resident expressed optimism about Arab state support: "The removal of Iranian presence, which previously obstructed solutions and deterred Arab support, has enabled humanitarian aid and development projects. Border crossings have reopened, advancing Syria's reconstruction. Arab nations are eager to see a stable, rehabilitated Syria." Despite ongoing challenges, he emphasized feeling secure for the first time since Assad's departure and the end of "his criminal control" over Syria.

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The Assad regime's collapse signifies more than the fall of another Middle Eastern dictator – it reveals the limits of Russian military capability in the wake of the Ukraine invasion. Assad's devastating failure stems from his greatest former asset: Russian support. During the civil war, Assad grew entirely dependent on Russian military backing. While Russia's 2015 intervention saved his regime, it also created an unsustainable reliance. When Russia began withdrawing forces from Syria in 2022 to support its Ukraine campaign, Assad's vulnerability became apparent.

Aleppo's fall perfectly demonstrates this shift. Once a symbol of Assad's triumph after its 2016 recapture with Russian air support, the city fell to rebels in mere days. With Russian forces largely redeployed to Ukraine, the crucial air and intelligence support that once protected the city vanished. Furthermore, Syria's military, despite Russian-led modernization efforts, proved unable to operate effectively without Russian backing.

For Moscow, the Syrian intervention represented more than supporting an ally – it demonstrated Russia's return to great power status. The ability to intervene successfully far beyond its borders and maintain an ally's regime exemplified this power. Russian bases in Syria provided strategic Mediterranean assets, enabling regional influence and crisis intervention. The campaign also showcased Russian military technology, boosting arms exports.

The Ukraine conflict, however, revealed Russian military limitations. Maintaining simultaneous operations in Syria and Ukraine – first in eastern Ukraine in 2015, then in the full-scale invasion of 2022 – proved beyond Moscow's capabilities. Transferring air assets, defense systems, and special forces to Ukraine significantly reduced Russia's presence in Syria. Moscow's strategists apparently miscalculated, expecting Syria to remain a low-intensity conflict requiring minimal forces.

This new reality forces Russia to reassess its strategy. The priority now is negotiating with rebels to maintain strategic assets, particularly the Khmeimim Air Base and Tartus Naval Base. This necessitates establishing diplomatic channels with Syria's new power brokers.

A new chapter? 

Could Assad's fall mark the end of Russian influence in Syria? Not necessarily. Despite bombing rebels for nine years, Russia might adapt to new realities. With Hayat Tahrir al-Sham controlling Damascus and seeking governmental legitimacy, Russia could offer three key benefits: international recognition, counterbalance to Turkish influence, and military support – using the same assets previously deployed against them.

While Russia's global influence has diminished, its permanent Security Council seat and diplomatic leverage across Central Asia, the Middle East, and Africa remain valuable. For Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, seeking international legitimacy and facing potential challenges from rival groups, Russian recognition could prove crucial.

A Russian partnership could also help balance Hayat Tahrir al-Sham's relationship with Turkey. Rather than depending on a single foreign supporter, they could leverage both powers' interests. Russia's demands might prove lighter than Turkey's, focusing primarily on maintaining influence rather than broader regional objectives.

Moreover, Russia retains significant military assets in Syria. It can provide air support, special forces expertise, military training, and intelligence capabilities. For Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, rebuilding military forces to counter other rebel groups, Russian support could prove invaluable – with Moscow asking only to maintain its Syrian bases in return. Thus, despite visible evacuations from Russian facilities in Latakia, Moscow's role in Syria may be evolving rather than ending.

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The Golan Heights stands as a crucial strategic asset for Israel. From its elevated terrain, Israel can see deep into Syria to the east and northeast, while to the west it overlooks the Sea of Galilee and the Hula Valley. The northern border of the Golan Heights connects to Lebanon, including Mount Hermon, providing visibility into once-hidden routes where Iranian weapons were smuggled across these nations.

This strategic position comes amidst a complex landscape of rebel groups now controlling various parts of Syria, including Hayat Tahrir al-Sham in the northwest, the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army in the north, and US-supported Syrian Democratic Forces in the northeast. Each faction brings its own ideology and external backing – further complicating an already volatile situation along Israel's northern border. In response to these threats, Israel has conducted hundreds of strikes on Syrian military targets to prevent weapons from falling into extremist hands. These operations have focused on neutralizing key sites that could pose a danger to Israeli security.

The situation remains volatile, with international support for Israel's right to self-defense and calls for lasting security between Israel and Syria. The fall of the Assad family's brutal 50-year regime marks a significant geopolitical shift in the region, presenting both challenges and opportunities for Israel as it navigates the uncertain future of its northern border. 

Beyond its military vantage point, the Golan holds immense significance and is deeply cherished by Israelis. With biblical and archaeological history and its captivating natural beauty, the region is popular for tourism and outdoor activities. The Golan's fertile farmlands and wineries nurtured by volcanic soil are home to diverse Israeli communities, including Druze villagers, Jewish kibbutzim, Bedouin Muslims, and Christian Arabs. These lands, in classic Israeli style host military bases, unexploded landmines, and vital agriculture essential to Israel's well-being. The farmers of the Golan have suffered greatly over the past year due to rocket fire causing widespread forest fires and displacing workers, including foreign Thai laborers who survived the horrors of Oct. 7, 2023, and its aftermath.

Israel recognizes that the Golan serves as a vital defense line against Iran's proxy network stretching across the Middle East. In this region, Israeli civilians live alarmingly close to potential threats from Syria – some just a few kilometers away from border towns like Alonei Habashan. With the unimaginable collapse of Bashar Assad, rebel groups scramble to fill the void. This proximity underscores why the IDF acted swiftly to secure key areas across the border. Strategic zones like Mount Ben Tal near Al Quneitra have seen increased IDF movements between Israeli-controlled areas, the demilitarized zone (DMZ), and Syrian territory. These decisive actions aim to prevent extremist factions from gaining ground or accessing dangerous stockpiles left behind by Assad.

During my visits outside Camp Ziouani, part of the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force tasked with maintaining the ceasefire between Israel and Syria since the 1973 Yom Kippur War, I saw deminers working slowly to clear landmines left from past conflicts, a stark reminder that even as life cautiously returns, dangers still linger across these contested borders. I briefly spoke with soldiers from Nepal and India stationed there across the barrier as IDF tanks passed freely in and out of the DMZ zone.

Both we and others were allowed to freely roam, with the UNDOF apparently paused in its mission. On another day, I heard sounds of football being played inside the UNDOF base, a contrast to nearby artillery fire echoing inside Syria and jet planes roaring overhead, as the laughter of the international task force playing sports felt disconnected from the reality outside. This dissonance between UNDOF's detachment from reality on the ground and Israel's active role in securing its borders raises questions about UNDOF's effectiveness after decades of failing to prevent Hezbollah outposts or extremist factions from taking root nearby. One must truly ask what role bases like UNDOF on the Israel-Syrian border serve when Hezbollah terror tunnels have been documented just meters away from UN soldiers.

The Golan Heights today is a place of stark contrasts. For months, it was marked by eerie silence – a ghost town where artillery booms, Iron Dome sirens, rockets, and drones, dominated the landscape. Journalists roamed alongside soldiers while visitors were rare amidst abandoned roads and fields scarred by conflict.

Now life cautiously returns. At lookouts near Ein Zivan, Druze sellers offered labneh za'atar pita wraps to visitors, an everyday scene that felt almost surreal against the backdrop of tanks passing by and artillery fire echoing in the distance. Arab women next to Haredi mothers take selfies; veterans with binoculars stand alongside younger Israelis recounting stories of Syria's brutality during past wars like Yom Kippur. These moments are surreal, a blend of hope and unease, as people reflect on a regime that will no longer pose a threat.

In Majdal Shams, the Druze village bordering Syria, sights were historic, Israeli forces moved swiftly to secure buffer zones citing breakdowns in disengagement agreements dating back decades. The village borders Syria and is famous for its Shouting Hill, a place where families separated by borders once communicated using megaphones due to restricted passage and close proximity straddling a few hundred meters between the two nations. 

Majdal Shams was also recently in headlines for a tragic event when twelve children were killed by Hezbollah rockets targeting a soccer match in this village located in northern Golan Heights, a stark reminder of ongoing threats despite recent changes. 

Mount Hermon remains critical due to its elevation at the junction of Syria, Lebanon, and Israel. From its heights, Damascus, just over 25 miles away, is clearly visible along with once-obscured smuggling routes used by Hezbollah to transfer weapons from Iran through Syria into Lebanon. By securing these positions alongside other strategic zones like Mount Ben Tal near Al Quneitra, where increased IDF movements have been noted, Israel has effectively disrupted these supply lines while maintaining vigilance over its northern borders.

At every site I visited there was an undeniable sense of history unfolding: people daring to witness a Syria free of Assad for the first time in generations, rediscovering beauty amidst ongoing tensions while reflecting on decades of conflict that shaped these lands.

Many governments recognize Israel's crucial role in stabilizing a fragile region left vulnerable during ISIS's rise and now with the crumbling of one of the region's most savage regimes, a conflict that claimed over 600,000 lives just miles from Israel. For Israelis, the current moment marks not just a geopolitical shift but also renewed hope for security along their northern border.

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US officials told The Wall Street Journal that Turkish military commandos, artillery units, and allied militia fighters have concentrated in significant numbers near the Kurdish-majority city of Kobani in northern Syria, in moves reminiscent of Turkey's 2019 invasion of the northeastern part of the country.

"We are focused on it and pressing for restraint," a US official told The Wall Street Journal, warning that a cross-border operation could be imminent.

The buildup has prompted intense concern in Washington, coming just after Syrian President Bashar Assad's regime fell to rebel groups led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham in early December. US officials view the power vacuum as potentially destabilizing for the entire region.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken made an urgent visit to Turkey last week to discuss Syria's future with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and seek assurances that Ankara would limit operations against Kurdish fighters.

However, US-brokered ceasefire talks between the Syrian Kurds and Turkish-backed rebels in Kobani collapsed Monday without agreement, according to a Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) spokesman, who reported "significant military buildups" east and west of the city. The developments threaten to undermine joint US-Kurdish operations against Islamic State remnants in northeast Syria. The SDF has been a critical US ally in the fight against Islamic State but is considered by Ankara to be an extension of the banned Kurdistan Workers' Party.

Ilham Ahmed, an official in the Syrian Kurds' civilian administration, appealed directly to President-elect Donald Trump in a letter viewed by The Wall Street Journal, warning that Turkey aims to "establish de facto control over our land before you take office, forcing you to engage with them as rulers of our territory."

"If Turkey proceeds with its invasion, the consequences will be catastrophic," Ahmed wrote to Trump. The Turkish embassy in Washington did not immediately respond to requests for comment from The Wall Street Journal. Speaking at his Florida residence Monday, Trump suggested Turkey orchestrated Hayat Tahrir al-Sham's takeover of Syria, saying, "Turkey did an unfriendly takeover without a lot of lives being lost."

Ahmed warned Trump that a Turkish invasion would displace more than 200,000 Kurdish civilians in Kobani alone, along with many Christian communities. During his first term, Trump partially withdrew US troops from northeast Syria, leading to a major Turkish offensive that resulted in hundreds of thousands of Syrian casualties and displaced persons. The Trump administration later helped broker a ceasefire that required Kurdish forces to cede miles of border territory to Turkish control.

Though Trump doesn't take office until Jan. 20, Ahmed urged the president-elect to use his "unique approach to diplomacy" to convince Erdogan to halt any planned operation, referencing a previous meeting where Trump promised "the United States wouldn't abandon the Kurds."

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As the Assad regime crumbles, warehouses and factories of drugs are gradually being discovered across Syria dedicated to producing Captagon, a synthetic drug known as the "poor man's cocaine." The narcotic, which has wreaked havoc on youth throughout Arab nations, had evolved into a multi-billion dollar annual enterprise.

The proceeds flowed directly into Assad regime coffers, providing crucial funding despite international sanctions. The Fourth Division, commanded by Gen. Maher Assad – the brother of deposed President Bashar Assad – played a central role in the Captagon trafficking operation. Foreign reports indicate Maher Assad has sought refuge in Iraq.

اهل سوريا بدأوا بحملة اتلاف حبوب الكبتاجون التي كانت في مصانع بشار و ماهر الاسد وبقية مسؤولي النظام pic.twitter.com/NkX5Dyut41

— عمر مدنيه (@Omar_Madaniah) December 11, 2024

Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shiite party, maintained deep involvement in the narcotics trade, establishing a network of smugglers to move drugs across the Jordanian border. This revelation delivers another significant blow to the terror organization, which not only recruited smugglers but deliberately addicted them to Captagon.

Under Assad, Syria had emerged as the world's premier Captagon producer, outpacing even Mexico's drug output. Currently, Syrians are disposing of Captagon stockpiles found in former regime facilities into the sewer system. Footage shows workers dumping bins filled with pills into sewers, while at another location near Damascus, investigators discovered massive drug caches concealed within electrical cabinets.

Abu Mohammad al-Julani, who heads Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, a coalition of Islamist rebel organizations, declared in an address that the new leadership plans to tackle this industry, noting that Syria had become a playground for Iranian interests.

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We entered the Syrian buffer zone through routes heavy with historical weight – the same paths where Syrian forces breached Israeli defenses during the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Since the 1974 Disengagement Agreement, IDF soldiers could only observe Tel Kudna – which we entered this morning in an armored convoy – through binoculars. Now, in a matter of hours, our forces have taken control of the entire buffer zone along the northern Golan Heights.

Our journey began at Alonei HaBashan, meeting troops from the IDF's 474th Brigade of the Bashan Division. We donned protective vests, with helmets required only for the border crossing until reaching our destination.

The armored vehicle carrying us traversed newly paved routes, created just days ago to facilitate rapid troop movement. En route to the Syrian position at Tel Kudna, we drove through rural areas where locals primarily subsist on farming and shepherding. Those remaining in the area regard the IDF presence with indifference, occasionally even offering smiles. In recent months, our forces repeatedly dealt with shepherds approaching the fence, which is sometimes used as cover by hostile elements.

Some locals retain positive memories of the IDF from a decade ago, when our forces provided medical assistance and humanitarian aid, and according to foreign reports, military equipment as well.

We passed a UN position adorned with solar panels. Despite Syrian President Bashar Assad's army no longer maintaining a presence here, UN forces remain in the area, receiving IDF protection when needed.

The area is now manned by soldiers from the 101st Paratrooper Battalion, who were home on leave after fighting in several Lebanese villages, including Al-Khiyam, following extended combat in the Gaza Strip.

Called up Saturday for the Syrian ground operation, these troops weren't surprised – they've grown accustomed to sudden mobilizations after a year of continuous deployments. This time, they secured enemy territory without firing a single shot.

From Tel Kudna's peak, Israeli territory spreads clearly before us – windmills spinning near the community of Yonatan. The Syrian side reveals the broader Golan Heights and a former Syrian position now under our control.

The position is visibly dilapidated. Combat trenches mirror those on the Israeli side. Inside, we found scattered garbage, old uniforms, a broken radio, and Arabic documents caught in the wind. In one building, I discovered a pink notebook – apparently a Syrian soldier's attempt to learn Hebrew. Beyond basics like "we," "you," and "they," it contained military terms: army, division, battalion, company.

The debris tells of the hasty Syrian withdrawal last Friday. Their forces assembled, received orders, and departed quickly. Within 24 hours, IDF troops secured the position without resistance.

Since entering, the IDF has begun establishing itself in the location, but until containers and equipment can be brought into the area, soldiers sleep on simple mattresses inside the abandoned buildings. When we arrived, some soldiers were engaged in operational duties, primarily maintaining observation of nearby populated areas as well as more distant regions to ensure no enemy forces were approaching. Others rested, exercised, or gathered around campfires.

Unlike my previous encounters with troops in Gaza and Lebanon this year, these soldiers showed marked reluctance toward photographs or named quotes. They cited concerns about the International Criminal Court in Hague and potential travel restrictions.

Departing, we took an unpaved route carved by the IDF engineering corps. If our presence extends, they'll pave it to facilitate movement, particularly during the harsh Golan winter.

We passed the "New East" obstacle – a lengthy anti-tank trench with earthen barriers. This defense, one of the security measures adopted following Oct. 7, 2023, aims to prevent armed vehicle incursions into Israeli territory. Anyone attempting to breach this obstacle would need engineering equipment and at least 40 minutes to an hour – critical time allowing our forces to mobilize if necessary. Though construction began earlier, recent events accelerated the work. Completion estimates suggest roughly a year, with teams racing to accomplish maximum progress before winter arrives.

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