Many of them died in the following days from exhaustion and disease, even though four days later, two Red Army field hospitals were sent to the complex. But liberation came too late not only for them – but also for the hundreds of thousands murdered at Auschwitz in the months preceding liberation. Therefore, one must ask the painful question: Why didn't the Soviet Union end the operation of the Nazis' largest death factory half a year earlier, in summer 1944?

Most researchers of World War II history believe that from a military perspective, Auschwitz could have been liberated many months before January 1945.

"There is no dispute that had such a decision been made, the Soviets could have ended the horror of Auschwitz earlier," states Dr. Yaakov Falkov, a historian from Tel Aviv University. "Starting from late June 1944, the Soviets conducted a very large offensive operation, Operation Bagration, during which they destroyed the German Army Group Center, reclaimed Belarus territories, and positioned themselves on the Soviet border from before the German invasion of the Soviet Union. They were dozens of kilometers away from the Nazi extermination camps in the eastern part of Poland. From an operational standpoint, they could have continued westward into occupied Poland at that time." So what or who prevented them from breaking through another 200 km (124 miles) forward to Auschwitz?

The German lines were breached

Official Russian historians claim that the rapid advance itself made it impossible to continue the offensive. According to them, the forces were worn down, the Red Army's supply lines were stretched beyond reason, and the engines of heavy vehicles required maintenance and replacement. There was also a need to reinforce the military forces because during Lvov-Sandomierz Offensive alone, the Red Army suffered about 65,000 dead, captured, or missing, and another quarter million soldiers were wounded.

"Despite the casualties, the Red Army had no numerical or material problem continuing the attack and exploiting the German casualties and chaos," responds Dr. Falkov. "German defense lines were breached and completely destroyed. The wait of about half a year gave the Germans time to build new defense systems, transfer more forces to the Eastern Front, and make future Soviet advancement more difficult."

The Soviet positioning not far from Auschwitz already in summer 1944 raises another question. "Usually, and rightly so, Britain and the US are asked why they didn't bother to bomb the extermination facilities or at least disable the railway tracks that led to them and were used by the Nazis to transport Jews to the camps," Dr. Falkov reminds us. "But why isn't the same criticism directed at the Soviet Union? Practically speaking, from summer 1944 onward, the Red Army had no difficulty sending its planes to bomb Auschwitz and its access routes, especially since they knew about the place and were aware of what was happening there."

"No data available"

The awareness issue is indeed critical. Historians representing the official Russian position tend to deny that the Soviets knew about Auschwitz in real time, citing as evidence the statements of 107th Infantry Division commander General Vasily Petrenko. After completing his military service, Petrenko became a military historian and researched, among other things, archive documents of the 60th Army, to which his division belonged. Petrenko wrote that "in January 1945, the 60th Army still had no data on Auschwitz, and they received it only during the battles." Petrenko speculated that if the 60th Army commanders had known about the existence of a horrific extermination camp, they would have constructed attack plans differently.

Dr. Falkov does not doubt Petrenko's testimony. The assault units operating in the Auschwitz area in January 1945 indeed did not know about the camp and were not instructed to liberate it. "They were only engaged in operational missions and received no prioritization from commanders to send forces to the camp," confirms Falkov. "This is what allowed the Germans on January 18, 1945, just one day after the Red Army entered Warsaw, to operate freely in the Auschwitz area and even evacuate the majority of remaining prisoners from the camp – 58,000 prisoners deemed fit for work were removed from Auschwitz by the Nazis for death marches, and many were murdered and killed afterwards. The Nazis did this in an orderly fashion, without anyone interfering."

Does Petrenko's testimony explain and whitewash what happened? Not entirely, rules Dr. Falkov, adding, "Even as late as January 1945, the Soviets had not turn their intelligence and knowledge about the Auschwitz complex, its operation and purpose, into something operational for the advancing forces. The combat units of the 60th Army were indeed not equipped with operational intelligence about Auschwitz and did not receive orders to liberate it, but not because Soviet leadership lacked such intelligence, but because the liberation of Jews and saving them from death simply did not interest them and was not a consideration in their eyes."

Moscow collected information

The inevitable conclusion is that decision-makers in Moscow did know about Auschwitz. "First, intelligence units operated in Polish territories on behalf of various Soviet intelligence bodies, from military intelligence to the NKVD (Soviet secret security service)," explains Dr. Falkov. "Additionally, the Ukrainian headquarters of the partisan movement sent its people to Poland. In the second half of 1944, this area was full of Soviet spies and agents, and some knew about and reported on the camps and what was happening in them. Here and there, they even encountered people who had escaped from the camps. Intelligence messages transferred to Moscow in July-August 1944 explicitly reported on Auschwitz and the mass murders within it. I personally located in the archive of the International Institute for Holocaust Research in Washington at least one such document. It describes Auschwitz, and on the report, General Pavel Sudoplatov, head of the Fourth Directorate of NKVD, wrote in his own handwriting the instruction 'to file in the Auschwitz file'."

"The units in the Red Army fighting at the front were not equipped with intelligence about Auschwitz and did not receive orders to liberate it not because Soviet leadership lacked such intelligence, but because the liberation of Jews and saving them from death simply did not interest them and was not a consideration in their eyes."

Dr. Falkov is convinced that the Soviet leadership knew about the extermination camps at Auschwitz long before summer 1944, but despite their knowledge and capability, they never gave the directive to liberate them. "The Soviet leadership had no intention whatsoever to expedite the rescue of Jews, and even when the opportunity presented itself in January 1945, they did not bother to focus the offensive effort on the camp area and did not make it difficult for the Nazis to complete their horrific plans," he emphasizes, adding that the logistical effort of the Germans, which involved establishing Auschwitz and the massive transport of trains to it from all corners of occupied Europe, could not have been missed.

Q: The Soviets had no illusions about Hitler's plans regarding the Jews.

"Correct. In a broader perspective, the Soviet Union was aware of the seriousness of Nazi intentions regarding Jews since 1933. Soviet intelligence identified this as one of the unique and central characteristics of the new Nazi regime and closely followed it with the understanding that this would be a formative motif of Hitler's policy. Intelligence reports to Moscow before the outbreak of World War II explained that the consideration of 'action against the Jews' played an important role in Hitler's decision to invade Poland, and these reports reached all the 'top leaders' – Stalin, Molotov, Bulganin – all of them."

Q: How did this change after the outbreak of World War II?

"Soviet intelligence understood what was happening to the Jews throughout the war and did not hide this knowledge from the leadership. After the German invasion of Poland, tens of thousands of Jews fled from it to the Soviet Union, mainly to the Lvov area. Most were caught by the Soviets near the border, arrested for illegal border crossing, and sent to the Gulag. Even before being sent to the camps, they were thoroughly interrogated by the NKVD to extract information about what was happening in Poland. I dedicated an entire chapter in my research to this obscure affair. The information collected by the NKVD was consolidated and reported upward."

Nevertheless, the lack of Soviet action is attempted to be excused by claiming that the extent of the Jewish extermination by the Nazis only became clear after 1945.

"After the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, reports from the field about what was being done to Jews in Nazi-occupied territories reached the Soviet leadership in bulk, and in all of them, to describe the situation, the term 'total extermination' was used. Note that the authors of these reports were Soviet security personnel and functionaries – very tough people who had survived Stalin's great purges, murdered and sent 'enemies of the people' to Gulag camps, but even they had never seen genocide on such a scale and with such cruelty. Even they, people whose hands were stained with blood, were shocked and expressed this shock in their reports.

"The senior ranks in Moscow were updated throughout the entire Nazi occupation period that the Germans were trying to 'finish off' all the Jews. Based on indirect evidence, there is speculation that even in the Warsaw Ghetto, a branch of the NKVD operated, and it certainly reported to Soviet intelligence about the transports from the ghetto. Specifically regarding Auschwitz, I'll mention that a communist underground in Belgium, in cooperation with Polish communists, actually worked to try to thwart the transports of Jews to Auschwitz. This underground was in close contact with Moscow. Could it be that their operators in Moscow didn't know? Even if they didn't know in 1942, they certainly knew in 1944. They knew and did nothing."

The suppression in the Soviet Union

In Petrenko's memoir, written and published after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, it is noted that the advance order he received on the night of January 26, 1945, included no reference to the mission of liberating the camp. Amazingly, even the two official announcements from the Soviet Union's official information bureau, published in late January 1945, make no mention at all that the liberated place was used for the genocide of the Jewish people.

Zinovy Tolkachev, a Jewish artist who was embedded with Red Army combat units during the war to document the campaign, arrived at Auschwitz around January 27, 1945, and documented the camp's liberation in paintings and drawings. The series of paintings he created was published as a book in Poland after the war and was even sent to the heads of state who fought against Nazi Germany, but in Stalinist Soviet Union, Tolkachev was denounced and persecuted by the authorities as a "bourgeois nationalist."

"Petrenko understood that the authorities were deliberately silencing the tragedy of the Jews because they were Jews, and wrote about this in his book," concludes Dr. Falkov. "He lamented that no order was given to reach the camp earlier to save those who could have been saved. Petrenko understood the reason why he and his Red Army comrades were not sent to liberate Auschwitz and attributed the blame to the antisemitic policy of the Soviet Union."

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Polish President Andrzej Duda has requested special protection for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to attend the 80th anniversary of Auschwitz's liberation without risk of arrest, Bloomberg reported on Tuesday. The request comes amid international legal challenges facing the Israeli leader.

In a Jan. 8 letter to Prime Minister Donald Tusk reviewed by Bloomberg, Duda emphasized the need to ensure Netanyahu's presence would remain "unhindered" during his time in Poland, citing the "absolutely exceptional circumstances" of the commemoration.

The International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Netanyahu in November, following allegations of war crimes in Gaza. The warrant came after the ICC's chief prosecutor's investigation into Israel's military operation against the Hamas terror organization.

The commemoration of the Nazi death camp's liberation is set for Jan. 27. When asked about Netanyahu's attendance plans, his spokesperson said no invitation had been received yet.

Duda's request potentially creates a diplomatic challenge for the Polish government. Poland's status as an ICC treaty signatory requires it to comply with the court's decisions regarding accountability for mass atrocity crimes.

Despite his frequent disagreements with Tusk's administration, Duda expressed confidence in the letter that the government could develop an "adequate formula" to guarantee Netanyahu's safety while respecting international law and honoring the significance of the Auschwitz liberation commemoration.

Neither the Polish government spokesperson nor the president's office provided immediate comment when contacted by Bloomberg about the matter.

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In the darkest days of history, amidst the horrors of Auschwitz, one young Jewish prisoner accomplished the unimaginable. Walter Rosenberg, later known as Rudolf Vrba, not only survived the Nazis' infamous death camp but also escaped with vital evidence of their atrocities. His story is one of resilience, courage, and the fierce determination to save others.

Life before Auschwitz

Walter Rosenberg was just a teenager when his life took a harrowing turn. At 17, he was living in Slovakia when the government ordered the Jewish community to prepare for deportation. Instead of complying with what he deemed a "stupid instruction," Walter stripped off his yellow star and attempted to flee to England. His goal was not just safety; he wanted to join the fight against the Nazis.

Unfortunately, his escape was short-lived. Hungarian guards captured him at the border, subjected him to brutal beatings, and sent him back to a labor camp in Slovakia. This was merely the beginning of his suffering. Walter tried to escape again, only to find himself at the Majdanek Concentration Camp, where conditions were even worse. Starvation, disease, and violence reigned supreme, with the Nazis instilling fear through gruesome displays of power.

Arrival at Auschwitz

After enduring the horrors of Majdanek, Walter found himself crammed into a cattle car heading to Auschwitz. Upon arrival, he witnessed the horrific process that separated men from women and boys from girls. Most of the newcomers were led to what they believed were showers, only to be gassed to death. Walter's job soon became grim; he was tasked with removing the bodies of those who had perished and sorting through their belongings, which revealed the victims' false hopes of relocation.

The Nazis viewed their victims not as humans but as resources to be exploited. Wedding rings, gold teeth, and even hair were repurposed to fund the war effort. Walter recognized that the key to the Nazis' operation was keeping the victims unaware of their fate. He understood that if the prisoners realized the truth, they could resist and potentially disrupt the entire system.

The seed of resistance

Determined to warn the remaining Jews of Europe, Walter began to formulate a plan. His mission became clear: he needed to escape Auschwitz and tell the world about the genocide happening within its walls. While confined in the camp's hospital due to illness, he encountered a member of the resistance who provided him with medicine and hope.

Walter secured a position as a registrar, meticulously recording the names and details of fellow prisoners. His keen observational skills allowed him to gather crucial information about the camp's operations, including the construction of a new railway line intended for transporting more Jews to their deaths. As he learned about the impending deportation of Hungarian Jews, he knew he had to act quickly.

Planning the escape

Walter and fellow inmate Alfred Wetzler began to strategize their escape. They analyzed previous attempts, learning from the mistakes of others. They determined that the outer perimeter of the camp was less guarded during the day, providing a potential opportunity for escape. On April 7, 1944, unbeknownst to them, they would begin a journey on the same Hebrew date of the ancient Israelites' flight from Egyptian slavery.

They hollowed out a space in a woodpile, hiding there for three days while the guards searched for them. Finally, the search ceased, and they emerged, weak but free from the confines of Auschwitz.

For eleven nights, Walter and Alfred traversed enemy territory, using their wits to survive. They relied on stolen food and fresh water from streams, pushing through exhaustion and fear. Upon reaching the Slovakian border, they contacted the Slovak Jewish Council, ready to share the truth about Auschwitz.

However, their reception was not what they had hoped for. The council members, unaware of the full scope of the horrors, asked naive questions that frustrated Walter. He had just escaped a hell on earth and was met with skepticism. Nevertheless, he and Alfred recounted their harrowing experiences, detailing the genocide they had witnessed.

The Vrba-Wetzler Report

In the days that followed, Walter and Alfred dictated their findings to a typist, creating what would become known as the Vrba-Wetzler Report. This 40-page document contained chilling details about the camp, including the layout, the number of victims, and the methodology of the Nazis. They estimated that 1.75 million Jews had been murdered at Auschwitz since June 1942.

Despite the urgency of their message, the Slovak Jewish Council delayed action, leading Walter to despair. His mission to save lives seemed thwarted by indecision. Nevertheless, the report was eventually disseminated, reaching influential figures in Europe and beyond.

The Vrba-Wetzler Report garnered media attention and raised alarm bells internationally. Although it provided critical insight into the atrocities at Auschwitz, the response from Jewish leaders was mixed. Many were hesitant to act, fearing panic might worsen the situation. In Hungary, the situation grew dire as deportations continued despite the warnings.

Rudolf Kasztner, a prominent figure in the Hungarian Jewish community, was given the report. He delayed the publishing of the report in order to maintain his negotiations with the Nazis to save Hungarian Jews. In the end, he only managed to save 1,600 Jews, including himself and his family. Walter's resentment toward Kastner would linger for the rest of his life as he grappled with the consequences of delayed action.

Legacy of resistance

Despite the challenges, Walter's escape and the subsequent report eventually led to significant political pressure on Hungary to halt the deportations. World powers, including the British and American governments, intervened, and by July 9, 1944, the deportations ceased. Walter's efforts had not been in vain; his courage had saved lives.

After the war, Walter, now Rudolf Vrba, rebuilt his life. He became a biochemist, married, and had two daughters. He testified at the Nuremberg Trials, ensuring that the perpetrators of the Holocaust faced justice. His memoirs and continued advocacy against Holocaust denial kept the memory of the atrocities alive, serving as a reminder of the dangers of ignorance and indifference. In a world where the lessons of history can be forgotten or denied, Walter's story remains a powerful reminder of the importance of bearing witness and taking action in the face of injustice.

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Zurich's prestigious Kunsthaus Zurich art museum has announced the temporary removal of five paintings from its ongoing exhibition showcasing the Emil Bührle Collection. This decision comes as the institution investigates potential links between these artworks and Nazi-era looting during World War II.

The collection, named after German-born Swiss industrialist Emil Bührle, has long faced scrutiny regarding the provenance of its holdings. Bührle amassed a vast collection of approximately 600 artworks, many of which were acquired during the war years when the Nazis systematically plundered cultural treasures across Europe.

The artworks under investigation include renowned masterpieces such as Claude Monet's "Jardin de Monet à Giverny," Gustave Courbet's "Portrait of the Sculptor Louis-Joseph," Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec's "Georges-Henri Manuel," Vincent van Gogh's "The Old Tower," and Paul Gauguin's "La route montante."

In a statement, the foundation board overseeing the Emil Bührle Collection expressed its commitment to "seeking a fair and equitable solution for these works with the legal successors of the former owners, following best practices." According to Stuart Eizenstat, the US Secretary of State's special advisor on Holocaust issues, it is estimated that over 100,000 paintings and countless other cultural objects stolen during the Nazi era have yet to be returned to their rightful owners or heirs.

The decision to temporarily remove the paintings follows the publication of new guidelines aimed at addressing the persistent issue of unreturned cultural property stolen during the Nazi regime. These guidelines were developed by the US State Department to mark the 25th anniversary of the 1998 Washington Conference Principles, which outlined a framework for the restitution of Nazi-confiscated art.

While the foundation board acknowledged the potential application of these guidelines to the five artworks in question, it stated that a sixth work from the collection, Edouard Manet's "La Sultane," would be considered separately. The foundation expressed willingness to offer financial compensation to the estate of Max Silberberg, a German Jewish industrialist whose extensive art collection was forcibly auctioned by the Nazis before his murder at the Auschwitz death camp.

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When Leon Gershovich, an educator and historian who researches the history of the Soviet Union Jews, recounts the uprising of the Jews in the small town of Lakhva in September 1942, it is difficult not to get goosebumps. The centuries-old Jewish community of the town, today part of Belarus territory, was home to at least 2000 people right before the Holocaust. When the Germans captured Lakhva approximately two weeks after they invaded the Soviet Union, only a few Jewish residents managed to flee. The rest were trapped and waited for their demise.

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At first, Berel (Dov) Loftin, the head of the town's Judenrat, succeeded in thwarting the mass murder of the town's Jewish population by bribing the Germans. Still, for them, it was only a temporary delay of the inevitable. At the beginning of April 1942, a ghetto was built in Lakhva, and in it, they placed not only the local Jews but also the Jews of the surrounding area.

In the face of the reports of the extermination of Jews in other towns, the young people living in the ghetto began organizing clandestinely. At first, they did this as a group of five people led by Yitzchak Rochtzin, commander of the Betar Movement's nest in Lakhva, and later another approximately 30 young people organized into similar groups. They hoarded cold weapons and forged connections with a partisan who was a town resident and with the Judenrat to acquire weapons.

On September 3rd, 1942, the Germans and the local police support encircled the ghetto. Rochtzin alerted the movement's members and wanted to breach the ghetto's fences immediately, but Loftin requested they wait until morning. When he discovered in the morning that the Germans were destroying the ghetto, he torched the Judenrat's establishment and sent people to set fire to the rest of the houses and warehouses in the ghetto.

"The resistance movement's members began a rebellion, at first in the southern part of the ghetto and afterward in its northern part," Doctor Gershovich recounts. "Rochtzin pounced on a German soldier, using an axe to crush his head. Other Germans shot and killed him. Under the cover of the raging fire and turmoil, about 1000 Jews in the ghetto breached the gates and fled. Loftin was injured but managed to reach the forest, as did 600 others. About 400 Jews were killed mid-flight. Six German and eight police support officers were killed, and some were injured.

"Most of those who fled were captured over the following few days. About 120 Lakhva Jews wanted to join the partisans in the area but were rejected by them. So, they established a Jewish partisan unit composed of 25 members that operated until January 1943, when its members left it to join Soviet partisan units. All in all, 90 of those who fled Lakhva survived to the end of the war."

Many do not know this story of the bravery of the uprising in Lakhva, like other stories of uprisings that occurred at that time in other small towns in the area. Most of them are commemorated, primarily in the local communities' Yizkor remembrance books, but were omitted from the central discourse of the teachings of the Jewish Holocaust Remembrance.

Gershovich, who will be presenting his research on the causes of these rebellions at an international conference that will take place in Warsaw initiated by the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews, explains that "there have been quite a few survivors of the most famous uprising in Warsaw, and because some have them were part of Israel's leadership when the state was established, the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising became a symbol."

A brave fight – and a tragic ending

"The ghetto uprisings began in mid-1942," says Gershovich. "They occurred in response to the rumors about the mass deportation or murder of Jews from nearby communities, in response to the Germans' attempts to exterminate the Jews, or because of reports regarding planned acts such as these. Some uprisings were preorganized, and some were spontaneous.

"Cases of spontaneous opposition by Jews in the ghettos to the murders committed by the Germans and their allies began as early as 1941 following the Nazis' invasion of the Soviet Union and the beginning of their murder of the Jewish population there. This is how it was, for example, in Pasvalys in Lithuania. But these were only individual cases with little to no success, and reports on them are few and far between."

Yitzchak Rochtzin, one of the Lakhva ghetto uprising's leaders, said: "We have nothing to lose. It is better to fall from a bullet while running than to run to your grave. There is a chance that some will succeed in fleeing and will avenge those who will be murdered."

In May 1942, the Radin Ghetto Uprising occurred in the west of today's Belarus. The tragic course of events in this town is similar to what will happen in three months in Lakhva and other places. On May 8th, the ghetto was encircled, and its gates were blocked, and two days later, 100 Jewish men were taken to dig pits outside the town. While digging, the men waited for a signal from the blacksmith Meir Stolier, and when they received it, they charged the guards with shovels and fled. Seventeen of them managed to escape, and the rest were shot. Approximately 1000 of the ghetto's residents were taken to the trenches and murdered there, while about 300 craftsmen and their families were left inside the ghetto. During the uprising, about 300 Jews managed to escape or hide. The ghetto ceased to operate about a month later when the Jews who were left alive or those who survived by hiding were transferred to the Szczuczyn Ghetto.

The Slonim Ghetto Uprising, also located in today's Belarus, was preplanned and occurred at the end of June 1942. Tunnels leading outside the ghetto were dug during the preparations, and on the morning of June 29th, the Jewish families entered them. The resistance movement members, led by David Epstein, fired upon the German soldiers and the police support force. At least five Germans were killed, and some were injured. Several Jews fled to the forests, and several dozen established a partisan combat group.

In retaliation to the uprising, the Nazis set fire to the ghetto, and it was destroyed by July 15th. Throughout those two weeks, thousands of Jews were murdered in their homes, on the streets, and inside the firing trenches near Slonim.

In September 1942, the Jews living in the Tuchin Ghetto, located in northwestern Ukraine of our time, rebelled. 

Gecel Szwarcman, head of the local Judenrat, and his deputy, Meir Himmelfarb, began organizing an uprising along with other young people from Tuchin as early as July. They gathered weapons, prepared flammable materials, and organized groups of fighters for when the day came. The resistance movement fighters had rifles, guns, hand grenades, and a little ammunition.

On September 24th, the German officers and the Ukrainian cooperators encircled the ghetto and began raining fire upon it. Jewish fighters returned fire, and other Jews torched all the ghetto's houses and synagogues that the Germans converted into warehouses. The ghetto's fence was breached in several places.

Approximately 2000 of the ghetto's residents fled to the nearby Postomity forests, and two Ukrainian officers and several Germans were killed in the fighting. About 1000 of those who fled were captured within three days and were executed; approximately 300 women and children returned to the ghetto of their own volition because of the difficult conditions in the forest.

On September 26th, Szwarcman and Himmelfarb came forward to the Germans, identified themselves as the organizers of the uprising, and requested they be allowed to die in the Jewish cemetery. They were both shot and killed. Almost all those who remained in the forest died, were turned in, or murdered by the locals, and a few of the young Jewish people joined the Soviet partisan units.

In August 1943, the Jews of Hlybokaye, Belarus, rebelled. From 1942 resistance units comprised young people operating in the town's ghetto, several of whom joined the partisans. On August 15th, 1943, during a meeting of the resistance movement's leadership, they decided to rebel, blow up the town's government buildings and take advantage of the resulting turmoil to escape the ghetto.

The operation was even coordinated with the partisans in the area. On August 17th, the partisans attacked the Germans in the nearby towns and drew nearer to Hlybokaye. The Germans defended the town with tanks, cannons, and soldiers, and on August 18th, after a battle in which air support was also given to the Germans, the partisans were forced to retreat, and the Germans encircled the ghetto.

On the morning of August 19th, when the Germans attempted to enter the ghetto and locate Jews in hiding places, the resistance fighters began firing at them. Several armed Jews tried fleeing, but the Germans opened fire on them with machine guns and cannons, and most were killed. Only a few managed to escape. According to the partisans' data, about 100 Germans were killed in these battles. On August 20th, the ghetto was bombarded by planes, and many were killed. Almost all the Jews who remained in the ghetto, including Liberman, were killed in the act. The few survivors joined the partisans.

Human dilemmas that discouraged Jews from acting

Rochtzin's poignant words before the Lakhva Ghetto Uprising were echoed by others in the other towns where the Jews rebelled. "We need to be first, without fear, not to retreat," called Rochtzin to his comrades before the start of the battle. "If someone's fate is to fall in battle, he can find comfort in the fact that he has paved the way to life for others. We have nothing to lose. It is better to fall from a bullet while running than to run toward your grave. We have a chance that several will be able to escape and avenge those killed. Our goal – is forward, not retreat."

The chronicles of history may not have preserved the names of all the resistance leaders like Rochtzin in the other ghettos or the exact words they spoke. Still, the uprisings in Dzisna, Druya, Nyasvizh, Kletsk, Torchyn, Turiisk, Sarny, and Kostopil prove that at any given time, this was possible – desperate Jews did not go to their deaths like sheep to the slaughter.

In Tuchyn, the Germans and Ukrainians encircled the ghetto and began to rain fire on it. Jewish resistance fighters returned fire, and others torched all the ghetto's houses and synagogues that the Germans converted into warehouses.

Most of the uprisings occurred between the summers of 1942 and 1943, in an area that was once a part of Poland between the two world wars but became a part of the Soviet Union in September 1939 and today belongs to Belarus. This raises two main questions: why then and why there?

Gershovich reminds us that the debate on these matters began well before he began researching them. He explains that Yitzchak Arad, may his memory be blessed – a Holocaust researcher and a partisan himself who fought the Nazis in his youth – ascribed similar attributes to all the ghettos in which uprisings occurred: organization and the torching of the ghettos, the breach of the ghetto's fences and gates and escape into the forests. No less important is that these ghettos were characterized by the Judenrat's and the Jewish police's association in the underground organizations and the uprisings.

"The characteristics of the uprisings in the small ghettos can be divided into objective and subjective ones that are connected to the motives of the Jews who participated in the active resistance of the Germans," says Gershovich. "In the first group of motives, I include the element of topography –proximity to forested areas to which people can easily escape and from within it to wage partisan warfare, and also the element of land cover: most of the small ghettos were characterized by small one-story houses made of wood that did not provide hiding places and were not suited for urban warfare, but did allow people to relatively easily torch them and take advantage of the chaos to breach the fences and escape."

Q: So, were the ghettos' proximity to the partisans' areas of operation and the Jews' ability to join them the main factors in their decision to rebel?

"Yes and no – the ghettos' proximity to the forests was not the only factor. Geographical conditions, such as proximity to huge forests, had great significance in the decisions the Jews made to rebel and when they considered the possible means of rescue, but there were many other factors taken into account as well. Shalom Cholawski, may his memory be blessed, another Holocaust researcher who was also a partisan, spoke about the objective causes that made it difficult for Jews to integrate into the partisans' operations. The Jews were a minority in a non-Jewish setting. Most were disconnected from nature and did not know the areas and roads.

"To this, you need to add additional problems: a shortage of weapons, the need to contend with antisemitism that only became stronger due to the Nazi propaganda, timetables that worked against the Jews, and the fact that the ghettos were cut off from one another. And there were subjective factors that prevented active resistance: the Jews' belief in the sanctity of life that would discourage them from rebelling, the illusion that not all Jews would be exterminated, distrust of the forest and the non-Jewish surroundings in general, a lack of tradition of combat, the Judenrat that was an obstacle for the resistance, commitments to family, the dilemma of dying in the forest or the ghetto, the dilemma of fighting under siege in the ghetto or fighting in the woods, collective responsibility and a lack of authoritative leadership.

"In contrast to the factors that made things more difficult for the Jews was their hope in their active resistance – their hope that they will survive and be rescued, and, at the same time, their hope for revenge. At times, the hope for revenge motivated them more than the hope for survival."

Doctor Gershovich: "When reevaluating the uprisings in the small ghettos, giving them a more central place in the narrative and ethos of the active Jewish resistance of the Nazis is appropriate."

Gershovich offers another explanation for the common denominator between the uprisings in the small ghettos. This explanation is connected to what the Jewish population in these areas went through before the Germans arrived, primarily the process of Sovietization the general population, and the Jewish population specifically, went through after the annexation of the East Berlin territories to the Soviet Union in September 1939.

"For nearly two years, the Soviet regime pressured the Jews – culturally, religiously, and politically. This pressure included intense propaganda, economic and occupational pressure, imprisonments, exiles, and recruitment of activists as agents of Soviet security and secret services.

"This pressure led activity with political and ideological characteristics to go underground, thereby somewhat unifying it while blurring its ideological disputes, decreasing its political polarization, and laying out a conceptual and practical base for joint activity. Supplemented by personal acquaintance and friendships between people, an infrastructure was laid out for creating active resistance to the Nazis' policy of the eradication of the Jews after the German army captured the area."

Paradoxically, the Sovietization trend considerably united different political and ideological authorities who tended to argue with one another in the pre-Soviet era. In simple terms, after the Jews experienced the "wonders of the Communist Garden of Eden", they realized that their worldviews did not mean much compared to external threats.

Q: How were the Jews prepared over the course of two years under Soviet rule for what would await them when the Germans conquered them?

"The Sovietization included religious and political prosecution and prevented open Jewish and Zionist activity. Therefore, the Jews needed to adapt and keep their activity secret, which created an infrastructure for their organization, at least in several ghettos. However, this Sovietization was short-lived and did not significantly change many aspects of the Jews' lives and awareness. They were left mainly with an affinity for tradition, the Hebrew language, Zionism, and total Jewish solidarity, certainly in times of distress.

"Obviously, it is not enough to look only at the two years of the area's life under Soviet rule. For almost two decades beforehand, this area was under Polish rule. During this time, the Jews lived exciting and dynamic lives, and the Jewish-Zionist education, in particular, both formal and informal, thrived.

"Regarding formal education, the 'Tarbut' network of schools was prominent. Although it was secular, it was not anti-religious, and it honored Jewish tradition in its institutions' life and educational programs. It even maintained constructive relations with political parties and youth movements from all over the Zionist political spectrum."

Survival before ideology

The "Tarbut" movement's main activity in Poland between the two world wars was in eastern Poland – western Belarus and Ukraine of today. Its prominent presence alongside the other education networks points to a distinct Zionist movement. Gershovich is convinced that due to this movement's educational and cultural activity, a generation of Jews who were politically alert, ideologically conscious, and connected to Jewish tradition and the Hebrew language was born.

Gershovich demonstrates his words and the cultural background that cultivated the uprisings with the letters of Yosef Levine, born in 1926 in Lipnishki, to his older brother, Avner, who made Aliyah to Israel and kept his letters. These letters were written in almost fluent Hebrew when Yosef was about ten years old. In them, the boy very maturely discusses the situation of the Jews in Poland in the second half of the 1930s while emphasizing their experience of antisemitism and the Polish population's hostility towards the Jews.

"I feel uncomfortable going to school with Polish people who downright despise us," writes Levine. "Everywhere we go, they hit us and drive us away to somewhere else… what do those cruel people want from the Jewish nation scattered all over the world? Do they want to erase the name of Israel off the face of the Earth? They will never succeed in destroying it. The nation of Israel will live forever. Because this small nation is stubborn and does not need to give up…."

"This incredible letter, and the clear opinions that are given in it, suggest the mood of the young generations in the towns of East Poland between the two world wars," says Gershovich. He adds that alongside the institutions of formal education and, to some degree, integration with them, establishments of informal ideological education operated until the autumn of 1939. First and foremost were the youth movements and organizations that represented the Jewish population's entire political spectrum that existed back then.

"The study of the Hebrew language and its use did not indicate an inter-generational gap between the younger and older people. In several towns, the population even used the Hebrew language in their day-to-day lives.

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"In this area, also in the distinctly secular youth movements, modern Zionism was not perceived as a revolution, but rather as continuity, the making the 'dreams of the generations' come true. This aspect is another reason for the 'of the people' and multi-generational personality of the uprisings in the small ghettos."

In this regard, Gershovich focuses our attention on the 'of the people' characteristic of the uprisings in the small ghettos: "The insurrectionists there were not generally activists with a distinct political or ideological profile (which characterized a significant number of the Warsaw Ghetto insurrectionists, for example), but were rather people from all layers of Jewish society whose motives for rebellion were colored less with distinct hues of ideology and more by survival and life experience – an expression of 'of the people' Jewish activism."

Q: Why is it important to insist on all the causes of the uprisings against the Nazis?

"When reevaluating the uprisings in the small ghettos, it is appropriate to give them a more central place in the narrative and ethos of the active Jewish resistance of the Nazis during the Holocaust and make them a more significant part of the historical remembrance – of the Jews and the world in general – of the Holocaust.

"Learning about these uprisings, the characters who led them, and the Jews who survived thanks to them can be a source of inspiration for teenagers or anyone. Those Jews proved that even in moments of significant challenge and seemingly impossible conditions, it is possible and even proper to act to change and shape reality."

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Twenty-two Arab participants joined the International March of the Living in Poland Tuesday as part of a first-of-its-kind year-long program that promotes tolerance through Holocaust education.

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Organized by Sharaka, a non-governmental initiative that grows the impact of the Abraham Accords by transforming the vision of people-to-people peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors into a reality, the delegation consisted of influencers, journalists, academics, and NGO activists from Morocco, Bahrain, Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, and Algeria.

Together with Israeli Arabs, they walked the 3-kilometer (mile) march from the Auschwitz concentration camp to the Birkenau extermination camp on Holocaust Remembrance Day.

Sharaka's Holocaust education initiative in the Arab world was inspired by the historic delegation that the non-profit brought to March of the Living last year, which marked the first time that a pan-Arab delegation publicly partook in such a solidarity march.

"Sharaka's effort to bring an Arab delegation to March of the Living for the second time, within the context of our yearlong tolerance program, is firmly rooted in our belief that the best way to prevent hatred and atrocities is by learning from the past," Amit Deri, founder of Sharaka, said. "The Holocaust must be viewed as the ultimate warning against where intolerance can lead if left unchecked."

Mohammed Hatimi, a history professor at Sidi Mohamed Ben Abdellah University in Fez, and a member of the delegation, said, "An Arab proverb says that seeing what happens on the spot is better than listening to what is said about what happened there. For this reason, nothing beats a visit to a place of memory that is universal in scope. To be present at Auschwitz and to participate in the march is an intense event that reinforces the conviction that I must do my best to teach about the Holocaust and to learn from it. We all need such a pilgrimage for our own education, but also to pay tribute to the millions of victims of human horror, horror caused by radicalism taken to the extreme."

Over the course of the Sharaka Tolerance Program, participants engage in a series of in-person and online lectures and conversations about the Holocaust (including on the efforts of Muslims who saved Jews), antisemitism and all forms of extremism, genocide in modern history, sources of moderation within Islam, and what they can do in their societies to promote tolerance.

Prior to attending the March of the Living, delegation members visited Israel in February for a seminar at the Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial in Jerusalem. They also discovered diverse parts of Israeli society, visited religious and historic sites, learned about tech and innovation, discussed geopolitics, and explored arts and culture.

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Listen to the BBC report about the first Shabbat service at Bergen-Belsen after its liberation, and you will hear Jewish voices raised twice:

First, in the singing of Hatikvah.

Video: March of the Living

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Second, in the British army rabbi's assertion: "Am Israel Chai! The children of Israel still liveth!"

Note that translation: the "children" of Israel, rather than the "people" of Israel.

Amidst the ruination of the Shoah, that rabbi was already trusting that a new generation of Jews would rise from the ashes.
And we must similarly have faith in the future – especially here.

For what is the March of the Living if not a march of time, with young Jews, proud and unbowed, symbolically reversing the doomed transports at Auschwitz?

Even as we mourn our six million martyrs, let us rejoice in everything our people have managed to rebuild in the eight decades since.

And even as we sing "Hatikvah" for our beloved Israel as she turns 75, let us wed the "hope" that is at the heart of that anthem to conviction and confidence that Am Israel Chai. Or, to use the fuller phrase: Am Israel Chai ve-Kayam.

Our nation lives and will live on!

Adapted from a speech delivered at main ceremony of the March of the Living on April 18, 2023, where Dr. Adelson lit a memorial torch. Dr. Miriam Adelson is the publisher of Israel Hayom. 

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Anna-Suzette Pfeiffer managed to hold back her tears throughout our entire interview, except for one time. When she spoke of how the Nazi regime murdered Germans with disabilities before World War II in Tübingen, southwest Germany, just half an hour away from her hometown.

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"The Nazis thought these people did not deserve to live," she said, in tears. "And this happened only half an hour away from my house. The Nazis were so pleased with how smoothly the process went, and how easy it was to kill people, that they decided to replicate the project in extermination camps."

Anna-Suzette, only 19 years old, is shocked by the atrocities her people committed against the Jews. But she is also shocked by the history of her own family: her great grandfathers were senior Nazi officials, two of whom participated in the extermination of Jews. One was an engineer who built the gas chambers and the electric fences around the Auschwitz camps, the other – an SS sniper, who killed Jews and partisans in the Netherlands. 

"They were part of this machine, part of this terrible killing," Anna-Suzette said. "These are my people. My nation. And that is what brings me here."

I met with Anna-Suzette in the beautiful garden of the ADI rehabilitative village in the Negev, where she has volunteered for almost a year, working with children with physical disabilities and on the autism spectrum. She first came to volunteer here in October last year, as part of the March of the Living project. 

"It's not that I constantly think about the need to rectify what my family members did in the Shoah," she said. "True, it's a significant part of my life, but I'm also an ordinary young woman who came to volunteer. I enjoy helping children."

Born in 2002, Anna-Suzette spent a lot of time with her grandparents, who refused to speak about the family history during the war, and not even Anna-Suzette's parents knew, they say, about the atrocities committed by their grandparents.

In 2007, two Tübingen residents – Jobst and Charlotte Bittner – began to research events that occurred in the city during WWII as part of Holocaust remembrance efforts. Similar initiatives took place across all of Europe.

Their research revealed that many of the local residents were unaware that they were descendants of Nazi criminals. The couple – who run the TOS Ministries Christian charity organization – decided to hold their own March of the Living with several hundreds of friends and acquaintances. Among the attendees were Anna-Suzette's parents. 

"Most Germans don't speak about what they had done in the war because they are ashamed, and because they didn't want to deal with the consequences that their confessions would bring about," Anna-Suzette said. "There's a saying in Germany that the only culprit at the end of WWII was Hitler because everyone else kept shifting the blame onto someone else. My parents began to research the past and discovered a terrifying history. All their grandparents used to be Nazis. 

"The founders of Tübingen were antisemites, and so were the residents who came after them. They were proud of the fact that they established a university that had no Jews. Hundreds of years later, on Kristallnacht [Night of Broken Glass], residents burned down the local Jewish synagogue and used the remaining bricks to build a pigsty. 

"During the Holocaust, members of the Nazi Party trained officers in the city, who were then sent to all corners of Europe and advanced to high ranks. I'm still learning about my family's history, even today, and the more I find out, the worse it gets."

One of the earliest atrocities committed by the Nazi regime occurred at the Grafeneck Castle, a half-hour ride from Tübingen. There was established a "euthanasia" center in the early 1940s where people with physical and mental disabilities, as well as autistic people and schizophrenics, were brought to from all over the region and systematically murdered. 

"At first, they used sealed grey busses in which they murdered the victims using the gas from the exhaust. Realizing that was too slow, they set up the first gas chamber in the castle, and tested it on children who were brought there," Anna-Suzette said, crying.

Anna-Suzette became interested in her family's history at an early age.

"I was always interested in history, and already as a child, I knew that something terrible happened in the war, but I didn't know what exactly. When I was 12, my mom bought me a book about the Shoah, which tells the story of a girl who had to overcome antisemitism. Then mom and dad decided to tell me, little by little, what happened in our family. 

"I visited Auschwitz for the first time when I was 14. I very much wanted to know who I was. Mom held my hand and told me that my great grandfather helped build the gas chambers. I felt very guilty. Why did he do it? Why didn't he stop? 

"I was angry, furious that I was German, why did it have to be me. That was the first time I understood what had happened, that six million Jews had been killed, of those 1.3 million in Auschwitz, with the help of my great grandfather. It broke my heart, how much the German people viewed the Jews as subhuman."

One of Anna-Suzette's great grandfathers from her mother's side was Herman Bernhardt. He worked as an engineer at a synthetic rubber factory before the war. When the Auschwitz extermination camp was established, he transferred to a factory located at the camp, where Jewish inmates were forced to work, including Holocaust survivor and Noble laureate Elie Wiesel. 

In October 1941, Bernhardt and other Nazis began to build the Birkenau camp, which was mostly designated for the extermination of Jews.

"During the war, my great grandfather came home and told his family about his actions, but told them never to talk about it, fearing that he himself would be killed or sent to the camp," Anna-Suzette said. "Then, still during the war, he divorced, changed his last name and disappeared. That was the last time that his son Rudolph – my grandfather – who was eight at the time, saw him."

Rudolph Bernhardt only found out about his father's terrible crimes in his 80s. 

"In 2012, he traveled to Israel to meet with a Holocaust survivor, and heard from them what his father had done, and he apologized to them. Ten days later, he passed away. My grandmother donated everything he left behind to Holocaust survivors," Anna-Suzette said. 

Her second great grandfather from her mother's side, "Jacob Wilhelm Fuchs, was in charge of a tank factory, which apparently forcibly employed Jews. I've been told that he was a very aggressive man. One day, he brought home jewelry, earrings and a necklace, and gifted them to his daughter, my grandmother, who was eight. But she intuited that something was off about the jewelry and threw it away. She didn't want to wear something that belonged to someone else."

Anna-Suzette's great grandfather from her father's side, Wilhelm Pfeiffer, served in the Wehrmacht.

"He served in France, Ukraine, Russia, and other countries. His job was to prepare territories Germany took over for the visiting senior officers and public officials," she said. 

"He might also have been involved in the shooting of innocent people, but he never spoke about this. He left behind a diary, in which he spoke about the beautiful countries he visited, but no mention of what he did, of course."

Anna-Suzette's second great grandfather from her father's side, Ernst Hamann, was a member of the SS.

"He was born in Romania, in a German community that migrated there," she said. "He was imprisoned before the war, not clear as to why, but it seems it was something terrible. When the war broke out, he refused to join the Romanian army, and instead traveled to Germany to volunteer for the SS. 

"He was an ardent believer in the Aryan race ideology and believed that Jews, disabled people and Communists were inferior and had no right to live. My father, who knew him, said that as a child he was very scared of him. There was something very cruel about him. At family dinners, he would speak about disabled people and the Jews with utmost hatred.

"During the war, he served, among other things, as a sniper for the SS in the Netherlands, and was involved in killing partisans and Jews. He also patrolled occupied territories and purified them from the Jews. He was an active participant in the killings. 

"He later participated in the deportation of Jews and Poles from their home to concentration camps. Hamann survived the war and became a maintenance man. He died when I was a baby. I even have a picture of me sitting on his lap.

"Hamann is the one who caused the greatest atrocities," Anna-Suzette continued. "He is the one who makes me feel at most unease. I have a feeling that Herman was somewhat forced to do what he did, and had a hard time living with it. 

"Whereas Hamann did everything in order to kill people. This was his deepest desire. He came from Romania to Germany of his own accord, even though he was not rich and this was not an easy trip. He was willing to pay the price, sacrifice himself, just to kill Jews. And until the day he died, he didn't regret what he had done."

Q: It is heartbreaking to hear your family's story. 

"In 12th grade, I created a project about Herman Bernhardt. I sat in front of the computer and cried. I couldn't understand how my great grandfathers led double lives. They killed and shot, treated human beings like animals, while their family was waiting for them at home. 

"How can one cate human beings like that? It shocks me every time. Knowing that someone's life came to an end because your grandfather shot him. 

"A German journalist asked me once why I use such harsh words. She said it was as if I was unclothed, that I was exposing myself and allowing anyone to hurt me. That the truth hurts the German people. 

"I explained to her that the German people continue to hide the truth to this day, with pretty words, and it helps no one. When Holocaust survivors hear that my great grandfather built the gas chambers, and another one was a sniper that killed people, they are shocked. But when they see a young German speak about this without hiding a thing and take responsibility – then the process of healing can begin.

"I feel that I'm making a difference here at the center, in so many ways," Anna-Suzette continued. "When I came here, it was the first time I met children with disabilities. It was difficult in the beginning. I was peed on, pooped on, vomited on, everything. But I got used to it. Working here made me open up, and also taught me to be more relaxed."

ADI Negev-Nahalat Eran provides residents with rehabilitative care and educational, vocational, and social opportunities. It empowers hundreds of Israel's most vulnerable citizens to advance well beyond their initial prognoses and live happy, dignified, and meaningful lives. ADI is also establishing fully inclusive communities and laying the groundwork for the provision of the highest-level rehabilitative care for all.

Q: Back in Germany, were you taught about the Holocaust in schools?

"Yes, but in a very factual and chronological manner. No one knows who has a Nazi family history, and no one speaks about it. Instead, they hide behind facts and numbers. That is why it was so important for my mom to take me to Auschwitz as a girl, for me to understand almost from the source what happened there. 

"Germans don't speak enough about the Holocaust. True, there are commemorative ceremonies every year, and candles and flowers, and the news outlets cover it, but it is not personal. Politicians say, 'Never again', but in the meantime, we see more and more antisemitism, not just from neo-Nazis, but the general population. 

"Antisemitic incidents happen all the time. Every synagogue has security and guards with guns. A boy in my class shared a photo in the Whatsapp group chat, with a grey cloud and the words 'Jewish family' written above. He found that funny. It's insane.

"I have a Jewish friend who they called 'Jewish pig' and told him to go back to Auschwitz. Someone in my city put up a sign with a Star of David calling for an end to antisemitism. The next day, it was already vandalized with graffiti.

"In Germany, they always blame Israel, demonize it, as if it was a terrible country that always attacks poor Palestinians. Two weeks ago, Eli Kay was murdered in Jerusalem, but German news outlets didn't specify that it was a terrorist attack, and the report made it seem like Israelis killed someone in Jerusalem.

"As far as the Germans are concerned, the subtext is always that Israel is at fault. There are a lot of protests, for all kinds of reasons, and there is always a group that holds Palestinian flags and calls for the killing of Jews. Why? If you demonstrate for the protection of the environment, or against coronavirus vaccines, what does that have to do with Palestinians and killing Jews? Crazy.

"You say, 'Never again,' but it is happening again," Anna-Suzette continued. "In a different way, maybe not such a magnitude, but this is definitely not 'Never again.' Jews cannot feel safe in Germany. We must learn from the past and be moral in the future because this is the only way to heal as a society. That is why I don't hide anything and reveal even the smallest details about my family's past. 

"Antisemitism only increased as a result of the pandemic. There were so many rumors and conspiracy theories about Jews and the coronavirus, and the nerve of Germans who protested against vaccines to compare themselves to concentration camp inmates, wearing yellow stars, and claiming they were like Anne Frank. That is completely insane. We are descendants of murderers, how dare you compare yourselves to the victims? 

"At that time, March of the Living offered me to come volunteer here, and I saw it as a sign. I knew that people with disabilities are the most vulnerable, and I thought I could do good. That a German would come to Israel to help children with disabilities, specifically in the middle of a pandemic."

Q: What do you think your great grandfathers would say if they saw you volunteer in Israel with Jewish children with disabilities? 

"I believe they would be shocked, and if they had a gun in their hands, they would shoot me on the spot. They would think I was bringing shame to the family, the black sheep. I think it is wonderful that my life can be the exact opposite of the terrible past. 

"It is important for me to stress, however, that the past is not the only reason I am here. I focus on the present and doing good deeds. I am proud of this. Elie Weisel once said that the opposite of love isn't hate, but indifference. In my family, there was both. That is why instead of hating the Jews or hiding from them or from people with disabilities, I chose to work with them. I cannot change the past, but I can take steps to rectify that which was broken and destroyed."

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Q: If you could, what would you say to your great grandfathers?

"I would confront them and say to them, 'You thought you were superior, and that Jewish lives that you took were meaningless, but it is you who are meaningless. You destroyed your family, your people, because hatred never wins, only love.'"

Q: And what did your parents say when you decided to volunteer in Israel?

"My father encouraged me to volunteer. He saw how good it was for me. It was my friends from high school who couldn't understand why I decided to leave everything after finishing my studies and go volunteer with special needs children. They asked me 'What? Do you want to die in Israel? There is terrorism there, and the coronavirus is spreading now.' They did not understand the meaning of volunteering in Israel for me.

"Most finish high school, travel to Australia to surf or work at a bar, and then study at university. I wanted to do something meaningful. 

"I thought I would be brave and come help children, and I learned with time that they are the ones who teach me. They come from such a difficult starting point in life, and yet they are happy and full of optimism. They fight for their lives every day, and it is inspiring. They are the ones who changed my life."

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The anonymous seller of the Nazi tattoo kit that is said to have been used on prisoners in the Auschwitz extermination camp informed the Tel Aviv District Court Thursday that he planned to bring the matter to a conclusion by donating the items to the Haifa Holocaust Museum.

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The auction of the controversial items was announced by the Tzolman Auction house several weeks ago. Following outrage by Holocaust survivors, the Tel Aviv District Court temporarily halted the sale. The Center of Organizations of Holocaust Survivors filed a lawsuit against the auction house and the owner in an attempt to prevent the sale of the dies altogether.

During the first hearing on Tuesday, the head of the auction house, Meir Tzolman, asked for the name of the seller to remain anonymous due to the sensitive nature of the matter. The court informed the seller's lawyers that he had eight days to make a decision with regard to the conflict over the items, which is when he decided to donate the items.

In a letter to the court, the seller explained that as someone who works in the field of Holocaust history and purchases items to keep its memory alive, he did not expect the auction to cause a storm.

The letter also stressed that all along the owner meant to sell the kits to "an individual who would then donate it to a Holocaust commemorative organization," rather than to someone unsuitable.

The owner pointed out that "while he has no legal obligation to give away the items, he is willing to do so in light of the fact that at the end of the day, his only goal is to act for the commemoration of the Holocaust."

He has decided to donate the dies to the Yad Ezer L'Haver ("Helping Hand to Friends") organization that runs the Haifa Holocaust Museum and works with survivors.

The matter did not sit well, however, with the Center of Organizations of Holocaust Survivors that wanted the items to be transferred to the Yad Vashem Holocaust Museum.

The seller has made his decision known to the court and it is now up to them to decide the fate of the items.

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Holocaust survivor Eddie Jaku, who last year published his best-selling memoir, The Happiest Man on Earth, has died in Sydney, a Jewish community leader said. He was 101.

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"Eddie Jaku was a beacon of light and hope for not only our community, but the world," New South Wales state Jewish Board of Deputies chief executive officer Darren Bark said in a statement.

"He will always be remembered for the joy that followed him, and his constant resilience in the face of adversity," Bark added.

Jaku died on Tuesday.

Prime Minister Scott Morrison paid tribute to Jaku's decision to "make his life a testimony of how hope and love can triumph over despair and hate."

"He will be sadly missed, especially by our Jewish community. He was an inspiration and a joy," Morrison added.

Treasurer Josh Frydenberg, whose Jewish-Hungarian mother also survived the Holocaust and arrived in Australia in 1950 as a stateless child, said "Australia has lost a giant."

"He dedicated his life to educating others about the dangers of intolerance and the importance of hope," Frydenberg said in a statement.

"Scarred by the past, he only looked forward. May his story be told for generations to come," Frydenberg added.

Jaku said in a speech in Sydney in 2019: "I do not hate anyone. Hate is a disease which may destroy your enemy, but will also destroy you."

"Happiness does not fall from the sky. It's in your hands. I'm doing everything I can to make this world a better place for everyone," he said.

Jaku was born Abraham "Adi" Jakubowiez in April 1920 in the German city of Leipzig. His parents and many of his wider family did not survive the war.

He was tossed out of school in 1933 at the age of 13 because he was Jewish, but managed to finish his high school education in another city under an alias in 1938 with a qualification in precision engineering.

Jaku said his qualification spared him the gas chambers in the years that followed because he worked as a slave laborer.

He was sent to and escaped from concentration camps including Buchenwald and Auschwitz, where his parents were gassed on arrival.

He escaped from what he suspected was a death march as an Auschwitz prisoner as Allies approached. He spent months in hiding before US troops found him near starved and sick with cholera and typhoid.

In 1946, he married in Belgium his Jewish wife Flore, who had spent a comparatively uneventful war in Paris pretending to be Christian, and they migrated to Australia in 1950.

The husband worked at a Sydney garage and his wife as a dressmaker before they went into real estate together.

Forever marked with an Auschwitz prisoner number tattooed on his left arm, he also became a volunteer at the Sydney Jewish Museum, sharing his experiences and philosophies of life with visitors.

"When anybody left Eddie having spoken to him, they really just felt as if their whole outlook on life had changed," museum chief executive Norman Seligman told Nine Network television.

Jaku said with the birth of his first son Andre, "I realized I was the luckiest man on Earth."

He is survived by his wife of 75 years, his sons Andre and Michael, four grandchildren and five great grandchildren.

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