Regarding the first challenge, Netanyahu is eager to pass the conscription law. The Shas party would also greatly welcome the bill's passage. The faction emphasizes that it has never withdrawn from the coalition and that it supports Netanyahu's Government – yet, it currently seems difficult to formulate a version that will satisfy the needs of both the IDF and the ultra-Orthodox, and one that can also withstand judicial scrutiny by the Supreme Court.

On Friday, in a rarity for the Sukkot holiday, a meeting took place in the Knesset involving Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Chairman MK Boaz Bismuth, the committee's legal counsel, and Shas representatives – former Minister Ariel Attias and MK Yinon Azoulay. A source present at the meeting informed Israel Hayom: "I am not a bearer of good tidings." The other participants in the meeting responded similarly. As for  Netanyahu, those in his inner circle say he wishes to pass the bill as quickly as possible, both to remove this major issue from Israeli society and because it is obvious that without this law, the government has no real chance of survival.

With regards to the state budget, the Knesset will be dissolved if the government fails to finalize a law that passes the Knesset by March. Netanyahu, according to those around him, is determined to pass a budget and has the capability to do so, but it appears that there are currently too many opposing elements that need to be satisfied. The ultra-Orthodox will undoubtedly want a budget that meets their needs, and the defense budget will also require exceptional focus, especially following a war.

Nevertheless, the prime minister's associates have been communicating very clear signals that Netanyahu will not head to elections before he completes his objectives, which are as follows: the return of the hostages; guaranteeing that Hamas does not return to rule; and placing Gaza on a path to demilitarization. His orbit has also been mentioning cementing the achievements against Lebanon, Syria, and Iran – and even the signing of several peace agreements.

And then there is the Netanyahu trial, where he is at the start of the cross-examination in Case 1000, the gifts case. As a reminder, Netanyahu had sought to postpone the testimony scheduled on Wednesday. Israel Hayom's legal correspondent, Elinor Shirkani Kofman, reported that the prosecution consented to the delay on the condition that Netanyahu would testify on Thursday. Ultimately, the testimony proceeded on Wednesday as scheduled. The trial and Netanyahu's testimony will also affect the political process – as the trial progresses or faces delays, the prime minister will possess more leverage.

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Video: Protesters during the Day of Disruption on August 26, 2025

Roads were blocked across the country, including the Ayalon highways, Raanana Junction, Yakum bridge, Highway 4 near Mesubim, Highway 1, and Shilat Junction near Modiin. Police intercepted a stockpile of tires prepared for arson to block traffic arteries in central Israel.

Families took the lead. Yotam Cohen, brother of Nimrod Cohen, said, "A week after Hamas signaled readiness for a deal, there is still no agreement. Everyone saw my brother Nimrod in Hamas' custody, but he is not home." His father, Yehuda Cohen, added, "Israel stands against Netanyahu and his government."

Einav Zangauker, mother of Matan Zangauker, accused Netanyahu of stalling: "Our people fight for brothers and sisters in captivity. Netanyahu fears public pressure." Hagit Chen, mother of Itay Chen, urged, "Sit at the table until the last hostage returns." Itzik Horn, father of Eitan Horn, condemned the government for risking hostages' lives in a military operation, warning, "This is not the country we built."

Demonstrators also protested outside the homes of Minister Gila Gamliel and Likud lawmaker Boaz Bismuth, who is a senior Likud MK.

The Hostages and Missing Families Forum issued a response to recent statements made by the US president Donald Trump, saying, "President Trump, you declared that within the next 2-3 weeks the war will come to an end. We pray this is true and that you are setting a deadline for ending our suffering. You made a direct commitment to the captivity survivors you met that you would bring all the hostages home – the time has come to fulfill this," the statement read.

"We want to remind you that there are 50 hostages in Gaza. Each one is a brother or sister, parent, child – an entire world. Since October 7, 42 hostages who were taken alive have been murdered in captivity. Every day the fighting continues puts our loved ones in greater danger of never returning home. Every additional delay in signing the deal endangers all 50 who remain there. We understand that the information you received from our government may be misleading, but please, we need your help, close the deal, and bring them all home before it's too late."

Eli Shtivi, father of Idan, who was murdered and whose body is being held in Gaza, told Kol Chai Radio: "Road blockades and shutting down the state are not what will bring the hostages home, it only bothers the ordinary citizen. I hear Hamas' calls from Gaza to topple the [Israeli] government and reach a deal that would also lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state, and unfortunately, many are echoing this call. We must not surrender to this. I do not agree that a Palestinian state should be established on the blood of my child."

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Des Moines is hardly the most vibrant city among the 50 state capitals in the United States. In fact, it is often called the dullest city in America.

But every four years, Des Moines is in the spotlight because it is the epicenter of the Iowa caucuses, the unique voting system that has its fascinating rules and quirks. This quadrennial event launches the race to the White House and puts Hawkeye State front and center.r

This time around, the Iowa caucuses are only the concern of one party, the Democratic Party, since incumbent President Donald Trump is virtually unchallenged in the GOP and is guaranteed to become the Republican nominee in the summer.

The Democrats may have misfired by focusing their campaign on Trump and essentially doing all they can to go after him, to the point that they impeached him and forced the Senate to open a special trial for the third time in the nation's history.

The senators will render a verdict on Wednesday, and will most likely acquit him. A day earlier, Trump will deliver his State of the Union Address to a joint session of Congress. This means that tonight's voting in Iowa will occupy a mere few hours in the news cycle before the media shifts gears to Washington and resumes its coverage of Trump.

Tonight at around 7 p.m. local time, more the 1,600 caucuses will be held in various locations across Iowa, in what can be considered as the state's electoral championship, a day after the Superbowl determined the champions in the NFL.

Only about 15% of Iowa's residents will take part in the caucuses, in subzero temperatures. If the young party activists flock in droves to the local high schools and community centers, as they often do in this unique form of voting, US Senator Bernie Sanders (I-VT.) is expected to win big.

If older voters show up, former Vice President Joe Biden will get a boost and possibly even come on top, gaining much-needed momentum to carry him forward.

In any event, because of the special rules in the caucuses, we may end up seeing a dark horse come out of nowhere and win second or first place, such as former mayor Pete Buttigieg and Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.)

But in the grand scheme of things, the big winner is Trump, who managed to steal the 11 Democratic nominees' thunder for a while by holding a massive rally last week. In fact, it looks like his overall standing in the state and the nation has been unaffected by the Democratic infighting.

Buttigieg is by far the most interesting Democratic presidential hopeful, because of his background as mayor, his military service in Afghanistan, his youth (only 38) and because he is openly gay.

I attended his rally at the Lincoln High School in Des Moines last night. I could feel the electricity in the air. The crowd, which packed the gym, was ecstatic to see him, and roared when he asked, "Are you ready to get rid of Trump?"

This electrifying moment was in stark contrast to the low-key and almost depressing event Biden hosted a day earlier.

Kylee, a 22-year-old student at Drake University in Des Moines, is a marketing major. She was born in Ankeny, which is a 20-minutes drive from the capital. "The male students support Sanders because he offers free tuition, but women prefer Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) because she is a woman," she tells me. "But I think Trump will win here in the general elections because the economy is doing well. In 2016 I voted for Trump, because of my parents, and they are going to vote for him again this time around." Iowa is a purple state. Its electors went to President Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012, but in 2016 voters gave them to Trump, whose victory in the state was the largest by any Republican since Ronald Reagan.

Despite its alleged dullness, I managed to find a bustling venue in Des Moines: Waveland Cafe on University Avenue. The place has beautiful murals, and according to the locals, it serves the best breakfast in the state.

An African-American couple sits at the counter. Then another younger African-American man sits next to me. He tells me his name is Jason, and his vote could go to either party in November. "Of course I will vote in the caucuses. The Democrats are going to fight among themselves, but in November the Republicans will carry the state," he proclaims. "If Election Day was today, Trump would carry Iowa."

Outside the diner, John, who dons a cowboy hat and is walking his dog says "it's going to be close," referring to caucus night. "The turnout will ultimately decide the outcome," he says. When I ask him whom he would vote for, he pauses and then reveals that both Republican and Democratic candidates got his vote in the past, but in November he will vote for Trump. "He will be re-elected in November," John insists.

Not far from Waveland Cafe, lies the local Lubavitch of Iowa Torah Center, which includes Maccabee's Kosher Deli, the city's kosher restaurant. Three customers – a couple and a young man from New York – are having lunch.

Then another couple enters.

The local Lubavitch emissary Rabbi Yossi Jacobson greets me. Jacobson, who arrived in the city 28 years ago from Brooklyn, runs the place with his wife Chanie, who is the daughter of the emissary in Argentina.

The rabbi is in charge of the other Lubavitch shluchim who have been assigned to the four other chapters in the state.

There are only about 5,000 Jews statewide, about 1,600 in the capital. He tells me that the rate of assimilation worries him, claiming that about 80-85% of Jews marry non-Jews, despite the Jewish community being relatively conservative.

"Why," I ask him. To which he quips, "We are still trying to figure this out."

The young Jew from New York tells me that Jewish voters in America vote for the Democrats because they are associated with the Jewish concept of Tikkun Olam (fixing the world). "You see, I have just arrived from Nebraska, where I spent Shabbat," he tells me. "Nebraskans are as conservative as they get, but even there the Jews vote Democratic."

Video: Boaz Bismuth

Rabbi Jacobson chimes in and notes that these trends are changing. According to Jacobson, "observant Jews are increasingly pro-Trump."

Here in Iowa, it seems that the various Jewish denominations are a source of unity, not friction. Jacobson has only kind words to say about the Reform and Conservative Jews in Iowa. In fact, David Kauffman is the rabbi of Temple B'nai Jeshurun in Des Moines, a Reform congregation comes to the Lubavitch center for his groceries.

"David cares for Israel, and fights the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement," Jacobson tells me. Such good intra-Jewish relations and such warm comments are not obvious, but in Des Moines, it seems that all Jews are brothers.

Jacobson is all but certain that Trump will win Iowa. "He will sweep Iowa, because he is pro-Israel and because he is against abortions. We are effectively part of the Bible Belt."

Ariel Ruben, a Jew from Des Moines, tells me he is a Sanders supporter. "He is the only candidate who cares about social justice and equity for everyone. He underscores the Jewish notion of Tikkun Olam," Ruben says. "Sanders cares about social justice."

There is one thing we can be sure of: There are at least four candidates who can get a boost from Iowa, even if they come in second or third place. They have spent millions upon millions of dollars, and have practically lived in Iowa for the past several months, only to get a chunk of the state's 41 delegates.

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This is perhaps the most important achievement of the historic event held at Yad Vashem to mark the 75th anniversary of the liberation of the Auschwitz death camp. Representatives of the nations of the world gathered in Jerusalem, not just to identify with us, the survivors and their descendants, or with the Jewish people. They came to Jerusalem to search the depths of their souls for that inkling of morality that could have, eight decades ago, prevented the loss of everything humane and decent; that inkling of morality that, if found, would be able to validate the promise of "never again."

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We saw it on Thursday and cried, alongside today's heroes, the survivors. Together with them, we looked straight into yesterday's world. And yesterday's world was looking back at us.

Old anti-Semitism is going nowhere. It is still here, showing up in its old form as well as taking on new ones. The Holocaust must never be forgotten, the speakers vowed. But we do not have the privilege of being naive. Holocaust survivors still live among us, while Holocaust deniers wait for no one to spread their malicious teachings like toxic viruses. These messages are drenched with anti-Semitic venom and the decades since the camp's liberation have known thousands of anti-Semitic incidents.

This, too, cannot be forgotten. Anti-Semitism is all around – from the extreme Right or radical Left,  Western or Arab, Christian or Muslim, anti-Semitism of the ignorant and anti-Semitism of the educated. It is everywhere.

It was the direct and clear message that German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier conveyed when he confessed that Germany understands the past, but not necessarily the present. His opening remarks in Hebrew with the Shehecheyanu blessing ("who has granted us life, sustained us, and enabled us to reach this time"), one could sense that something deep was internalized.

"I cannot say that the Germans have learned from history as hatred spreads," he said with rare courage, turning the imperative more concrete than ever when he spoke of "anti-Semitism under the guise of criticism of Israel" or of "evil ghosts in new forms."

"When anti-Semitism rears its head, all kinds of racism and hatred flourish," said the French president, adding that "indifference to anti-Semitism in akin to cooperating with it."

I admit that I did not like Macron's visit to Ramallah, where he met with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, a Holocaust denier. But in his speech, I heard the echoes of the French Resistance – not the voices of those who collaborated with the Nazis.

That is the imperative: Do not cooperate with hatred and let the memory lead to action. Recognize the changing nature of anti-Semitism and its new forms, exacerbate punishment, and bolster deterrence. The concern is not unfounded, it is tangible. In historical terms, Nazi Germany took hold of an enlightened, educated and cultured nation very rapidly and the Holocaust happened only yesterday.

But alongside this concern, there is one thing that differentiates yesterday's world from today's world: Rabbi Lau said it best when he proclaimed, "My parents don't expect us to remember, but to continue on."

Just minutes before Lau's speech, one of the Holocaust survivors who attended the event stumbled and fell. He got up to his feet with a little help, and insisted on walking back to his seat on his own. That is exactly the message: Not only to remember, but to keep going, to continue the great historical movement of Zionism, which was not born in response to the Holocaust, but wad lent prominence in its wake.

I was born Jewish and Israeli. My children are the second generation in the country. At Yad Vashem on Thursday, it suddenly became clear that none of this is obvious, that the fight is not over.

It is precisely for this reason that we have to acknowledge the nations of the world who sent their sons to fight evil and rescue others from certain death, and to cherish without cynicism the guests who arrived in Jerusalem to help us, at the height of winter storms and political upheaval, to put things in proportion, and remember where we came from and where – and more importantly, why – we must forge ahead.

Boaz Bismuth is the editor-in-chief of Israel Hayom

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Others received the prize along with Bismuth, including the President of the All-Ukrainian Jewish Congress Vadim Rabinovich, President of the Euro-Asian Jewish Congress (EAJC) Mikhail Mirilashvili, Chairman of the Israeli-Russian Business Council Temur Ben Yehuda (Khikhinashvili), and the head of the Nativ program Neta Briskin-Peleg.

Hundreds of delegates from 32 countries, including Ukraine, Russia, Kazakhstan, Croatia, Slovenia, Albania, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia, participated in the event.

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For years, this giant of a country has been trying to find its way out of economic stagnation, turn around its negative population growth, and above all, to combine modernity with the past and find meaning in the new world that has replaced the world of yesterday. And in Japan, which like us in Israel is a nation with an ancient history going back thousands of years, there is no simple way of doing that – not in terms of society, and not in terms of mentality.

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Events such as the enthronement of a new emperor can provide a much stronger tailwind than any economic incentive or political decision could. The people like unity, especially unity around a common goal.

Japan, which has always known how to reinvent itself, isn't despairing. This week, it proved yet again that the future is always written with the ink of the past: the enthronement of Naruhito, Japan's 126^th emperor, was not a gala but an appropriate event. It was celebratory but minimalist. Impressive, but not gaudy.

He is the first emperor born in Japan after World War II, and the changing of the generational guard is palpable. The emperor's connection to his people inspires ordinary Japanese. Japan has proved that one can forge ahead while still looking back. This week, in Tokyo, the enthronement ceremony of Naruhito and Empress Masako, allowed us a privileged glimpse of the secret of Japan's magic in a single ceremony.

For years, Japan has offered amateur (as well as professional) photographers the most advanced cameras available, but woe betides anyone who uses them at the wrong place or at the wrong time. Your writer was accompanied by three representatives of the Japanese Foreign Ministry during the reception at the palace that took place a few hours after the official enthronement ceremony. On one hand, it was clear that the hosts had gone out of their way to make me feel at home in a distant country and take care of anything I needed – Japanese tradition gives great respect to foreigners and guests. But at the same time, they were there at every moment to make sure I wasn't taking pictures inside the palace.

The power of tradition

That's how it is in Japan, a country of contradictions. It is a country of great Western-style openness, combined with ancient traditions that must not be questioned. That combination makes Japan a powerful country, albeit not militarily or diplomatically. It is a country of great popular strength.

As I mentioned, photography inside the imperial palace is explicitly banned, with a few exceptions. Take, for example, the lucky Japanese photographer who was allowed to bring his camera into the palace in 1990 for the wedding of the heir to the throne. But he committed the worst sin of all – he took non-traditional pictures of the bride-to-be adjusting the future emperor's hair. The photographer, who was only authorized to take official photos, was sent away.

The previous emperor, Akihito, amazed everyone when he announced he would be stepping down, which he did in May. The reason was his advanced age and poor health, but it's likely that the previous emperor, the tribal elder in every sense of the word, felt it was time for a new generation, a new outlook, and wanted to give some inspiration to a nation that so admires symbolism and continuity as part of both personal and collective identity.

Akihito succeeded his father Hirohito, the emperor who made Japan the target of international hatred during World War II but who also cooperated with the Americans in turning Japan into the democratic and technological powerhouse it is today.

Hirohito, who is seen by many as a war criminal, died in January 1989. His death marked the end of an era of emperors. He was the first emperor who spoke on the radio so he could be heard by all Japanese citizens when he announced that the war was over. Later, he began to make the institution of the emperor more accessible to the people. But only when he died did the modern imperial era begin in earnest. His successor, Akihito, was the first in the history of Japan to raise his children at home, with his wife, rather than sending them to foster families to be raised, as was traditional.

Hirohito began his 62 years in power as a god on earth, a descendant of the goddess of the sun, just like the legendary first emperor, Jimmu. But he finished in a strictly ceremonial role that was stripped of its divinity, mostly because the Americans rewrote the Japanese constitution to ensure that the nation would never fight another war.

An emperor, but not a king

So the royal family and the rules have changed, but this week we saw that they have only changed to a certain extent. For example, only men can inherit the throne, even if the emperor's only offspring is female. Akihito went one step farther than his father when he appeared on television to address the nation after the Fukushima disaster in March 2011. He realized the scope of the catastrophe – the worst since the 1986 Chernobyl disaster in the USSR – and went to visit the injured. He was even seen talking to them like any ordinary person, kneeling down and sitting next to them on the floor.

The first emperor, Jimmu, certainly turned over in his grave at the sight of Akihito's common behavior, but he also would have been proud that he managed to create a line of continuity that lasted for thousands of years and knew hour to adapt itself to the spirit of the time.

The Fukushima disaster was a perfect expression of Japanese contrasts: on one hand, the Japanese demonstrated how resilient they were and how capable they were of sustaining crises without losing a sense of proportion, while on the other, Japanese passivity led to a deep crisis of faith in the government that had failed to address the nuclear problem in time and attempted to cover up the event.

While the Japanese emperor is the highest-ranking person in the world (and only one emperor remains), he might have the least authority of any royal family in the world. The queen of England, for example, can intervene in the formation of a government, send the parliament on recess, and even disband the parliaments of various commonwealth nations like Canada or Australia and appoint new prime ministers there. The emperor of Japan could only dream of such authority. But that is the reason why he receives a lot of credit for the government's popular moves – everyone knows that his blessing is a guarantee of their success.

For example, in honor of this week's celebrations, the government decided to expunge the criminal records of half a million Japanese citizens. The government made the decision and implemented it, but the emperor was the one who made it happen. While part of the Left in Japan are claiming that there is no longer a place for the institution of emperor and live in fear of a resurgence of Japanese aggression – even going so far as to oppose the high cost of the celebrations ($150 million) – while the Right is offended at the loss of respect for the emperor and longs for better days, the emperor came along and with a wave of his hand brushed off the debate. It's no wonder that the new imperial age is called "Reiwa" ("beautiful harmony").

The right proportions

And back to Naruhito. He was the central figure this week, but the diligent Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe (a good friend of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu) is the real star when it comes to Japan's performance in the international arena. He is also the one who managed to put on festivities that would be a milestone – perhaps even a turning point – in his long term in office.

It was Abe who gave the traditional three cries of "Banzai!" when Naruhito was crowned (the term translates to "10,000 years of life," or "long live the emperor!") It felt as if all 126 million Japanese were shouting along with him. And I joined in, too.

But this week's ceremony in Japan and everything that surrounded it, with all the strict rules, proves the longing that modern people have for holy symbolism, for symbols of the past, and particularly, for the stability of what used to be a slower world. The main thing we witnessed this week was how careful the Japanese are to protect the mystery that surrounds the emperor and his privacy. They take care to defend, and even foster, both. In Japan, there is no gossip about the royal family, and with the fact that their daily agendas are precision–timed, you'll realize the family has little time for themselves, if at all.

Naruhito even said back in 2004 that his wife, Masako, was completely worn out. Masako, a former diplomat, saw how she was being targeted by critics for talking too much or walking an inch or two in front of her husband. One must not violate the code. It would appear that imperiality takes precedence over the emperor himself.

This week, we saw an impressive religious ceremony, we saw continuity in action, we saw how 183 representatives of various countries, including the heir to the British throne, the president of Brazil, the vice president of China, the prime minister of South Korea and many others came to pay respect to the last emperor on earth. You needed to see it to believe how simple and unpretentious the event at the palace was. Impressive, exciting, but all in proportion.

Israel and Japan: Warm ties

The royal family was cordoned off, with glass separating them from the guests who were in another wing, but like us, they were watching the enthronement on giant screens. That evening at the reception, the emperor and his wife were in a separate wing. The heir to the throne and his wife were the ones who welcomed the guests. During the event, I had the privilege, along with a group of 15 Japanese journalists and photographers, of attending the reception with all the dignitaries.

Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, who had met with the Japanese prime minister earlier, was one of the last to arrive. Arab representatives from Bahrain, Oman, and Kuwait shook hands with him but didn't seem overly excited. I thought what a shame it was that Netanyahu couldn't be there, mostly because Japan loves Israel, even if they don't really know us.

Recently, Israel and Japan signed a defense deal. Abe has visited Israel twice in the past few years and bilateral trade is on the rise. In general, the two nations share a lot of history. On May 15, 1952, two weeks after the American occupation ended, Japan was the first nation in Asia to recognize the state of Israel, and Israel was the first Middle East nation to open an embassy in Japan. It was David Ben-Gurion who pushed for it. The ties have remained strong, and every Japanese I came into contact with asked me why Israel hadn't sent a representative to the enthronement.

Looking ahead

Later that evening, I found myself in the crowded Shibuya neighborhood, tired, excited, and mostly hungry. I was looking for sushi. I sat down in a restaurant. There were no waiters and no order counter. You ordered the sushi and warm sake you wanted. Next to me was a young guy who looked like he was from our neck of the woods. He asked me where I'd gotten the soy sauce and I told him he had some, too, on the tray in front of him.

"Where are you from?" I asked.

"Where are you from?" he responded.

"Israel," I answered.

"Saudi Arabia," he said.

We exchanged phone numbers.

"With your [Israel's] technology and our money, we could rule the world," he said.

Let's start with the Middle East, I thought to myself. A few minutes later, he sent me a message: "Let's arrange for each of us to visit the other's country," he wrote.

The changing world doesn't leave a conservative history lover like me much choice except to enjoy a night out in Japan and see that the past still hasn't disappeared, even if its relevance is in question. We talked about the desire to discover an old world, so with one plane ticket to Tokyo, I got the old world in the Far East, and the new world waiting for us in the Middle East. My thanks to the emperor, and three shouts of "Banzai!"

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In honor of the celebrations, Japan declared a national holiday, and about a million people received the special gift of having their criminal records expunged.

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Emperors aren't crowned every day, and Tuesday's event was even more special because Narohito's predecessor is still alive. (The last time that happened was in 1817). The Reiwa ("beautiful harmony") era is under way, and it seems as if the generational changes that go along with it symbolize a change that is no less dramatic than the change itself. This is the first emperor born after World War II.

The name of the era is emblazoned on official documents and comprises an inseparable part of day-to-day life in Japan, so it is important to ordinary people. Four hours before the ceremony begins, journalists were invited to the imperial palace. Other important guests who came to Tokyo especially for the ceremony arrived relatively early: Prince Charles of Britain; the president of Afghanistan, and guests from the Saudi, Bahraini, Swedish, and Spanish royal families. Even Bangladesh sent its prime minister.

And Israel? Officials explained that Israel had not sent a high-ranking representative because of a conflict with Simchat Torah. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wanted to come, but was forced to cancel. Nevertheless, Israeli Ambassador to Japan Yaffa Ben-Ari did us proud.

The preparations were precise and well-organized. Prior to entering the palace itself, I was given a lecture about everything that would be forbidden during the ceremony. If only our children were under half the same prohibitions during the school year.

For me, it was exciting by any parameter. "So, what's he like?" my oldest daughter asked me when I told her I'd seen the emperor, something every Japanese wishes he could do. "A king," I answered, with apologies to the emperor. That's the whole story.

Japan's current constitution was written in 1947, when the Americans rebuilt the nation after the destruction it brought upon itself during World War II. Since then, the emperor is not the god he used to be, but the halo of glory still exists. He is worth his weight in gold – a figure admired by everyone in Japan, around whom they can unite and part of the nation's identity. He symbolizes continuity, which is important in the constantly-changing modern world.

Even though his is a symbolic role, Naruhito still holds the highest rank in the world.

It was a rare and ancient ceremony conducted according to the strict rules of the imperial standing. Along with some of my colleagues, I was permitted to enter the palace an hour before the ceremony – which took an hour and a half – began. A loudspeaker transmitted instructions in Japanese and English. At one stage, the audience was asked to stand up and bow to the emperor. Foreigners didn't have to.

The ceremony was amazing and impressive. After we were brought into the palace, we saw how it was divided – on the right was the area where the proceedings would be held, with a window that separated the imperial family from the rest of the guests.

I saw Emperor Narohito. But from afar, I saw the last living emperor. And as befitted the occasion, most of the event was made up of the ancient Shinto rites that are an inseparable part of the Japanese enthronement.

After a lengthy silence, the new emperor was revealed to the nation. He had been concealed behind purple curtains in a special box. He stood next to the imperial throne, with the empress next to him with her own throne. Naruhito wore a traditional orange-brown robe, the same colors that emperors have worn for their enthronements from over 1,000 years.

"I pledge hereby that I shall act according to the Constitution and fulfill my responsibility as the symbol of the State and of the unity of the people of Japan, while always wishing for the happiness of the people and the peace of the world," Naruhito declared, reading a written proclamation.

After the declaration, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe called out "Banzai!" three times. It sounded like "All hail!" or "Long live the new emperor!" but the actual meaning of the term is "10,000 years," (or a long life for the emperor – much like the Jewish "until 120.") Later, the army fired a 21-cannon salute.

The emperor and empress symbolize a new generation because they were both born after World War II, and there are still some who see them as a beacon of hope for a more modern era. The fact that the empress is a commoner, a former diplomat, is exciting. Since 1945 Japan has changed, but only to a certain point.

I followed the emperor as he left the hall and thought about the heavy obligations he carried. Despite his desire to be modern and the fact that he was the first heir to be taught by his parents and later educated at Oxford, he still needs to uphold protocol 24 hours a day. The main celebration that will allow the citizens to see the emperor and empress during a parade in Tokyo has been postponed until Nov. 10 because of a recent typhoon. But that didn't put a damper on the party. The opposite – it might have intensified them. The experience was out of this world, and from another time. The past, present, and future mixed together for the first time in 200 years.

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