Saudi Arabia possesses a well-equipped air force, based primarily on American-made systems and aircraft. In 2017, during President Donald Trump's first term, an extensive arms deal was signed with Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman, and this deal was further expanded during his recent visit to the region.

Saudi Arabia hasn't officially confirmed involvement in the interceptions and even condemned Israel for launching the offensive against Iran. Israel, the United States and European countries demonstrated close operational cooperation, through which Iran's image as a regional threat was damaged.

The political significance is broad – the very fact that a leading Sunni state, perhaps the most central one, is acting in ways that lead to thwarting Iranian threats even without public declaration indicates a deep regional shift. However, Saudi Arabia emphasized it won't allow use of its airspace for striking targets in Iran.

12-day international coalition

During the 12 days of fighting against Iran, several countries acted to defend the region's skies, including Jordan, which operated mainly through its air force in its airspace; Britain and France, which also operated in the aerial arena; and the United States military, which alongside the IDF was the most active – through aircraft, ships, Patriot and THAAD air defense systems and more.

Iran launched over a thousand drones toward Israel. Most were intercepted far from the border, and a minority were shot down by the Israeli Air Force over Israeli skies. This joint operation wouldn't have been possible without years of exercises and simulations with international partners – including Greece, Italy, France and Britain.

At the center of activity stood US Central Command – CENTCOM – commanded by General Mike Kurilla, who's credited with a significant contribution to the cooperation mechanism that operated here. Since the IDF joined CENTCOM, a well-connected military system has been built and developed, including Israel and European countries like Britain, France, Greece, Italy and Cyprus.

Another significant achievement of this framework is establishing a joint American command and control center, connected in real-time to all involved militaries. Kurilla himself sat in this center during many stages of the fighting, leading coordination between intelligence, warning, activation and interception elements.

Years of preparation

In the IDF, the International Planning Division in the Planning Directorate is responsible for managing relations with CENTCOM and other partner countries. International Planning representatives have a role in every command and corps – ensuring continuous contact with counterparts in foreign militaries. The frequency of dialogue with American commanders has risen dramatically in recent years – from ceremonial conversations every six months to daily dialogue, joint exercises, coordinated flights, and even intelligence cooperation.

The chiefs of staff – the recently retired Chief Herzi Halevi and current Chief Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir – have also maintained close relations with senior commanders in the US military. The US serves not only as a bridge between Israel and regional countries but also as a coordinating factor with Arab countries with which there are no direct relations.

This cooperation was tested not only now but also in previous waves of Iranian attacks on Israel in April and October 2024. Then too, the United States and European countries operated in various arenas – some through interception means, others through location and information sharing. Now, during the 12-day campaign, the operation was much broader in scope.

Jordan, unlike others, publicly acknowledged interception operations and even emphasized that drones fell in its territory causing damage – which required a response. France also explained its participation as defending its interests in Jordan, while avoiding public mention of Israel.

The results that received impressive expression in the current war could form a basis for much larger political moves – perhaps even for the comprehensive regional move that President Trump is planning as part of his "mega-deal" for the Middle East.

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Trump disclosed that he has maintained frequent communication with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in recent days. The president emphasized his administration's position that Iran must not acquire nuclear weapons capabilities while leaving the door open for future negotiations.

"Iran cannot have a nuclear bomb and we are hoping to get back to the negotiating table. We will see. There are several people in leadership that will not be coming back," Trump stated during the interview.

The Trump administration informed at least one significant Middle Eastern partner about the impending Israeli operation while clarifying that the US played no operational role in the strikes. Administration officials have confirmed that several senior Iranian officials perished in the Israeli bombardment.

Trump announced plans to convene a National Security Council meeting Friday morning, with the White House confirming the session. The president had previously indicated that an Israeli strike on Iran "could very well happen" while maintaining his preference for peaceful resolution.

US Central Command has elevated its alert status as Trump monitors potential Iranian retaliation, with the president affirming America's readiness to defend both itself and Israel should Iran respond. The administration has recently replenished Israel's Iron Dome missile inventory as tensions escalated.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio emphasized American non-involvement in the strikes, stating that Israel acted independently for self-defense purposes. "We are not involved in strikes against Iran and our top priority is protecting American forces in the region," Rubio declared in an official statement.

"Let me be clear: Iran should not target US interests or personnel," Rubio added.

Iranian armed forces representatives threatened that Israel and the US would face severe consequences for the attack, accusing Washington of providing operational support despite American denials,. An Israeli official informed public broadcaster Kan that coordination with Washington had occurred regarding the Iran operation.

The State Department issued immediate guidance directing all US government personnel in Israel and their families to "shelter in place until further notice." Military planners are preparing for various contingencies across the Middle East, including potential civilian evacuation scenarios, a US official confirmed to Reuters.

Financial markets reacted sharply to the developments, with Asian trading sessions experiencing significant declines led by US futures selloff. Oil prices surged as investors sought refuge in traditional safe-haven assets including gold and the Swiss franc.

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The prevailing assumption is that his visit will center on planning for a potential military strike on the Islamic Republic of Iran, as well as on countermeasures to defend against any Iranian response, should Trump decide to implement the military option. Kurilla is known for his aggressive stance toward Iran and is considered a firm believer that a substantial blow can be dealt to its nuclear infrastructure.

During his tenure as CENTCOM commander, Kurilla significantly enhanced Israel's integration into the US military's regional framework. He also played a key role in building and operationalizing the regional defense network for Israel, which was used in real time during two Iranian missile attacks on the country amidst the ongoing war. His current visit also comes against the backdrop of an unprecedented scale of American military aid and weapons transfers to Israel.

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On Monday, American General Charles Brown, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, participated in a tour of the Israel-Lebanon border. Although this is only the second time Brown, the highest-ranking officer in the US armed forces, has visited Israel, he seemed to feel at home here. Brown's host was IDF Chief of Staff Lt.  Gen. Herzi Halevi. In photos distributed by the IDF Spokesperson's Unit, the two can be seen flying comfortably in a helicopter, listening together to a briefing in the northern command operations room, and sitting naturally side by side at the head of the General Staff table. "It's almost as if the IDF has two chiefs of staff," says a former senior military official.

The IDF does indeed have only one chief of staff, but Brown's presence in Israel, and the way he was received here, is a clear expression of the deep, unprecedented military cooperation between Israel and the United States. "A military coalition without a military coalition," is how a source in the defense establishment defines it.

In the past three weeks, in the shadow of the alert for the Iranian regime's response to the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, this "coalition" has reached its peak. During this period, the United States Central Command, which oversees the Middle East region and is in daily contact with the IDF, has grown tenfold in terms of its force size: from a fighting force of 4,000 men in routine to about 40,000 fighters, with their equipment, including two aircraft carriers, a nuclear submarine, and hundreds of fighter and reconnaissance aircraft. "This time," says a source in the Defense Ministry, "America has gone out of its way for us."

The conversations between IDF officers and CENTCOM are conducted, of course, only in English. "But it's an English that understands the Middle East," says a source involved in these conversations, "CENTCOM is the partner that's most comfortable to work with. Suddenly you discover that there's someone else analyzing Iran, who knows how the region operates. It's like adding another body to the IDF, expanding its capabilities basket." CENTCOM, by the way, also serves as a liaison body to other armies in the region, those that operate in synchronization with Israel and the US but do not maintain direct connections with the IDF.

The reason for CENTCOM's massive buildup, senior defense and political officials agree, is solely related to Iran. "They didn't come here for Hezbollah," as one of them puts it. The American declarations, from President Joe Biden downwards, aimed at deterring Iran from attacking, were accompanied by operational moves on the ground, which caused Israel's greatest enemy to hesitate. And so, while the ayatollahs calculate their steps, the IDF turned its attention to Lebanon.

Security and political sources in Israel claim this week that the American deterrence had a decisive contribution to halting the Iranian response, and that it allowed the IDF to concentrate its efforts on the northern front, where a successful preemptive strike against Hezbollah's missile and rocket launchers was carried out on Sunday. According to the sources, the Americans were updated about the attack in Lebanon only shortly before the event, mainly so they could prepare to defend their many forces deployed in the area, and did not participate in it themselves.

"We and the Americans are coordinated," says Maj. Gen. (ret.) Yaacov Ayish, former military attaché in Washington, "but it's not that we ask them for permission for every offensive action we take. We update them so they understand the significance of our moves, and take appropriate steps to protect themselves and us. By the way, they don't update us on everything either."

Ayish's words illustrate well the delicate fabric of relations between senior IDF officials and CENTCOM, two armies that have been working side by side in recent years and have developed a unique shared language and brotherhood in arms. However, this brotherhood has limits. For example, IDF officers meeting with senior CENTCOM officials come to these meetings pre-briefed on the information they can share – and vice versa. "It's a complex relationship, with checks and balances, a lot of discretion, and also personal friendships built over years and many joint exercises," says a former senior IDF official who worked extensively with the US military. "This is the infrastructure that enables long-term cooperation."

There's no doubt about the advantages Israel receives from this infrastructure. "Israel is strong and protects itself," Halevi said during the joint tour with Brown this week. "Nevertheless, it's always good to have a strong ally by our side." We saw a resounding testament to this in the "night of missiles" in April when Iran launched a barrage of over 300 drones and missiles toward Israel, which was thwarted in a brilliant air operation led jointly by the IDF and CENTCOM.

However, the partnership with CENTCOM, like any partnership, also has disadvantages. "When the US president sends Brown here, he creates control and commitment," says a former senior IDF officer who knows the political and strategic arena well. "He forces the IDF to update him, he creates close monitoring of the plans, and he understands what the mood is here. In the end, we're talking about a superpower whose goal is control, and it thinks about its own interests. In this relationship, the chief of staff gains, but also loses some of his independence. He understands that there are things he can't do because the Americans are around, and that if we disobey those who are physically protecting us, we'll be in serious trouble."

Unprecedented power

On Monday, August 12, IDF spokesman Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari stood in front of the cameras. He did so following persistent rumors circulating in Israel that Iran was planning to attack in the coming hours. Hagari carried a reassuring message for the tense Israeli public, but his words that evening were also directed at another target audience. "We are monitoring what's happening specifically against Iran with all our capabilities," he said, "We are also not monitoring alone, but with the US and with additional partners."

It was no coincidence that Hagari waved the metaphorical American baseball bat several times during his statement. On that tense day, US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin announced that he had ordered the nuclear submarine USS Georgia to be sent to the Middle East, as part of the defense array against Iran. The Georgia joined the battle group of the aircraft carrier Lincoln, which includes destroyers, missile ships, and four fighter squadrons, already on its way to the area. Here, the aircraft carrier Roosevelt awaited it, including more than 4,000 marines and sailors, deployed in combat formation alongside 12 additional warships.

If anyone had any doubt about America's intentions, Biden came and expressed them in his own voice. The day before Hagari's statement, Biden was caught leaving a church in his hometown of Rehoboth Beach, Delaware. When asked what his message to Iran was, the president responded with one word that has become associated with him: "Don't."

The aircraft carrier Lincoln finally reached its destination on Aug. 22 and was subordinated to CENTCOM. Two days later, Brown arrived for a surprise visit to the Middle East, which included meetings in Jordan and Egypt. It seems this was the last piece in the puzzle that the IDF was waiting to complete. The next day, Aug. 25, about 100 Air Force planes took off for the strike in Lebanon.

Middle Eastern English

The American buildup in the region was done in full coordination with the IDF. On Aug. 9, General Michael Kurilla, commander of the Central Command, arrived in Israel for the second time in a week for a meeting with Halevi. In parallel, meetings were held between the heads of IDF branches and some of the General Staff with their counterparts in CENTCOM. The deputy chief of staff and coordinator of the connection with CENTCOM, Israeli Deputy Chief of Staff Maj. Gen. Amir Baram, also met with his American counterpart for coordination talks and intelligence updates. These numerous meetings were coordinated by the Tevel Division in the IDF's strategy department, responsible for liaising with foreign armies. "There's a close operational dialogue here," says a senior military source, "they don't just throw ships in the sea and planes in the air for no reason."

From the meetings between the generals and admirals, operational guidelines flowed to the joint working groups, at the level of brigadier generals and colonels, who worked together to formulate action plans and divide areas of responsibility. The conversations were held remotely, using encrypted video systems, and sometimes face-to-face, in joint operations rooms. These Israeli-American meetings, says a source who participated in them, are conducted as equals, in an open manner and without unnecessary formalities of respect. And yes, sometimes there are disagreements that escalate into shouting.

The conversations between IDF officers and CENTCOM are conducted, of course, only in English. "But it's an English that understands the Middle East," says a source involved in these conversations, "CENTCOM is the partner that's most comfortable to work with. Suddenly you discover that there's someone else is also studying Iran, who knows how the region operates. It's like adding another body to the IDF, expanding its capabilities basket." CENTCOM, by the way, also serves as a liaison body to other armies in the region, those that operate in lockstep with Israel and the US but do not maintain direct connections with the IDF.

"Cooperation with CENTCOM is a strategic asset for Israel," says former head of IDF Military Intelligence, Maj. General (ret.) Amos Yadlin. "Think about it: the US has only seven aircraft carrier battle groups in total, of which only three or four are operational at any given time. In other words, half of the active American aircraft carriers are currently in our region. There's no doubt that this is part of the reasons why the Iranians decided to delay, and perhaps even cancel, their attack. From this perspective, it's very important that they don't see only Israel facing them, but also the US."

A Defense Ministry source adds, "Putting another aircraft carrier here is a significant statement to the region. America knows how to convey its messages well. The Americans have superpower capabilities, and it's good that they're on our side."

However, the US not only has superpower capabilities but also superpower interests. Alongside the military meetings, diplomatic contacts were also held in recent weeks to discuss these interests. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke on the phone with Biden and met with Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who also met with Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, who in turn maintained an open channel with Austin. The defense minister's office also spoke with Brett McGurk, the National Security Council's envoy to the Middle East, and with Amos Hochstein, who was in charge of relations with Lebanon on behalf of the administration.

What was sewn in these diplomatic talks trickled down to the military level. Kurilla, who reports directly to Biden, received his instructions from the administration in Washington. Halevi received his instructions from Jerusalem. According to sources familiar with the details, one of the instructions that flowed from the Israeli political echelon to the IDF was to slightly reduce the response against Hezbollah from what was originally planned. "The Americans prefer the region to be quiet and without wars. That's the starting point," explains a security source, "but they also understand our need to defend ourselves. There's always an inherent tension within this system."

Air defense commander Brig. Gen. Ran Kochav, former spokesperson for the IDF said, "The United States of America has been giving a masterclass in strategy here in recent weeks. When they send aircraft carriers here, a nuclear submarine, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs arrives, Biden says 'don't' and everyone is busy explaining to the Iranians and Hezbollah that they should be careful, there's no doubt that it affects and deters, and to some extent helps to 'get them down from the tree'. But it's important to remember that the US is doing all this from its own interests – preventing a regional war. When Biden says 'don't' to Iran, he's also saying 'don't' to Israel."

According to Brig. Gen. (res.) Assaf Orion, senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies, "The US is our closest partner, with shared values and a similar – but not identical view – of the problems – and of course differences in policy. The IDF and CENTCOM are each subordinate to a different government and serve a different policy. In some things, the interests are shared, and in others, they differ. The threats on our borders, for example, are much more severe in Israel's eyes than in the US's eyes. Our approach is more offensive, and the US is a large power that doesn't rush into conflicts. These are tensions that need to be managed."

When asked whether the IDF has to make concessions to adapt to CENTCOM's interests, Orion says, "In life, there are constraints. You can't tell the US 'put your credit card here and send half an army here, back me in the UN and help me with ammunition', without giving up something. Sometimes you need to argue about things, but in the end, what the US gives us on the military, security, and strategic level is priceless. When your current challenge is dealing with Iran on its way to nuclear weapons and with all the axis of resistance it has built around us, you understand that an anti-coalition of Israel must be part of the equation, and the US has a central role in the ability to form such a coalition. As Churchill said, there's only one thing worse than fighting with a coalition – fighting without a coalition."

When interests collide

We saw the Israeli-American coalition perform a virtuoso defense during the "night of missiles" in April, and in recent weeks, we've witnessed it projecting its strategic power. Even at the intelligence level, there's a close connection between the US and Israel, and according to some reports in the Israeli media, the US provided Israel with advance intelligence for the strike in Lebanon. However, on one issue, the two allies prefer to act completely separately: offense.

According to a security source, Israel tends not to update the US in advance about strikes it carries out, partly to leave the Americans room for denial. "We give them a warning, but not much in advance," the source says, "They know you're going to do something, but you don't confirm with them exactly how, how much, and why, just general lines. It's also convenient for them."

Yadlin, who, as mentioned above, is the former head of IDF Military Intelligence, added, "On the issue of defending the State of Israel, the Americans stand behind us one hundred percent. They less like our offensive initiatives, which in their view could deteriorate the Middle East into a regional war. The American strategic goal, in a global view, is de-escalation in the Middle East. From their perspective, there are two arenas with much higher priority – the Pacific arena against China and the European arena against Russia. Israel is an independent country and acts according to its interests, but it needs to take into account all the risks and try to minimize them. One of the risks is that the Americans won't give us the political Iron Dome and the logistical and operational support they provide us, as long as it's about direct defense of Israel."

Similarly, Kochav said, "The Americans came with all their might to the region under a defensive logic or idea, not to attack in Iran or Lebanon. An attack is a completely different opera. I don't see an American plane attacking in Lebanon, for example, in the foreseeable future. By the way, CENTCOM attacks in Yemen almost every week, but it operates in that arena separately from the IDF. Even when Israel bombed in Yemen, it did so independently, Israeli, blue and white. Although in coordination with the Americans, but without the involvement of their fighter jets."

Still, the friction between the IDF and CENTCOM, at the operational level, and even more so at the personal level, sometimes forces Israel to be flexible. Brig. Gen. (res.) Nitzan Nuriel, former head of the foreign relations division in the Operations Directorate and who was responsible for joint exercises with the US for years, illustrates this with a story.

"When preparations are made for joint exercises, dozens of American officers come to Israel, staying in hotels in Tel Aviv," he says. "On one occasion, during their stay in the country, Israel went out for a targeted raid in Gaza. The operation didn't require any coordination or update with the Americans, but on a personal level, those officers expect us to update them in advance about the assassination, because the response to it could endanger them. What happens when you update someone? They can tell you 'it doesn't suit me'. There's a slippery slope here, which isn't related to the operational world at all, but to the friendship and openness that exists between partners. The moment someone is your partner around the table, you automatically add restrictions on yourself."

Ayish agrees, "There's no cooperation that doesn't impose constraints on you. From the moment I need to consider another player, it's a constraint, even at the most basic technical level. Take, for example, the American forces currently in our area. When you build an attack plan for Lebanon and map out your electronic warfare actions, you might disrupt their radars and missile defense systems, which ultimately are supposed to serve you."

When asked whether the IDF has to make concessions to adapt to CENTCOM's interests, Orion says, "In life, there are constraints. You can't tell the US 'put your credit card here and send half an army here, back me in the UN and help me with ammunition', without giving up something. Sometimes you need to argue about things, but in the end, what the US gives us on the military, security, and strategic level is priceless. When your current challenge is dealing with Iran on its way to nuclear weapons and with all the axis of resistance it has built around us, you understand that an anti-coalition of Israel must be part of the equation, and the US has a central role in the ability to form such a coalition. As Churchill said, there's only one thing worse than fighting with a coalition – fighting without a coalition."

According to a former senior Israeli Air Force official, "In the end, the State of Israel is a sovereign and independent state, and it decides for itself how it defends itself. This is a principle that the Americans respect, even if they don't always like what we do. There are those who imagine that we need to get approvals from them. The answer is absolutely not. We act according to our needs where and when necessary, but because they're moving around in this area, certainly mechanisms need to exist to prevent friction. They're essential. In the end, you can find yourself in the same space, when they don't know about you and we don't know about them, and as a result, very bad things can happen. There's very important cooperation here, which has developed beautifully and progressed, and this doesn't contradict the fact that Israel reserves the right to defend itself."

When asked about the timing of notifying American counterparts prior to Israeli Air Force operations in Lebanon, like the one this week, the Air Force official explained that there's no fixed protocol.

"It's related to many components, so there's no definitive answer to this. It's completely clear that the American administration knew and also understood that Israel was going out to attack, but that doesn't mean they approved it. There are no pre-written rules stating that we notify them two days in advance of what we're about to do. Everything depends on context. But beyond that, remember that the Americans have a lot of forces deployed in the area, so they can identify movements that Israel is making. They know what's happening on the ground even without us telling them."

From EUCOM to CENTCOM 

Until January 2021, military cooperation between Israel and the US was based on working relationships between the IDF and EUCOM, the Pentagon's European Command. Ahead of the signing of the Abraham Accords, the Americans decided on their own initiative to transfer Israel to CENTCOM's responsibility, a move that Israel welcomed with open arms and which opened up for the IDF the possibility of cooperating more closely not only with the Americans but also with the moderate countries in the region. Shortly after, Kurilla was appointed as CENTCOM commander, which deepened the relationships even further.

"Kurilla's personal contribution is dramatic," Kochav says. "He's very committed to this mission, he's very offensive, and his standing in the Pentagon, in Washington, and among the administration is very significant." 

According to a source in the Defense Ministry, Kurilla "is a very pro-Israel figure, and he has an excellent relationship with Herzi and with the army in general." 

Kurilla also went down for a tour of Kibbutz Nahal Oz and the nearby outpost, was deeply impacted by the atrocities Hamas committed there, and came out shocked. "Kurilla is fully aware of what happened on Oct. 7," a source who spoke with him recently says.

There's no doubt that this personal identification also contributes to the relationship between CENTCOM and the IDF. It adds to the phone calls that take place between Kurilla and Halevi, almost on a daily basis, and to CENTCOM commander's frequent visits to Israel, especially since the outbreak of the war. "The joke in the system," says a security source, "is that Kurilla needs to get his own office in the General Staff building. That's how consolidated CENTCOM and the IDF are."

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The US Central Command (CENTCOM) has announced the deployment of F-22 stealth fighters to the Middle East "as part of U.S. force posture changes in the region to mitigate the possibility of regional escalation by Iran or its proxies."

Meanwhile, the Israeli cabinet is expected to convene amid regional tensions and preparations for an Iranian response to the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh.

Earlier, Defense Minister Yoav Gallant tweeted a message in Arabic to the residents of Lebanon: "Shiite Iran and its proxies have taken Lebanon and its people hostage in the service of narrow religious interests. The State of Israel strives for peace, prosperity, and stability on the northern border on both sides, and therefore does not allow Hezbollah militias to destabilize the border and the region."

He added: "If Hezbollah continues its aggression, Israel will fight it in a very harsh war. Remember Hassan Nasrallah's regret for the dangerous and reckless adventure he embarked on in August 2006. So, consider not embarking on an adventure. In August 2024, those who play with fire will meet only destruction."

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The United States anchored Thursday a temporary floating pier to a beach in Gaza as part of a mission to deliver humanitarian aid to Palestinian civilians, the US Central Command said in a statement.

Video: PM Netanyahu vows to destroy Hamas / Credit: X/Israelipm

Trucks carrying humanitarian assistance, which will be distributed in Gaza by the United Nations, are expected to begin moving ashore in the coming days, CENTCOM added.

Today at approximately 7:40 a.m. (Gaza time) United States Central Command personnel supporting the humanitarian mission to deliver additional humanitarian aid to Palestinian civilians in need anchored a temporary pier to the beach in Gaza. As part of this effort, no U.S. troops… pic.twitter.com/048seMnkLJ

— U.S. Central Command (@CENTCOM) May 16, 2024

President Joe Biden announced the pier in March as part of efforts to improve access for relief supplies into Gaza over land routes. By opening a route to deliver aid by sea, the US hopes to combat the humanitarian crisis that has put hundreds of thousands of people at risk of famine.

Bad weather has delayed the pier which is estimated to cost $320 million and involve 1,000 US troops. The UN has been adamant that maritime access was no substitute for land, which needed to remain the focus of aid operations in Gaza.

Video: Netanyahu says he won't replace Hamastan with Fatahstan / x/@israelipm

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A delegation of Israeli generals and other officials visited the United States Central Command headquarters in Florida on Wednesday amid the backdrop of ongoing nuclear talks with Iran in Vienna.

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The Israeli delegation included the heads of the IDF Operations Directorate, Maj. Gen. Oded Basyuk, and Strategic Planning and Cooperation Directorate, Maj. Gen. Tal Kelman, along with Israel's defense attaché in the US, Maj. Gen. Hidai Zilberman, and the head of the IDF's international relations division, Brig. Gen. Effie Defrin.

The meeting was attended by CENTCOM's director of operations, Maj. Gen. Alexus Grynkewich, and director for strategy, plans and policy, Maj. Gen. Scott F. Benedict, among others.

US CENTCOM is responsible for regional operations in the Middle East and serves as one of America's regional commands.

"The IDF officials held an operational and strategic meeting to discuss the challenges facing both militaries, and deepened operational readiness through strategic dialogue," the IDF said in a statement.

In September, Israel officially came under CENTCOM's area of operations, away from European Command (EUCOM), in a move seen by many observers as facilitating greater Israeli cooperation with both American military forces in the Middle East and with pragmatic Sunni states in the region.

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In a statement, the military said the guided-missile cruiser Normandy boarded a dhow, a traditional sailing vessel, in the Arabian Sea on Sunday.

"The weapons seized include 150 'Dehlavieh' antitank guided missiles (ATGM), which are Iranian-manufactured copies of Russian Kornet ATGMs," the statement said.

"Other weapons components seized aboard the dhow were of Iranian design and manufacture and included three Iranian surface-to-air missiles," it said.

The military said that the weapons seized on Sunday were "identical" to those seized by another US warship in November.

Last year, the guided-missile destroyer Forrest Sherman seized advanced missile parts believed to be linked to Iran from a boat it had stopped in the Arabian Sea.

In recent years, US warships have intercepted and seized Iranian arms likely bound for Houthi fighters in Yemen.

Under a United Nations resolution, Tehran is prohibited from supplying, selling or transferring weapons outside the country unless approved by the Security Council. A separate UN resolution on Yemen bans the supply of weapons to Houthi leaders.

The Houthis have built their arsenal using local manufacturing, foreign expertise and parts smuggled in from Iran, their ally, and elsewhere. The

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The US Central Command said the operation targeted leaders of the organization for "attacks responsible for threatening US citizens, our partners, and innocent civilians."

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"The removal of this facility will further degrade their ability to conduct future attacks and destabilize the region," said Lt. Col. Earl Brown, CENTCOM Chief of Media Operations.

The Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights had earlier reported a missile attack on a meeting of terrorists in Idlib province that it said killed at least 40 terrorists.

The strike came on the first day of a unilateral ceasefire in Idlib by the Syrian government. The military said it agreed to a ceasefire while reserving the right to respond to any violation.

The Observatory said that it registered no airstrikes since government forces put into effect the ceasefire after midnight on Saturday.

Idlib province is dominated by al-Qaida-linked terrorist factions. It is the last bastion held by the opposition in Syria after President Bashar Assad's forces, backed by Russia, recaptured most other provinces and key cities.

The Idlib ceasefire brings temporary respite after a crushing offensive by Syrian troops in the last remaining rebel stronghold in the country. The offensive began on April 30 and intensified in recent weeks, forcing hundreds of thousands to flee, many of whom were already displaced.

The UN said more than 450 civilians have been killed.

A similar ceasefire at the beginning of the month lasted a few days, after which the government assault resumed and forces captured the Idlib town of Khan Sheikhoun and all rebel-held towns and villages in nearby Hama province.

Also on Saturday, Syria's state-run media said that troops uncovered a mass grave believed to contain the remains of Syrian soldiers killed by "terrorist groups" in the village of Latamneh, in Hama province.

SANA said 10 were retrieved from the grave, adding that they were taken to a nearby hospital to be identified.

Around half a million people have been killed in Syria's long-running civil war.

According to the UN, more than 100,000 people have been detained, abducted or gone missing in Syria. The government is believed to be responsible for the large majority of those disappearances, starting with arrests during its brutal crackdown on anti-government protests that erupted in 2011.

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The seizure of commercial vessels and attacks on tankers near the Strait of Hormuz have unsettled shipping lanes that link Middle Eastern oil producers to global markets.

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The United States, which has increased its military forces in the region, has blamed Iran for blasts on several tankers near the strait, a charge Tehran denies.

Britain said on Monday it was joining the United States in a maritime security mission in the gulf to protect vessels after Iran seized a British-flagged tanker.

"Heightened military activity and increased political tensions in this region continue to pose serious threats to commercial vessels," the US Maritime Administration (MARAD) said in an advisory on Wednesday.

"Associated with these threats is a potential for miscalculation or misidentification that could lead to aggressive actions," it added.

Ships should also alert the US Navy's Fifth Fleet and the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations in the event of any incident or suspicious activity. It warned they could face interference to their global positioning systems (GPS).

MARAD said in at least two incidents involving commercial vessels and Iran since May 2019 ships had reported interference with their GPS and "spoofed" communications from unknown entities falsely claiming to be US or other warships.

It advised crews to decline Iranian forces permission to board if the safety of the ship and crew would not be at risk but said they should not forcibly resist any boarding party.

Traffic through the strait, through which about a fifth of the world's oil passes, has become the focus for a standoff between Iran and the United States after President Donald Trump quit a 2015 nuclear pact and reimposed sanctions on Tehran.

Iran says the responsibility of securing these waters lies with Tehran and other countries in the region.

"The maritime coalition that US is trying to form will create more instability and insecurity,"Iran's Defence Minister Amir Hatami was quoted as saying by Iran's Tasnim news agency on Thursday during phone calls with his counterparts from Qatar, Oman and Kuwait.

Washington is lobbying other nations to join the coalition along with Britain, which has the largest naval presence in the area after the United States.

Britain's P&O Cruises said it had canceled cruises around Dubai and the Gulf because of the increased tensions.

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