In a speech Sunday during a visit to the Italian southern port city of Bari to reflect on peace in countries bordering the Mediterranean Sea, Francis lamented the many areas of war and conflict, including in the Middle East and Northern Africa.

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Francis spoke of "the still unresolved conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, with the danger of not fair solutions, and, thus, presaging new crises."

The pope didn't cite any specific proposals.

A new US peace plan, otherwise known as US President Donald Trump's "deal of the century," would let Israel annex settlements along with the Jordan Valley. It would give the Palestinians contiguous territory with a capital on the outskirts of Jerusalem, but only if they meet stringent conditions.

In the same speech, Francis took a swipe at populist politics. "It scares me when I hear some speeches by some leaders of the new forms of popularism,'' he said. He also lamented that waves of refugees fleeing conflicts, climate change consequences and other adversity are "depicted as an invasion."

Among the prelates gathered for his speech in Bari's Pontifical Basilica of St. Nicholas were churchmen from the Balkans, Jerusalem and Algeria.

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Ever since the plan was revealed two weeks ago, many things have been said and written in the media to distort it. Here are the facts to counter the false claims:

Claim one: Trump's peace plan won't lead to the application of Israeli law in the Jewish communities in Judea, Samaria, and the Jordan Valley.

Fact: It will do just that! For the first time since the establishment of the state, the deal of the century will grant American recognition of our sovereignty over these regions of our homeland. This is the realization of the Zionist vision.

As US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman explained, the application of Israeli law in these territories requires the completion of the mapping process by the joint American-Israeli committee – because we must map out the 800-kilometer (498-mile) line, which will encompass the area where Israeli sovereignty will be applied. We will finish this process as quickly as possible.

I reject the claim that President Trump won't keep his word. He promised to exit the dangerous nuclear deal with Iran – and followed through. He promised to recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capital – and followed through. He promised to move the US Embassy to Jerusalem – and followed through. He promised to recognize our sovereignty on the Golan Heights – and followed through.

On the matter of sovereignty in our homeland, he will follow through. Together with President Trump, I will apply Israeli law in all our communities in Judea and Samaria, the Jordan Valley, the northern Dead Sea, and additional large swathes.

Claim two: Trump's peace plan creates a Palestinian state that supports terror.

Fact: The plan does the exact opposite. It imposes strict and rigid conditions on the Palestinians in exchange for a future deal. Among other things, the plan requires Palestinian society to fundamentally change and become a democratic entity.

Israel and the US will determine whether the Palestinians are fulfilling these conditions, of which there are many. To enter negotiations the Palestinians must do the following:

• Immediately cease all "salary" payments to terrorists and their families.
• Halt all efforts to join international organizations without Israel's approval.
• Pull their lawsuits against Israel at the International Criminal Court at The Hague.

All these are preconditions the Palestinians must meet just to enter diplomatic talks. To conclude such negotiations, they must fulfill each of the following conditions:

• Recognize the State of Israel as a Jewish state.
• Recognize a united Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
• Agree to Israeli security control over the entire territory west of the Jordan River – on land, at sea, and in the air.
• Cease any and all incitement against Israel, including in school textbooks and curricula, and in all Palestinian Authority institutions.
• Completely demilitarize Gaza and the entire Palestinian population.
• Completely cede the "right of return."
• Disarm Hamas, Islamic Jihad and other terrorist organizations.
• Hold free elections, safeguard freedom of the press, protect human rights, protect freedom of religion, and grant equal rights to religious minorities.

And again, Israel and the US will be the ones to determine whether the Palestinians have indeed met these conditions, before finalizing an accord even becomes possible.  Moreover, if after the signing of such an accord the Palestinians fail to meet their security conditions, Israel will be able to reverse the processes outlined by the accord.

Claim three: This peace plan isn't different from past initiatives.

Fact: Not true! This is the friendliest plan toward Israel ever proposed. It is a historic turn of events for the future of our people. For the first time, Trump's plan is doing the exact opposite of previous diplomatic proposals.

Instead of demanding concrete "gestures" from Israel (such as the release of terrorists and construction freezes in our communities) just to begin talks, without demanding anything of the Palestinians – this plan is a complete reversal. Irrespective of Palestinian acceptance or rejection, we are getting American recognition over parts of our homeland, while the Palestinians must make considerable concessions just to enter talks!

Earlier diplomatic plans were predicated on the warped view that Jerusalem, Judea and Samaria, and the Jordan Valley are all "occupied" lands that need to be negotiated. For the first time, an American administration is proposing a plan that recognizes the historical bond and our national rights in the Land of Israel, our biblical and ancestral homeland.

The plan even calls for the establishment of an international mechanism to resolve the issue of Jewish refugees who were forced to flee Arab and Muslim countries. It calls on Arab countries to terminate anti-Israel initiatives in the United Nations and other international bodies.

Claim four: The deal of the century won't truly impact Israeli citizens.

Fact: This plan will dramatically affect every single citizen in Israel. The safety of Israelis everywhere – especially in the main cities such as Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, Petah Tikva, Netanya, Rishon Lezion and others – depends on us maintaining security control in Judea and Samaria and the Jordan Valley.

The deal of the century ensures this. It will eliminate the prospect of missile attacks on Israeli cities and Ben-Gurion International Airport from the hills of Judea and Samaria. The US plan deals with more than just applying Israeli law in our homeland. It is a historic moment of defining our identities and ensuring the future of our homeland. This is our heritage, the essence of our culture, the deep biblical link between our people and the Land of Israel.

The choice we make in the coming weeks will define our nation forever. After 11 years of working against previous American administrations' policy of withdrawals and uprooting, after three years of working closely with President Trump and his team – we finally have the opportunity to bolster our security, determine our borders and ensure our future.

Claim five: The upcoming elections won't affect the deal of the century.

Fact: These elections will determine whether Israel seizes or squanders a historic opportunity. I will implement the deal of the century. Our political adversaries will implement the "miss of the century." For the sake of realizing the historic opportunity, for the sake of the Land of Israel, we must not miss this moment.

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Moreover, according to Israel-based watchdog group Palestinian Media Watch, Habbash, the PA's Supreme Sharia Judge, taught that to die as a martyr fighting the deal is far better than to accept the "filth of the century," as he scornfully termed the plan, which is commonly known as "the deal of the century."

Following the publication of the US plan, the official title of which is "Peace to Prosperity: A Vision to Improve the Lives of the Palestinian and Israeli People," Habbash called on Islamic preachers to use their Friday sermons to speak against the deal, which he defined as "a crime."

He urged Islamic preachers to "declare a decisive position against this crime that will satisfy Allah and His Messenger [Muhammad]," according to official PA daily Al-Hayat Al-Jadidah.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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On Sunday evening, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Blue and White leader landed separately in Washington ahead of their meetings with Trump. At the same time, the defense establishment was preparing for a possible escalation of Palestinian violence following threats in recent days.

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Moments before boarding his plane at Ben-Gurion airport in Tel Aviv, Netanyahu said: "Five years ago, I went to the US and to Congress, because I was forced to contend with a plan presented by an American president (Barack Obama), because I believed it would pose a threat to the State of Israel's vital interests, essentially its existence. Today I'm leaving for Washington to stand alongside an American president who is presenting a plan, which I believe, advances our most vital interests. Over the past three years, I have had countless conversations with President Trump, a great friend of the State of Israel, and with his staff, about Israel's vital interests, about our security and about our righteousness.

"We are in the midst of very dramatic political events, but the peak is still ahead. I am going to Washington with a great sense of purpose, great responsibility and a great chance, and I am hopeful we can make history."

Accompanying the prime minister were Tourism Minister Yariv Lavin, Israel's Ambassador to the US Ron Dermer, and US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman.

Downplaying the plan in Gaza

In recent days and on Monday morning as well the defense establishment has held multiple security assessments.

The Palestinians, claiming the White House is unfairly biased toward Israel, have already said they won't accept the plan.

On Sunday, the Palestinian Authority's Foreign Ministry called for a "clear international declaration" rejecting the plan.

"No single Palestinian would accept this plan, and the Palestinian leadership will defeat it as they have done with similar plans," said Nabil Abu Rdeneh, spokesman for PA President Mahmoud Abbas.

At present, beyond the Palestinian threats, Israel's security agencies haven't seen any particular groundswell of support for violence.

Hamas, according to Israel security assessments, is largely ignoring the Trump plan and no one in the terrorist organization is taking seriously declarations that Gaza would be demilitarized and Hamas disarmed under the plan.

It's possible that recalcitrant terrorist groups in Gaza will try and even succeed in launching intermittent rockets at Israel as a provocation and in an effort to heighten tensions. The IDF said it was prepared for such a development and that air defense systems were already deployed as a matter of routine in the Gaza sector.

The working assumption is that the Palestinian Authority will look to counter the Trump plan through diplomatic means only.

Channel 13 News reported on Sunday night that the White House was considering inviting Arab ambassadors to the unveiling of the peace plan.

Israel's security comes first

Very little is known, as of now, about the outlines of the peace plan and what both sides will be asked to concede.

Trump first announced his "deal of the century" immediately after he was voted into office in 2016, in an interview to the New York Times on November 23.

In an interview with Israel Hayom in June 2019, then-US Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley said, "In the deal of the century, Israel's security is above all else. The role of Arab states is to tell PA President [Mahmoud Abbas] that the way to improving the Palestinian situation is to come to the negotiating table."

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Truth be told, the US has lost interest in the Middle East and has apparently also sobered up to the illusion of a "new Middle East." The US economy isn't dependent on gas and oil from the region, and it is more cognizant that wide swathes of the region are nothing but "sand and death," in the words of Trump.

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But the US hasn't abandoned the region, and it certainly hasn't lost its status in it. Its military presence is still significant, and the firepower at its disposal in the region is immense. The fact that the US is led by an unpredictable president who tends to ignore the experts in Washington – who are known for their caution and hesitance and who in the past have never missed an opportunity to squander historic opportunities – only strengthens his standing in the region as a figure who every dictator and terrorist organization, from Bashar Assad in Syria to Hezbollah in Lebanon, must take into account.

Washington's return to the Middle East also raises expectations for the "resurrection" of the "deal of the century." Theoretically, Washington currently has no reason to delay unveiling it. The United States has close and positive relations with the majority of Arab states, which are willing to help push the peace plan forward. It has been reported in the past that these states are pressuring the Palestinians to temper their rejectionist position. America's stance with them against Iran has only increased their commitment to it.

With that, it's clear to the Americans that progress toward a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict won't stabilize the region or cure its ills, and it appears there is deep mistrust in Washington about the Palestinians' intentions and their leadership's ability to reach an accord. The Palestinians have assumed a rejectionist posture because the Americans are refusing to coddle them. Furthermore, the Americans are also pressing them to reach an agreement based on the reality on the ground. Cases in point were the Trump administration's recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital and its sovereignty on the Golan Heights.

However, if the Americans vacillate in regards to unveiling the peace plan or lose interest in it, which doesn't seem to be the case based on the developments of the past 24 hours, it will be incumbent upon Israel to take action to alter the status quo. Israel's current status and its economic, diplomatic and military clout allow it to advance strategic and even historic initiatives it could only have dreamed of in the past. It seems such initiatives are fundamentally palatable to the US administration and even coincide with the general outlines of its peace plan. Apparently there is also broad consensus within the Israeli political system for these initiatives, as evidenced by Blue and White leader Benny Gantz's recent declaration in favor of annexing the Jordan Valley. It will be regrettable if the political quagmire in Israel prevents these initiatives from materializing, or postpones them until after the election, if ever.

Either way, the burgeoning status of the US and Israel in the region means that Israel's future is now in its own hands more than ever before. Shaping this future is the next government's first order of business.

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It was the first visit to Israel for Berkowitz, 32, since stepping in for Jason Greenblatt, who resigned as US President Donald Trump's emissary in November.

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It was also the first visit to Israel by a senior US official since Friday's killing of top Iranian military commander Qassem Soleimani.

Although both Israeli and American officials declined to comment on the specifics of the meeting with the prime minister, Israel Hayom learned that US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman was also in attendance, and that Berkowitz separately met with Blue and White leader Benny Gantz.

It's safe to assume, meanwhile, that among other issues Berkowitz and Netanyahu discussed Israel's reported efforts to advance a non-aggression pact with four Arab countries that do not currently have diplomatic relations with Israel. These countries are Oman, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Morocco.

The White House has stated in the past that Trump's "deal of the century" has been completed, saying that it will be presented only when both the Israelis and the Palestinians are ready for it.

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This will be Berkowitz's first visit to Israel since stepping in for Jason Greenblatt, who resigned as US President Donald Trump's emissary in November.

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The visit signals that Washington is still interested in pushing the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, despite all but shelving its long-awaited peace plan since Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu failed to form a government after Israel's April 9 election.

During his stay in Israel, Berkowitz is expected to meet with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, US Ambassador David Friedman and other senior officials.

The White House has stated in the past that Trump's "deal of the century" has been completed, saying that it will be presented only when both the Israelis and the Palestinians are ready for it.

The prolonged political stalemate has pushed the release of the plan, as the Trump administration, which was preparing to release the peace plan in the spring of 2019, has said it will do so only after a new government is formed, meaning following the March 2 elections.

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Constitutional experts beg to differ. Most maintain that Jordan is an autocracy in which authoritarian power is exercised by the king through legal manipulation, described by the Journal of Democracy as "selective economic reforms, new civil society regulations, and hollow pluralism initiatives." In fact, the king is the country's ultimate authority in respect of all three branches of government – executive, legislative, and judicial. He appoints the prime minister and chooses the cabinet. The judges are appointed and dismissed by royal decree. Political parties were legalized in 1992 provided they acknowledge the legitimacy of the monarchy.

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These democratically dubious constitutional arrangements do not, however, affect the popularity of the monarchy, and there is no demand within Jordan for constitutional change. However, the usual consequences of autocratic rule – corruption, unemployment, poverty, high taxes, rising food prices, and poor government services – regularly result in outbursts of popular protest. Over the course of 2019, the scale and depth of Jordan's economic problems have been unprecedented, and massive public demonstrations have been the result.

In May and June, the public took to the streets in great numbers to protest increased taxes and soaring prices. The rebellion was nationwide, uniting all sectors of Jordanian society. In response, King Abdullah dismissed the government, froze prices, and appointed a new prime minister, Omar al-Razzaz, whom he ordered to produce reforms.

This pattern – public protest followed by promised government action – is normal for Jordan, but this time the old nostrum did not work. The government's promises carried no weight with Jordan's teachers, who organized mass strikes on September 5 and 8. The capital, Amman, was plunged into chaos as thousands of teachers from across the country, wearing white caps and carrying placards, paraded through the streets demanding better working conditions and a 50% salary increase that they said had been promised by the government five years ago. At the time of writing, the 100,000 teachers remain on strike and 1.4 million pupils and students are locked out of their classrooms.

Jordan's domestic situation is parlous. The economy is close to breaking point. Public debt stands at $39.9 billion, nearly equal to the country's economic output, while unemployment is running at close to 20%. Meanwhile the Israel-Palestine issue looms. On June 22, 2019, the White House unexpectedly released the economic component of its peace plan. "Peace to Prosperity: A New Vision for the Palestinian People" set out in considerable detail a scenario under which, with a huge input of funding into the region, prospects for the Palestinians would be immeasurably transformed for the better. The plan covered all aspects of Palestinian life from education and health care to taxes, roads, and railways.

The US presented this leg of its ultimate deal in a workshop held in Bahrain which Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas urged the Arab world to boycott. Abdullah, a close ally of the US, ignored his plea and sent a delegation.

Although Jordan's message was that no cash offers could replace a political solution, reports from inside Jordan indicate that some officials believe the country could – and should – profit from any plan that promises billions in economic aid. In June 2019, a prominent MP, Fawaz al-Zubi, said Jordanians should be open-minded about anything they could gain from the deal.

About what the plan might portend politically, there are only fears. Rumors abound in Jordanian official circles that Trump's deal will include proposals potentially disastrous for the country, and that Jordan will be pushed toward accepting them in exchange for the economic aid that Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries have traditionally provided. They believe that the Palestinians – or at least their regional supporters – might be bought off with the promise of a bright economic future and, in the process, Palestinian statehood would be buried, and with it, hopes of removing at least some of Jordan's Palestinian citizens and refugees.

"Don't meet trouble halfway" is a wise adage. Perhaps a jittery Jordan should take note, await the forthcoming peace deal with equanimity, and regard it, when it does finally arrive, as a challenge and an opportunity.

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The reason for the surprise visit is so Greenblatt and Netanyahu can discuss an appropriate time for US President Donald Trump to unveil his peace plan, given the uncertain political picture in Israel following this week's election.

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Greenblatt, one of the architects of the "deal of the century," announced some two weeks ago that he intended to resign. He added that if circumstances demanded it, he would help roll out the plan.

Officially, Greenblatt is in Israel to attend of the wedding of the daughter of US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman. However, sources believe that Greenblatt and Netanyahu plan to discuss the possibility of introducing the Trump administration's plan sometime in the next few days.

Heading up to the election, Netanyahu said that Trump and his staff might not wait until a new Israeli government was in place before announcing the "deal of the century," and that the plan would be made public right after the Knesset election. Thus far, the Trump administration has not confirmed that report.

As of Thursday evening, Greenblatt had no meetings scheduled for his Israel visit, other than the planned one with Netanyahu.

The Blue and White party said in response to reports that Greenblatt and Netanyahu would be meeting on Friday that "Gantz would be happy to meet with any representative of the American administration, if he were asked to."

Political officials think that if the Trump peace plan is announced within the next few days, it could help Netanyahu in his fight to be the one who assembles the next government, since he is seen as having close ties with Trump and as someone who can refuse any demands of the plan that Israel sees as problematic.

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After the initial exit polls were announced Tuesday night, Joint Arab List chairman Ayman Odeh announced, "Once again, we have united and managed to get to 13 [the highest estimate] seats and become the third-largest faction in the Knesset."

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"[Prime Minister] Netanyahu incited against us and led to a dramatic rise in voter turnout in our sector. This is election drama because we are now a force that comprises a real alternative to the political map in Israel," Odeh said.

"Our votes prevented Netanyahu from establishing a government. That's something historic."

Odeh's party colleague MK Ahmad Tibi said the Joint Arab List would not join any coalition or government with Blue and White leader Benny Gantz.

"When it comes to blocking [a coalition], we'll sit down in the next few days and decide what to do," Tibi said.

"The Netanyahu era is over, and his fate is either to go home or go to prison. And we'll just say, 'the deal of the century' no longer exists," Tibi continued.

According to reports, voting in Israeli Arab communities went fairly smoothly, despite predictions of violence and potential voter fraud.

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