According to two senior Druze commanders and a Western intelligence source, Israel is providing military supplies, including arms and ammunition, to Druze militias in the Suwayda region in southwestern Syria. They said Israel is also paying salaries to many of the roughly 3,000 Druze fighters active there.

At the same time, four sources involved in the discussions told Reuters that Washington is pressing Syria and Israel to advance negotiations so that US President Donald Trump can announce a breakthrough at the upcoming United Nations General Assembly later this month. One Israeli security source said, "The US is pressuring Syria to move forward with the security deal. This is personal for Trump," adding that "Israel is not offering much, despite the American president's desire."

The talks are reportedly centered on restoring the 1974 disengagement agreement that followed the Yom Kippur War, securing an Israel Defense Forces withdrawal from southeastern Syria, and halting Israeli airstrikes and ground raids there. Sources stressed the issue of the Golan Heights has not been part of the current talks. A Syrian official told Reuters that Damascus prefers to leave the Golan dispute for future negotiations, noting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa believes "any compromise over the Golan would end his rule."

Israeli officials, however, have flatly ruled out concessions on the Golan Heights. According to Reuters, Israel suggested instead a withdrawal from parts of southern Syria in exchange for Damascus renouncing its claim to the strategic plateau. "Our inquiries through the Americans suggest this is not open for discussion," an Israeli official said.

A senior US official said Trump made clear when he met al-Sharaa in Riyadh in May that he expects Syria to pursue peace and normalization with Israel and its neighbors. "The president wants peace across the Middle East," the official said.

The push for talks comes amid growing unrest in Sweida, where massacres carried out by al-Sharaa's forces against the Druze population have fueled calls for breaking away from the Syrian regime and forming an autonomous administration. Israel has moved to unify fragmented Druze factions in the region, according to the two Druze commanders.

Reuters noted it could not independently verify claims of Israeli arms deliveries or payments, and neither Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office nor Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer's office provided a comment. Two Syrian sources and a Western diplomat said Dermer met Syrian Foreign Minister Assad al-Shabani in Paris, in what they described as a tense encounter marked by mutual distrust.

According to Reuters, the negotiations are envisioned as a gradual process, similar to the talks that eventually produced Israel's 1979 peace treaty with Egypt. But Syrian sources emphasized that while al-Sharaa is willing to speed up contacts to please Trump, "the basic foundations of trust simply do not exist," as one put it.

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At the same time, Syrian outlets said the Israeli Air Force carried out 15 strikes on Syrian Defense Ministry military sites in the al-Kiswah area, in Damascus province. According to those reports, one of the targets was a Syrian army headquarters.

A military source in the Syrian regime told the Qatari channel Al Jazeera that the IDF operated for more than two hours in a landing zone near al-Kiswah, south of Damascus. According to the source, Israeli forces deployed dozens of soldiers and search equipment.

The Syrian source claimed there were no exchanges of fire between the Israeli troops involved in the landing and Assad regime forces. He added that four Israeli helicopters took part in the operation in the al-Kiswah area. At this stage, the report has not been confirmed by Israel.

On Tuesday night, Syrian media also reported an Israeli drone strike in the Damascus region, in which six Syrian soldiers were killed in the suburbs of the capital. This came in addition to several other military operations in Syria attributed to Israel.

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Coordination with the village councils is carried out by an IDF unit tasked with liaising with them. The troops guarding the convoy are reservists from Battalion 299, the Druze "Herev" Battalion, which once served under the 300th Brigade in the western sector of the Lebanon border as part of the Mountain Brigade.

Today, veteran Druze soldiers make up 30% of the battalion, with the remaining 70% mostly Jewish veterans of the Golani Brigade and paratroopers. Most of the command remains Druze. Many of the Druze troops have relatives in the villages across the border, making the unit a human bridge between the local population and Israel. "There isn't a Druze soldier who hasn't asked to visit these villages," Lt. Col. N. said of the emotional encounters. "They offer coffee and snacks, and at most we'll take a piece of fruit to return the gesture."

'The children beg for an Israeli flag'

"It's our duty, and it's part of our core values, to provide them with basic needs," Lt. Col. N. said. "They don't ask for much, and they are very happy the IDF is here. The children beg me for the Israeli flag from my uniform. They tell me, 'Next time you come, bring us an Israeli flag.'"

While the aid is mainly basic supplies, patients have also been brought into Israel for treatment. "At the end of the day, there are babies, families, people here. This isn't our primary mission, but we can't ignore the humanitarian need," he said. "They ask me how much control the army has here, and whether someone could surprise us and kill them. They're afraid of what happened in Sweida. The younger ones are already saying they want to be part of Israel, while the village sheikhs are still afraid and don't express an opinion. They worry we might abandon them."

The residents, most of them farmers who grow deciduous fruit and raise livestock, live as if time has stood still. Running water is available for only one hour every five hours, electricity for limited periods each day, and to bathe, residents heat water over a fire. "They live like people did 100 years ago," said Lt. Col. N., who comes from a Druze village in the Galilee and is now finishing his term as commander of the 299th Reserve Battalion.

We drove from the Israeli outpost line to the border after looking down from above at the Syrian village of Hader and the hospital built by Israel to provide its residents with medical care. We continued deeper into Syrian territory along a road the IDF expanded under Israel Nature and Parks Authority guidelines. Once we passed the red barrels marking the border, the road widened. "This is the Hermon's Highway 6," one soldier joked.

The wider road ensures that trucks and supplies can get through even when the mountain is covered in snow. Along the way is Majdal Beit Jann, a Sunni village separating Hader from the northern Druze villages. Roadblocks there prevent the Druze from reaching Hader, so the IDF delivers supplies through the Hermon sector. While Sunnis can travel to nearby Damascus without concern, such a trip could cost a Druze their life.

"This sector demands a lot of our attention, especially when there's instability," said Lt. Col. N., the sector commander. "Once you go in, you feel there's no control - no laws, no functioning government. We're the ones trying to create order, helping people and bringing some aid. The Syrian state isn't felt here at all."

Below us are the villages of Arneh, Rima, Buq'ata and Qalaat Jandal. Most residents are Druze, with small Christian and Sunni minorities. The IDF assists them all. Beyond the humanitarian aspect, control of the area is a clear security interest, Lt. Col. N. explained. "If these villages fall, the next step is our outposts and communities. That's why we must strengthen the villages and the population. As long as Syria is unstable, we cannot leave the Hermon."

'Hummus in Damascus?'

In the past, Israel held only 7% of the Hermon. Today, it controls the entire mountain, a strategic buffer against any military force that might try to take it. "It was absolutely the right decision to take the Hermon," said Lt. Col. N. "To get a sense of its size, the drive from the Hermon ski site to the far end of the Syrian Hermon takes about an hour. On the way, you cross the smugglers' route, which leads to the villages, once used to move goods to Shebaa and southern Lebanon, including electronics and cigarettes. Now that the IDF controls the area, the smuggling has stopped or shifted further north, beyond the Hermon ridge."

The IDF has two outposts on the Hermon: One which overlooks the Druze villages and the smugglers' route, and further north, and another built on the site of a former Syrian position. "When we first entered the outpost, I could barely breathe even with a mask on. They lived in terrible conditions. Every year, soldiers died from the cold, and they were buried in the outpost yard. We saw the graves," said Lt. Col. N.

Snow on the highest peaks can pile up more than 10 meters (33 feet) deep, with freezing winter temperatures and snow lingering into mid-summer. The IDF prepares for the possibility that the outposts could be cut off for weeks, ensuring they can function independently in terms of supplies and combat readiness.

"Eating hummus in Damascus is detached from reality," said Lt. Col. N. "As a Druze who follows social media, I don't believe [al-Qaida-linked terrorist leader] Abu Muhammad al-Julani. A terrorist remains a terrorist. But maybe we can have hummus here in the Druze villages." Looking ahead with a more tourist-minded vision, he added, "Israel could develop an international ski resort here, something the Syrians never did."

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The published specifics reveal that oversight of the Sweida area, which became the focal point of Syrian regime aggression against the Druze population, will transfer to American control, with US officials committing to ensuring agreement implementation. The arrangement stipulates that all local tribal forces and government forces must withdraw from Druze villages, while Druze units will perform verification sweeps in these communities to confirm compliance.

Subsequently, the agreement provides for the establishment of local councils with participation from Sweida residents, with appointed members handling regional resource management and essential services. Additionally, a monitoring and documentation committee will track agreement violations, submitting reports to American officials when necessary.

The accord further mandates that Quneitra and Daraa, located near the Syrian-Israeli border, undergo complete disarmament, with local security committees formed through resident participation, contingent on restricting possession to light weapons only. Syrian government-affiliated organizations or institutions face an entry prohibition to Sweida, while United Nations entities receive authorization for regional access.

I met this evening with the Syrians and Israelis in Paris. Our goal was dialogue and de-escalation, and we accomplished precisely that. All parties reiterated their commitment to continuing these efforts.

— Ambassador Tom Barrack (@USAMBTurkiye) July 24, 2025

Previously, US Special Envoy to Syria Tom Barrack confirmed his Paris discussions with Syrian and Israeli representatives, declaring, "Our goal was dialogue and de-escalation, and we accomplished precisely that. All parties reiterated their commitment to continuing these efforts."

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According to estimates, there are hundreds of captives on both sides. Israel Hayom has learned that the Israeli official is in contact with members of the Druze community, while third parties, including Americans, are conducting the negotiations with the Syrian regime and the Bedouin side. The hope is that all captives from both sides will be released in the coming days.

According to senior Israeli officials, the primary Israeli intrest at this stage is to calm tensions in Syria, although they acknowledge any resulting calm will likely be temporary.

Officials involved in the matter argue that the recent violence in Sweida highlights the need for Israel to maintain a military presence in the area it took control of in December 2024. They note that Israeli intelligence had no advance warning that hostile forces - first Syrian regime elements, then Bedouin fighters - were planning to attack the Druze. Likewise, they say, there is no guarantee that Israeli intelligence will detect an Islamist plot to target Israeli towns.

Since the Hamas-led October 7 massacre, Israel's political and defense leadership has repeatedly emphasized the necessity of buffer zones along all its borders to ensure the safety of nearby Israeli communities.

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Distress calls from Druze leaders in Syria and Israel, along with fears that the border fence could again be breached, led to a dramatic Israeli U-turn: just over 24 hours after striking regime forces, including in Damascus, and demanding their immediate withdrawal from the south, the Israeli government made an urgent appeal to al-Sharaa to redeploy his forces to act as a buffer between the Druze and the Bedouin. Israel insisted that any troops sent to the south be ununiformed and unarmed with heavy weapons, but the zigzag reflects both the fragility of the situation and the lack of a clear policy in Jerusalem.

Israel has two immediate concerns. First, the Druze community, which has already suffered dozens, possibly hundreds, of fatalities in the assault on Sweida, amid horrific reports of abuse and executions. Second, the potential for a major influx of Bedouin into the area, destabilizing security in southern Syria and potentially also in Jordan, which is ruled by a widely disliked Bedouin minority. The fear of a domino effect that could bring down the regime in Amman and see it fall to ISIS sympathizers is what prompted the attempt to use a third party (the Syrian regime) to separate the warring sides.

But Israel may need to go even further. Last week's events make clear that the Syria, and, by extension, the wider eastern front, is extremely volatile. It's unclear whether al-Sharaa's regime misunderstood Israel (as Washington claims), is simply unable to enforce control (as Jerusalem believes), or is deliberately manipulating all sides (as some intelligence sources suspect). The deep, literal and figurative, bloodshed among the Druze, Bedouin and Sunnis guarantees that the next round of fighting is only a matter of time.

Israel must define its goals in the region. Three main objectives stand out: first, to push back threats from its borders, primarily through military presence and targeted strikes on hostile actors. Second, to protect its broader strategic interests, from the stability of Jordan's monarchy to countering Turkish and Qatari influence in Syria. Third, to defend its Druze allies. All these efforts must be coordinated with Washington and informed by constant scrutiny of al-Sharaa's movements and meetings.

Meanwhile, eyes are fixed on Gaza, where American mediator Steve Witkoff's expected arrival in Doha could signal progress toward a deal that would see 10 living hostages and 15–18 bodies returned in exchange for a ceasefire and the release of Palestinian prisoners. Despite reports, some stemming from Israeli sources, of deadlock in the negotiations, there is a sense that both sides currently want an agreement, each for its own reasons. If Witkoff can again corner both parties, as he did in January, a deal could be struck within days.

Until that happens, Israel must stay vigilant in Gaza. The rising toll of wounded Israel Defense Forces soldiers points not just to Hamas's shift to guerrilla tactics, but also to growing fatigue and attrition among Israeli troops. This could lead to operational mistakes and unintended civilian casualties.

Yesterday brought more reports of multiple casualties near a food distribution point in southern Gaza, part of a pattern that has already left dozens dead in recent weeks. Along with the recent strike on a church, these incidents are fueling Israel's worsening legitimacy crisis on the world stage, raising fears of real diplomatic or legal repercussions.

Israeli Channel 12 reported Friday night that Mossad chief David Barnea visited Washington last week to push US officials to support a "voluntary emigration" plan for Palestinians to third countries in Africa and Asia. Though the idea originated with President Donald Trump, it remains uncertain whether it will be implemented, but Barnea's apparent willingness to tackle any assignment should raise eyebrows.

Four final notes

First, on Iran. Late last week, American media continued to debate the scope of damage inflicted by the Israeli-American strike on Iranian nuclear facilities. High-ranking, credible Israeli officials asserted that the operation significantly hit all sites and delayed the Iranian nuclear program by at least 18 months. They added that Tehran's regime is now deeply engaged in internal deliberations and has yet to decide its next steps.

Second, the fuss around a US report alleging that American funds helped finance anti-government protests in Israel, a claim based partly on fringe sources, is especially strange coming from allies of a prime minister who received money from Qatar and openly welcomes foreign meddling in his criminal trial.

Third, in Judea and Samaria (the West Bank), Israelis may be ignoring the lawlessness there, tacitly enabled by far-right government figures. But the harsh criticism voiced yesterday by pro-Israel US Ambassador Mike Huckabee during his visit to the village of al-Taybeh should set off alarm bells. While attention is fixed on Syria and Gaza, the West Bank is turning into a major headache, not only because of Palestinian terrorism.

Fourth, a word about Giora Epstein, one of the Israel Air Force's greatest fighter pilots and the world record-holder for most enemy aircraft shot down, who died yesterday at 87. Epstein deeply loved Israel and was a fearless warrior and visionary. In his later years, he took pride in the air force's extraordinary achievements against Iran. Yet during last year's protests, in which he took an active part, he had to endure disgraceful attacks from government ministers against the very pilots, including himself, whose cockpit bravery and practical Zionism far outweighed anything their critics had ever shown.

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Assuming these events have truly concluded, they should ignite a glaring warning signal in Israel, or rather a sequence of alerts necessitating profound systemic analysis. The incidents revealed Israeli weaknesses and potential threats that require immediate attention to avert a larger catastrophe.

Warnings for the defense establishment

The first alert pertains to Syria, specifically its president. Israel, alongside the international community, aimed to see Mohammed al-Julani – now Ahmed al-Sharaa – as a courageous partner for transformative regional change. Reports even noted meetings between the former militant turned leader and Mossad head David Barnea, National Security Council chief Tzachi Hanegbi, and other senior figures, with prospects of agreements to be signed between the countries. Such expectations may have been hasty: it remains unclear if al-Sharaa is what Israel perceives him to be, or if he can genuinely fulfill expectations.

The second alert concerns Syria's current leadership. It comprises jihadists with a violent past and an ideology offering little tolerance for opponents. The Alawites, removed from power, felt this through a massacre earlier this year in Latakia and Tartus, and now the Druze face similar threats. The Shiites, including Hezbollah – their representatives in Lebanon – are also in the crosshairs. There is no indication that jihadists have different intentions for Jews if given the chance.

Video: Hundreds of Druze have crossed the border fence in Majdal Shams

The third alert focuses on Syria's Druze. The blood feud ignited now remains unresolved despite the ceasefire, and given the regime's character, it will likely resurface. Israel must determine how far it is prepared to go for its allies: will it offer only air support, or, if needed, send divisions for ground combat for an uncertain duration.

The fourth alert involves the possibility that Israel may need to take in Syrian Druze. It is uncertain if they plan to seek refuge, but the rapidly shifting Middle East may force swift decisions. This happened with South Lebanon Army members who collaborated with the IDF in southern Lebanon and fled to Israel overnight during the 2000 withdrawal. Israel has no plans to absorb thousands of Druze – or more – a complex inter-ministerial issue requiring staff work now, in collaboration with Israel's Druze community.

Internal challenges

The fifth alert addresses Israel's Druze community. The alliance with them is firm, recognized, and clear, but the political-security leadership must hold open discussions to set boundaries. Thousands of Israeli Druze breaking through the border into Syria risks disaster, as they could be killed or abducted, potentially dragging Israel into a complicated conflict. Israel rightly committed to protecting its allies in Syria; it should clarify to its Druze community that this is the IDF's responsibility, not a task for independent actions.

The sixth alert is directed at the IDF. In May 2011, during the start of Syria's civil war, thousands of Palestinians crossed from Syria into Israel. The failure of defenses then led to the establishment of a dedicated division (210) and an advanced barrier. Both collapsed on Wednesday. The IDF argued its role is to prevent entry into Israel, not to stop exits, but this is evasive and demands a detailed investigation and solutions to avoid similar failures.

The seventh alert concerns situational awareness. The movement of forces to Sweida started Monday night. Israel promptly warned the Damascus regime and conducted symbolic warning strikes, but significant force reinforcement occurred only on Wednesday, when events peaked. This suggests erroneous assessments by senior political and security officials, possibly due to overdependence on the partner-enemy al-Sharaa.

The eighth alert is for Prime Minister Netanyahu. In English-language interviews, he stated that had he been given the warning signs before Hamas's October 7 attack, he would have acted differently. Now, with all warning signs evident, he relied on his team – Barnea and Hanegbi – engaging with al-Sharaa, and on the Americans, without ordering IDF force reinforcement or measures to calm Israel's Druze community. These steps were taken with considerable delay, when Israel was one step from a major crisis.

Video: The moment of the strike near the Syrian military general staff building, as broadcast on Syrian state television // Arab networks

Despite these issues, recent events had some positive notes. Al-Sharaa, despite uncertainties about his true motives, operates with caution and is susceptible to influence. Mediators – primarily Americans, Turks, and Qataris – exert a moderating effect on him. His presence in Syria poses a significant challenge but still offers more benefits than drawbacks, especially in disrupting the Shiite axis and weakening Hezbollah.

The robust connection with the Druze, tested in a difficult situation, prevailed. Israel should strengthen this bond by addressing disputes with the community over land issues and resolving the Nation-State Law. The time to act is now, before Syria's tensions reignite.

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Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, also known as Abu Muhammad al-Julani, spoke out late Wednesday about the recent violent clashes in the southern Druze stronghold of Sweida and accused Israel of exploiting the unrest to foster instability.

He blamed Israel for deliberately creating chaos under the guise of protecting the Druze minority. "The Israeli entity seeks to turn our land into a battlefield of disorder," al-Sharaa declared following the announcement of a ceasefire and the withdrawal of his forces from the area. "The Syrian people are always ready to defend their dignity. We are natives of this land and we can overcome Israel's maneuvers. We are eager to prosecute those who harmed our Druze people."

Speaking shortly after the ceasefire took effect, al-Sharaa addressed Syria's Druze community directly: "The Druze community is an inseparable part of the fabric of this nation. Syria will never become a place of division, fragmentation or incitement. We assure you that defending your rights and freedoms is our top priority."

The Syrian president continued his accusations against Israel: "Since the regime's fall, Israel has aimed to dismantle Syria. We have entrusted local factions and sheikhs with the responsibility of maintaining security in the province. We chose not to be drawn into further conflict in order to safeguard the nation's security."

His remarks came in the wake of intense clashes in southern Syria, where reports emerged of severe massacres targeting the Druze population. The violence prompted a wave of Israeli airstrikes in the region and a significant movement of Druze from the Israeli Golan Heights into Syrian territory.

Al-Julani's forces began withdrawing from Sweida, the heartland of Syria's Druze community, late Wednesday as part of a ceasefire agreement coordinated with senior Druze leaders in the area.

The IDF reported that no additional Druze crossed into Syria overnight. There were no protests or further incursions from either side. Israeli troops operated within Syrian territory to return dozens of Israeli citizens who had crossed the border. In coordination with the Israel Police, the IDF also worked to locate and repatriate Druze-Syrians who had entered Israel. These operations are ongoing. In the coming day, the IDF plans to strengthen barrier measures along the border fence to prevent additional crossings from both directions.

In Washington, US Senator Jeanne Shaheen, a senior member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, issued a statement expressing deep concern over the escalating violence in Syria. "I am deeply troubled by the rising violence in Syria, including Israel's decision to carry out airstrikes in Damascus and Sweida. This escalation risks undermining Syria's stability and could jeopardize progress made by Special Envoy Tom Barak on normalizing relations between Syria and Israel," she said.

"At the same time, Syrian authorities must commit to restoring order peacefully in Druze areas and ensure accountability for any security forces that committed abuses in those communities."

Shaheen added, "The only viable path forward requires all parties - Druze, Bedouin tribes, Israeli forces, and the Syrian government - to act swiftly to de-escalate tensions. Syrian authorities need international support to build capacity, train and professionalize their forces, and work toward our shared goal of eliminating the threat from terrorist organizations and other malign actors in Syria. To achieve that, we must all support a path toward a unified Syria that protects the interests of all its citizens and can pursue peaceful relations with its neighbors."

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According to a diplomatic source, Israel agreed to allow Syrian regime interior forces to enter the area to maintain order. It remains unclear at this stage what type of force is involved and the scope of the entry.

The tribal fighters were recruited after the Council of Sheikhs of the Bedouin tribes last night called for general mobilization and went into battle against Druze militias in the southern Sweida province. The tribal militias succeeded in capturing at least three large Druze villages, and fighters began setting fire to houses belonging to Druze residents. Thousands of civilians fled the battle zone, northwest of Sweida city.

So far, no Israeli involvement in the developing fighting in the south has been recorded, and it remains unclear whether Israel will assist its Druze allies as it did against the Syrian regime. Damascus denied reports that regime forces would advance back into the Sweida area to enforce order and said they were abiding by ceasefire terms.

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Since the outbreak of the Arab Spring in Syria in 2011, the country's Druze minority has faced existential threats, particularly from Sunni jihadist organizations such as Islamic State and Jabhat al-Nusra - al-Qaida's affiliate and the Islamic State's branch in Syria. These groups, which consider Druze to be heretics, were not content merely with fighting Bashar Assad's regime but aimed to "purify" their controlled territories of religious minorities.

The Druze, comprising roughly 3–5% of Syria's population (some 700,000 people), are concentrated in Jabal al-Druze in the Suwayda province in the south. Even before the civil war, the area suffered from neglect and lack of governance, and during the 14 years of conflict, it became a strategic weak spot in the Assad regime's defenses - vulnerable to jihadist terror and territorial encroachment. Between 2013 and 2018, jihadist forces significantly expanded their presence in southern Syria, at times operating dangerously close to major Druze population centers and even the Israeli border.

In June 2015, Jabhat al-Nusra, led by Abu Muhammad al-Julani also known as Ahmed al-Sharaa., threatened to overrun the village of Hader in the Syrian Golan Heights. It was only the determined resistance of local Druze residents, aided by Assad-aligned militias, that prevented the jihadists from advancing.

Two years later, in November 2017, the Druze faced another wave of violence. After a series of attacks culminating in a car bombing that killed nine people, protests erupted in Israel. Tensions among Israeli Druze communities were so high that IDF Spokesman Brig. Gen. Ronen Manelis issued a statement declaring that "the IDF is prepared to assist the residents of the village and will prevent harm or occupation of Hader out of commitment to the Druze community."

Yet the warning proved short-lived. In July 2018, Islamic State carried out a series of coordinated attacks in Suwayda and nearby villages, killing more than 250 people, most of them Druze civilians, and kidnapping dozens of women and children. "We are ready to act, financially or otherwise," said Rafiq Halabi, head of the Daliyat al-Karmel local council, at a protest rally. The spiritual leader of Israel's Druze community, Mowafaq Tarif, declared the Islamic State attacks to be "a brutal ethnic massacre."

The charm offensive led by Ahmed al-Sharaa, Syria's new ruler, and his efforts to project stability have now suffered a major blow. The ongoing clashes between jihadists and the Druze reveal a harsh truth: Syria's new regime lacks control and cannot contain the armed Islamist factions whose motivations are religious rather than political or diplomatic.

Just as jihadist elements affiliated with al-Sharaa's regime massacred Alawites in March and, in late June, killed 20 Christians in a suicide bombing at Mar Elias Church in Damascus, it now appears to be the Druze community's turn.

al-Sharaa's Syria is spiraling into chaos. A growing number of domestic extremist groups and foreign actors - Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia among them - are increasingly involved. In the absence of strong central leadership, there is a high likelihood of the country sliding into another civil war.

For Israel, this means a need not only for tactical readiness, responding to sporadic terror threats and attacks on Syrian Druze, but for strategic preparation. The emerging scenario involves escalating disorder and the risk of a renewed Syrian civil war, this time without a clear central authority like Assad. Israel must tread carefully to avoid clashes with al-Sharaa's ally, Turkey, or a war of attrition against radical Islamist factions in Syria. A comprehensive strategic posture will require building broad international understandings, particularly with the US, which only recently embraced al-Sharaa.

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