The previously undisclosed documents show how Epstein transformed his seven-story Upper East Side mansion into a sophisticated salon for entertaining celebrities, academics, and politicians, complete with surveillance cameras, a massage room stocked with lubricant, and walls lined with photos of world leaders including Donald Trump, Bill Clinton, and Pope John Paul II.

Barak, Israel's former prime minister, and his spouse observed the remarkable variety of attendees, The New York Times reported. "There is no boundary to your inquisitiveness," the couple wrote in their message, assembled with additional notes in January 2016. "You remain like a sealed volume to numerous guests but you understand everything about every individual."

Media executive Mortimer Zuckerman proposed components for a dinner that would capture the mansion's character, suggesting a basic salad and additional items that "would boost Jeffrey's sexual capabilities," according to The New York Times.

Film director Woody Allen characterized how the gatherings evoked Dracula's fortress, "where Lugosi maintains three youthful female vampires who attend the establishment."

However, Epstein's treasured estate was not a dark Transylvanian stronghold. The financier had invested years converting the seven-floor, 21,000-square-foot residence into a location where he could display – and strengthen – his associations with wealthy and influential individuals, even as indications of his sinister nature remained present, according to previously unrevealed photographs and records demonstrating his lifestyle during his final years.

Following Epstein's death in federal detention in 2019, which authorities ruled a suicide, numerous enigmas about his existence have remained unresolved. How did he accumulate a nine-figure wealth? And why did countless powerful men persist in associating with him long after he became a documented sex offender?

For years, Maxwell was a regular presence in Epstein's New York residence, where she maintained an office. But she and Epstein had separated by the mid-2010s. A mounted photograph in the residence showing Epstein with Donald Trump and his then-girlfriend, Melania Knauss, was edited to remove Maxwell.

The residence was among five properties worldwide owned by Epstein. After his release in 2009 from a Florida detention facility, where he completed 13 months for soliciting prostitution from a minor, the mansion functioned as both a personal retreat and a gathering place where he could entertain accomplished intellectuals, scientists and financiers, according to legal documents and conversations with individuals who regularly visited the home. The guests regarded Epstein as entertaining, intelligent and inquisitive. Another benefit included mingling with the young, attractive women who moved throughout the property and served as his assistants.

The residence, located steps from Central Park, was purchased by Epstein in 1998 from Leslie H. Wexner, the billionaire proprietor of L Brands. Epstein renovated and redecorated the mansion in an unconventional style. Scores of mounted prosthetic eyeballs decorated the entrance. A sculpture depicting a woman in a wedding dress and grasping a rope was suspended in a central courtyard.

In the ground-level dining area, Epstein hosted a changing group of celebrities, academics, politicians and business leaders. The cuisine could be ordinary – occasionally nothing beyond a buffet of Chinese delivery, Allen's correspondence noted – but the occasions were extraordinary. Photographs reveal that attendees sat in leopard-print seats surrounding a large rectangular table, the The New York Times reported. Periodically, guests mentioned in interviews, a magician would perform. Occasionally, a chalkboard was brought out so an attendee could sketch a diagram or inscribe a mathematical equation. Epstein maintained a map of Israel drawn on a chalkboard with Barak's signature, according to a photograph examined by The New York Times.

Photographs display a sideboard filled with mounted snapshots showcasing Epstein's associations with some of the globe's most recognizable individuals. There was Epstein grinning beside Pope John Paul II, Mick Jagger, Elon Musk and Fidel Castro. Additionally featured were Larry Summers, former President Bill Clinton and Richard Branson. Adjacent was the photograph from 2000 displaying Epstein with Trump and the future first lady – excluding Maxwell.

Next to that was a mounted dollar bill autographed by Bill Gates, potentially as settlement of a wager. "I was incorrect!" the Microsoft co-founder inscribed across George Washington's portrait.

Ascending a grand stairway was Epstein's wood-paneled study, containing a massive desk. Photographs show a preserved tiger resting on a luxurious carpet. In the study, according to photographs examined by The Times, Epstein displayed a green first edition of "Lolita," the 1955 novel in which an intellectual develops a sexual fixation with a 12-year-old girl and repeatedly assaults her. Upon a wooden cabinet were additional mounted photographs, including one of Epstein with Saudi Arabia's crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman.

Another level higher, on the third floor, was Epstein's private quarters – a suite that contained his bedroom, the mansion's notorious massage room and a group of bathrooms.

Installed in a corner above his bed was a surveillance camera, photographs reveal. A second camera can be observed in an adjacent room. Multiple Epstein victims have stated the mansion was equipped with a system of concealed video cameras.

In the massage room were paintings of unclothed women, a large silver ball and chain, and shelves filled with lubricant, according to photographs reviewed by The Times.

No surveillance cameras were apparent in the photographs of the massage room. An earlier compilation of correspondence, presented to Epstein in a leather-bound volume for his 50th birthday in 2003, reflected a period of his life before his first arrest. That collection included contributions from Trump and Clinton, among dozens of others, The Wall Street Journal reported. Trump has denied a report in The Journal that he contributed a sexually suggestive note and drawing. He has filed a lawsuit against the news organization for defamation. Clinton's spokesman has said the former president was unaware of Epstein's crimes.

However, by 2016, as Epstein's reputation as a sexual predator became increasingly difficult to overlook, his social circle was contracting. Three years later, he would die in a Manhattan jail while awaiting prosecution on federal sex-trafficking charges.

The Times examined seven birthday messages given to Epstein in 2016. In addition to those from Zuckerman, Allen and Barak, there were letters from the linguist Noam Chomsky and his wife; Joichi Ito, an entrepreneur who years later would resign from M.I.T. and the board of The New York Times Company because of his ties to Epstein; and Lawrence M. Krauss, a prominent physicist. Martin Nowak, a Harvard biologist, contributed a science-themed poem.

Zuckerman, Allen, Ito, Dr. Nowak and Bannon did not respond to requests for comment from The New York Times. Barak declined to comment. Dr. Chomsky's wife responded on his behalf and declined to comment. Dr. Krauss said he didn't recall the letter but attended "several lunches with very interesting discussions" with scientists, authors and others at Epstein's home.

In their typed correspondence, Barak and his wife, Nili Priel, praised Epstein as "A COLLECTOR OF PEOPLE." The letter concluded, "May you enjoy long and healthy life and may all of us, your friends, enjoy your table for many more years to come."

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In a scathing rebuke, a group of distinguished Israelis has condemned the US Congress's invitation to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to address a joint session on July 24. The critics, spanning various sectors of Israeli society, argue that this gesture rewards Netanyahu's "scandalous and destructive conduct" towards Israel, in The New York Times opinion piece on Tuesday.

The authors, who hail from various sectors of Israeli society, including science, technology, politics, defense, law, and culture, contend that Netanyahu's government is "driving Israel downhill at an alarming speed" and that the country may eventually be lost as a result. They contend that Netanyahu's government is rapidly driving Israel towards ruin, citing his failure to end the Gaza war and secure hostage releases as prime examples of his ineffectiveness.

"Inviting Netanyahu will reward his contempt for US efforts to establish a peace plan, allow more aid to the beleaguered people of Gaza, and do a better job of sparing civilians," the authors write in The New York Times. They argue that the invitation should have been contingent upon resolving these issues and calling for new elections in Israel.

The critics also accuse Netanyahu of repeatedly rejecting President Biden's plan to remove Hamas from power in Gaza through the establishment of a peacekeeping force, a move they believe could lead to a broader regional alliance and a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. They assert that such an outcome is not only in Israel's interest but also in the interest of both political parties in the United States.

Furthermore, the authors contend that Netanyahu has failed to take responsibility for the blunders that allowed the Hamas assault, initially blaming security chiefs before quickly backtracking. They call for the establishment of a state commission of inquiry, headed by a Supreme Court judge, to investigate the fiasco.

The opinion piece also highlights the ongoing nationwide demonstrations in Israel, with participants demanding an immediate release of the hostages, an end to the war, and immediate elections. Polls cited by the authors indicate that a majority of Israelis support these demands, reflecting a growing loss of faith in Netanyahu's government.

"Giving Netanyahu the stage in Washington will all but dismiss the rage and pain of his people, as expressed in the demonstrations throughout the country," the authors write, urging American lawmakers to reconsider the invitation and ask the prime minister to stay home.

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1.

Some years ago, Ehud Barak invited me to his home. He wanted to get to know me. We sat for about three hours talking about history and Talmud, philosophy and poetry, policy, and the army. Barak is highly impressive, with a broad perspective, the likes of which I have encountered in very few people.

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I told him that, in some ways, he had become the Shabtai Zvi of his camp. Barak was the Messiah who was designated as Yitzhak Rabin's successor. He was destined to redeem his followers from Benjamin Netanyahu and resurrect the spirit of Oslo. And yet, it was Barak who coined the phrase that buried the hope of peace when he returned from Camp David and told the nation the truth: "There is no partner for peace" on the Palestinian side, despite the unprecedented concessions he offered them. It was an admission of the failure of the concept of "land for peace." As far as many of his followers were concerned, this was an act of heresy that went against what for many years had been the raison d'être of his political camp. Barak's confession was tantamount to the conversion to Islam of Shabtai Zvi who turned out to be a false Messiah.  You too, I told him, have been marked as a false Messiah.  He smiled faintly and agreed with me.

2.

But, I added, the analogy is not merely a historical-literary comparison: It has, I said to him, implications on your actions, because, since the failure to make peace with the Palestinians, you have tried consistently to once again become the anointed leader of your followers, and you do not shy away from any means. Because when it comes to your view, what is the difference between you and Netanyahu? Name one topic I requested of him, where you think the exact opposite of what he thinks, and the differences between you are so great that you are unable to cooperate. Barak had no major issues to raise. That was before all the legal accusations. I told him that my conclusion was that his tireless motivation, which had become a crazed obsession, stemmed from personal affairs: Barak was Netanyahu's commander in Sayeret Matkal and now his subordinate had outdone his commander. That, from Barak's perspective, was inexcusable.

Your ego, I said, is greater than the historical imperative to serve the people in any capacity. God gave you a talent for leadership, and instead of harnessing it for the good of the nation and joining forces with Netanyahu as you did in his second government, you have become the spearhead of a civil war that focuses on the leader of the other camp, with the hope of bringing him down or at least sullying his name and engendering animosity toward him. This is not leadership, I told Barak, and history will judge you. This is an unfortunate repetition of the brothers' jealousy of Joseph, which led to the historic separation between the kingdom of Judah (the sons of Leah) and the kingdom of Israel (the sons of Rachel).

3.

The hatred of Netanyahu does not stop with him but is also directed at the masses of his voters who do not heed the sages and astromancers who prove with signs and wonders that Netanyahu is the root of all the nation's catastrophes. This week I heard former IDF Chief of Staff Dan Halutz tell journalist Sharon Gal that his 200,000-strong audience is not who he wants to talk to. This is the truth – Barak's merciless ego war has dragged down the entire nation, which for several years has been rocked by the boycott of the ruling party. I was in Italy during the three strange years, which began with Avigdor Lieberman's boycott of Netanyahu that led to a political stalemate and endless rounds of elections amid the coronavirus pandemic.

The Italians who were the first in the West to drink from the poisoned chalice of the coronavirus looked at the opposition demonstrations in Israel and the irresponsible criticism of Israel's lockdown policy, which put it in a far better position than most countries (at a time when there was still no vaccine!) and could not believe what they were seeing. I was asked on more than one occasion whether we have lost our minds. Indeed, it was not the coronavirus that was the issue, but rather the obsession with Netanyahu. Then came the establishment of the so-called "government of change" which preferred Mansour Abbas over Netanyahu. Naftali Bennett cooperated with this historic move. By stealing the post of prime minister, despite his promises, he retroactively agreed to the brothers' hatred of Joseph. He of course said that he did it "for the people," but so did the brothers when they banished Joseph, for after all, they were saving the future of the nation. And what will people think of us a hundred years from now?

4.

Hatred blinds us and prevents us from seeing the suffering of the nation. The current demonstrations have no real purpose. The slogans about democracy are childish. Democracy has always come naturally to us and is not in danger. On the other hand, breaking up assemblies and conferences and persecuting representatives and speakers from the other camp in an attempt to humiliate them is an ancient practice – Mussolini's followers did so about a century ago. Woe the historical irony. There is no culture of debate here, merely a flight from public debate because every debate legitimizes the other side's positions, and therefore its fate is to be detonated by the proponents of one-way democracy. Identity politics has long since arrived in academia. This is especially so in the humanities and social sciences where climbing the academic ranks often depends on political identity, and all the more so when it comes to freedom of speech, which is reserved solely for one side's opinions.

5.

This Shabbat, we read the story of Korah. It is for good reason that we have retold this story for thousands of years and it has become the paramount example of a dispute that is "not for heaven's sake," as our sages in Tractate Avot defined it two thousand years ago, but one that is about ego, positions, and who will lead. It is a dispute that "does not endure" – that is, it does not stand on a foundation of truth. The controversy led Korah, one of the most talented leaders of the desert generation, to sully Moses' name, and in the process, he incited the people against Moses using claims of equality ("All of the community is holy, every one of them, and the Lord is with them. Why then do you set yourselves above the Lord's people?"). And when that wasn't enough, his followers pointed out Moses' "corruption" saying that he had brought the people out from Egypt, which was a land flowing with milk and honey ("Things used to be good, until you came and destroyed everything...") just to prevail over them and to receive benefits as a ruler, and that he hadn't kept his promises to bring them to another land of milk and honey and arrange lands and fields for us.

The words of incitement worked. A significant part of the public began to believe. The results were dramatic: the burning hatred between the camps created an enormous black hole that split the nation and threatened to swallow everyone, while all around us the daughters of the Philistines cheered. Now, Tehran and Hezbollah laugh at us and expect to reap the fruits of civil war just as once took place between Juda Aristobulus II and John Hyrcanus II, the sons of Alexander Jannaeus (Yannai) and Salome Alexandra (Shlomtzion) who in the first century BCE fought for the monarchy and brought Rome to take sides among us. That's how we ended up losing our independence.

The Korah story is a warning sign for all of us. Even if the earth has opened up its mouth and swallowed him and his men, the spirit of Korah continues to hover among us and create new sinkholes. Ehud Barak and his friends need to know that they are not dealing with just one person but with the people, the vast majority of whom know of the harms caused by civil war and therefore reject this attempt to set brothers against each other. This is how Nathan Alterman prayed for the nation at another time when we were besieged by our enemies in the first years of World War II: "Give her strength, merciful father, give her strength/ Do not let her fall before her time without strength." Do not despair. We shall overcome.

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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is "treading in the footsteps of leaders of fascist movements in the past few generations," former Prime Minister Ehud Barak said Thursday in a radio interview.

Yinon Magal of 103FM asked Barak if by "fascist leaders" he was referring to Hitler and Mussolini, and Barak answered yes.

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"All leaders of the fascist movement. I'm saying that because there is still value in the truth. The public is being divided into groups against each other, and 'Amaleks' or 'Hitlers' are being identified on the outside and 'traitors' on the inside. It's crushed the institutions of law, and more.

"Netanyahu needs the Amaleks and the traitors at home, that was the fascist formula for years. He sows existential fears because he needs them to stay in power," Barak said.

Barak made his statements barely a week after social activist Sadi Ben Shitrit of the Crime Minister movement compared Netanyahu to Hitler. In a video clip disseminated on social media, Ben Shitrit is seen speaking at an anti-Netanyahu demonstration and saying, "In the 1930s, there was a scourge for the Jews in Germany, and he behaved exactly like you, [referring to Netanyahu], he divided and incited and destroyed."

The Likud Party, of which Netanyahu is the leader, issued a response to the Barak interview saying that the former prime minister had "crossed all red lines" by comparing Netanyahu to Hitler.

"Barak's infuriating remarks have no place in the discourse, and all public leaders should condemn them, starting with Opposition leader Yair Lapid, who along with Iranian activity on social media is stirring up the Black Flags [protest] movement," the party said.

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Giuffre's accusation, details of which had been sealed by a court, became known this week after attorney Alan Dershowitz issued a new filing refuting her claims. Dershowitz sued Giuffre for defamation after she claimed that she had been forced to have sex with him and other high-profile figures, including Barak and Prince Andrew of England, when she was a minor.

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Dershowitz's filing, which was first revealed publicly by the Miami Herald, states that Giuffre alleges that she was forced to have sex with Barak.

Dershowitz, who is suing Giuffre for what he says is a defamation of character, went on to argue that Giuffre "has offered no proof other than her own uncorroborated word, which has been thoroughly discredited by her proven lies."

He represented Epstein in the first criminal investigation into the financier's alleged sex trafficking in 2005, for which Epstein pled guilty to one count of procuring an underage prostitute.

A statement on Barak's behalf said: "Mr. Barak's name was inserted into the [Miami Herald] article in order to push aside the allegations against Dershowitz. In Dershowitz's paper, it's stated that the woman's testimony is false. Barak does not comment on imaginary rumors or false affidavits. Moreover, neither did Barak know nor did he meet Epstein in 2002, when the woman [Giuffre] supposedly left the US for Australia."

Senior US District Judge Loretta Preska is expected to issue a ruling in the coming days.

In 2019, Barak played down his ties with Epstein, saying the two formed a limited partnership company in Israel in 2015, called Sum (E.B.) 2015, to invest in a high-tech startup then called Reporty, now named Carbyne, which developed video streaming and geolocation software for emergency services. A large part of the money used by Sum to buy Reporty stock was reportedly supplied by Epstein.

According to US tax records, Barak received some $2.3 million in grants last decade from the Wexner Foundation – a philanthropic organization that supports Jewish causes founded by US billionaire Leslie Wexner.

The documents say the grants were for unspecified "research." At the time of the grants, Epstein was a trustee of the foundation.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has accused the media of remaining "silent" about the matter and the Likud party last year submitted a request to Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit to launch an investigation.

According to the Likud, Barak and the Wexner Foundation refuse to reveal the purpose of the payment, which was never made public while Barak was in public office.

"Mr. Barak was photographed leaving Epstein's apartment in 2016. The two were so close that Barak's name even appeared in Mr. Epstein's 'black book' [of acquaintances that was seized by US authorities]. In this context, there is a real need to examine whether the 'grants' Barak received from the Wexner Foundation and/or Mr. Epstein ceased in 2006 or whether they changed shape in the ensuing years and continued to be provided," an attorney for the Likud party said in the official request to Mendelblit.

In a radio interview at the time, Barak said he met Epstein several times but that he "didn't support me or pay me."

He said he has met many people over the years, some of whom turned out to be involved in "problematic things," including Harvey Weinstein.

"I also met Netanyahu," he quipped a the time.

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Netanyahu is the first sitting prime minister to be indicted in Israeli history. Other prime ministers have been indicted after leaving the office or stepped down before an indictment was official. 

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Calling the investigation "contaminated" more than a dozen times, Netanyahu claimed the public has lost faith in the country's justice system.

"This is a witch hunt," he said, with much of his accusations targeted at Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit. "We must investigate the investigators. They're not above the law."

He said the investigation against him was full of holes, was not done in a transparent manner and that he has many supporters within the country who agree with him.

"I hate this. It disgusts not only me, but the people of Israel, and not just people on the right. People are questioning how the police conducts its work. The public has lost its support for the legal establishment," he said. 

"I gave my life to this country. I fought for it. Was injured for it [in the military service]. I did everything to turn it into a world power and I'm proud of it," he added. "I'm proud of us. But I have to tell you, this is a hard day. For me and for anybody who's supported me."

Hope is not all lost yet for Netanyahu, though. 

Speaking to Channel 12 news, Likud MK Miki Zohar said he will advise Netanyahu to submit an immunity request, a process he is entitled to pursue by law.

"He has not been indicted yet," Zohar explained. Under Israeli law, an MK (in this case Netanyahu) has 30 days to trigger an immunity process.

After Netanyahu submits that request, the Knesset House Committee will have to decide whether to grant his request, but it is unclear whether he has the votes. It is also unclear whether the Knesset can legally deliberate this matter before a new government is sworn in. 

Meanwhile, Yisrael Beytenu leader Avigdor Lieberman called on the legal process to be properly carried out.

"We need to let the legal system do its job and we need to allow Netanyahu to have his chance to prove his innocence," Lieberman said. 

However, Netanyahu's opponents wasted no time in calling on him to step down.

While his main rival, Blue and White head Benny Gantz, succinctly summed up the mood of the day by saying it was a "sad day for Israel," other members of the Left were much more explicit in their wishes.

"Netanyahu dedicated most of his life to serving the state of Israel. If he still cares about the country, he needs to do one more thing for it: step down," Yesh Atid co-leader Yair Lapid tweeted.

Former Prime Minister Ehud Barak, now head of the Democratic Union, echoed those sentiments, stating, "Netanyahu needs to step down immediately. Otherwise, he'll ever be tainted by corruption and will never receive compassion."

Barak called for Gantz to lead the country and was open to the possibility of his government including the Likud. He also praised Mendelblit for having a "backbone" and respecting the rule of law.

For now, there are 21 days left for the Knesset to rally behind a would-be prime minister. 61 MKs must vouch for a candidate in writing, after which he or she will have 14 days to swear in a government. If no government is formed by the deadline, another early Knesset election will be automatically triggered. This would be the third such election in less than a year.

In a KAN news poll released on Thursday, 38% of Israelis blame Netanyahu if that election takes place. 

News of the indictment has also made waves among the left across the ocean, with Democratic 2020 candidate Elizabeth Warren, tweeting: "Netanyahu is accused of accepting bribes, trading government favors, and manipulating a free press. Like his pal Donald Trump, he'll stop at nothing to enrich himself and stay in power. This blatant corruption has no place in any democracy – I'll fight it at home and abroad. "

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Netanyahu said that he would wait for the Trump administration to announce its "deal of the century" before announcing any major Israeli policy changes on the status of the settlements.

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"If I am elected, we intend to apply Israeli sovereignty to the Jordan Valley and the northern Dead Sea area," Netanyahu said.

"Along with applying sovereignty in the next Knesset, I will present the next government with a broad plan to bolster Jewish settlement in the Jordan Valley and develop infrastructure," the prime minister said.

"We have a historic opportunity," he told the audience.

Former Prime Minister Ehud Barak spoke to Channel 12 ahead of the conference and called Netanyahu's announcement election posturing and a gambit to sway voters after his proposal to set up cameras at polling stations was scuppered.

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On Thursday, the newly formed Democratic Union faction introduced themselves to Israelis, promising to set the country "back on the correct path." The party, which is comprised of Meretz, former prime minister Ehud Barak's Israel Democratic Party and individual members of the Labor party, most notably Knesset member Stav Shaffir – have joined in a left-wing alliance to counter Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Right, and what they say is a history of "racism" and "corruption."

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"We are embarking on a path that in a month-and-a-half will lead to replacing the current leadership and bringing about social change," said Meretz leader Nitzan Horowitz, who will head the new alliance.

Shaffir said that she was "not prepared to hand the country over to Netanyahu on a silver platter," emphasizing that "we could not take the risk of parties in our camp falling below the Knesset threshold."

Israel's electoral threshold stands at 3.25%, which translates into roughly four Knesset seats.

While she said it was difficult to leave the Labor Party, which has been her political home since joining the Knesset in 2013, Shaffir also noted that she had to "put state before party."

The joint list gives Meretz four out of the top six spots, with Horwitz leading the slate. Shaffir will get the No. 2 slot, and Barak, surprisingly, has moved himself down to the 10th spot. He yielded his higher position to Yair Golan, former deputy chief of staff of the Israel Defense Forces, who will fill the third slot.

Working towards peace and a constitution

The Democratic Union announced that it placed working towards peace with the Palestinians and establishing final borders for Israel as its No. 1 mission and included writing a constitution for Israel as one of its primary goals. They also declared that under no circumstances would they join a right-wing government, and that Horowitz, Shaffir and Barak would make all decisions jointly. Inside sources told JNS that if the list does not enter into a government, Barak will not serve as a Knesset member.

Labor leaders have been attacking Shaffir since the announcement was made.

Former Labor MK Merav Michaeli said "Shaffir lost in the race for Labor Party chairman, so she decided to join another party."

Labor secretary Eran Hermoni went as far as demanding that Shaffir immediately resign her seat in the Knesset, which she earned as a member of Labor.

The official Labor party response sought to make a clear distinction between itself and the new party.

"We are happy that Ehud Barak has chosen to join Meretz. This will prevent the loss of votes through his list, which wasn't going to cross the election threshold. The division is now clear: The Labor party presents an ideological, social and electoral alternative to the Right bloc, which will enable us to break through and bring new voters, and replace Netanyahu's rule."

Officials from the Democratic Union replied that the decision by new Labor chair Amir Peretz to join Gesher, which comes from the right, instead of joining the left-wing merger will destroy the Labor Party.

Despite such rhetoric, Peretz is reportedly under significant pressure to merge Labor with this new list. Popular Labor MK Itzik Shmuli has been working hard to make this happen, declaring that he has "not given up on convincing Peretz to change course and join the merger."

Shmuli even hinted to the strong possibility of him leaving Labor if they don't merge with the Democratic Camp, saying that in such a scenario, "I would have to rethink my political path."

At the same time come reports that Labor officials are turning to ex-chair Avi Gabbay to oust Peretz as leader, according to Ynetnews.

Still, the biggest surprise about this merger is the back-seat Barak is taking. Weeks ago, when he announced the establishment of his Israel Democratic Party, he seemed to be laying the groundwork for his return as the leader of the left. But his party's poor showing in the polls – not even crossing the 3.25% threshold to enter the Knesset – and the very negative fallout from the revelation of his friendship with convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein have made this an impossibility.

Meanwhile, Netanyahu's Likud party doesn't appear concerned about the new merger or its having any potential to impact the election results.

Likud Deputy Foreign Minister Tzipi Hotovely told JNS that "we are not going to get involved with how the left decides to divide up their votes."

It's important to note that other mergers in both camps have not led to any shifts in the overall political map, and that is most likely the fate of the creation of the Democratic Union as well.

According to the polls, a stalemate still remains, with no leader having a clear path to forming a government.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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After all the talk about a political bang, Barak and Labor MK Stav Shafir joining up with Meretz is reminiscent of the buzz that came before the founded of the New Movement – which led to Nitzan Horowitz joining the left-wing party in the first place. A lot of noise in the media, but nearly no effect at the polls.

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Now, once again, the old Meretz guard are being forced to pay the price and stand back to allow new members to jam themselves into the top places on the list, and a few months later watch them enjoying the MKs' cafeteria while they eat at home. To Barak's credit, this time he didn't abandon his friends - he took care to ensure they would have nice jobs and tickets into the parliament before he went back to international businesses and playing the piano.

The left-wing bloc that resulted from the move has the advantage of pulling Meretz away from the brink of not passing the minimum electoral threshold. If the Right manages to close deals for two joint tickets to the Right of the Likud (New Right/United Right and Zehut/Otzma Yehudit), Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will be forced to run a campaign with one hand tied behind his back to ensure that none of the right-wing parties takes a fall like they did in April. Meanwhile, at Blue and White, Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid can take votes away from the left-wing parties without fear.

So this week's election merger, even if it's not a "big bang" – or even a "little bang" – is unfortunate news for Netanyahu that will probably force him to take action to ensure that a similar bloc forms on the Right. That's exactly what didn't happen last time, when the joint right-wing ticket forced Gantz and Lapid into each other's arms to establish Blue and White as the main alternative to a Netanyahu government.

The Democratic Union ticket comes as good news for new Labor chairman Amir Peretz, though. Not only does it isolate him and his party from the strongly-identified leftist party – which will allow him to carry out his plan of trying to take votes from the Right – it also helps him put his own house in order now that Shafir, the main upstart who didn't give him a moment's peace since losing the race for party chair - left. A few hundred Labor members who think like her will probably follow her out of the party, leaving Peretz to run things without let or hinder.

Since the 21^st Knesset dissolved itself and voted on a do-over election, not a single poll has predicted that the Right will secure the necessary 61-seat majority to keep Netanyahu in power. This past week, all the parties were busy with possible joint runs and preparations ahead of next week's deadline to submit party lists. But no merger or split, on either the Left or the Right, will change the current voting map, which at the moment does not give the Right a majority.

This has nothing to do with New Right leader Ayelet Shaked or Naftali Bennett or Barak and Peretz. This won't change because of a mega-ticket on the Right or a mega-split on the Left. It has to do with one person only – Yisrael Beytenu leader Avigdor Lieberman. Given the polls, he decides whether Netanyahu stays or goes. The eight to 10 seats he'll get (depending on the poll) will tip the scales of the 2019 Knesset Election 2.0, and the Likud has been wracking its brain about how to change the situation and take as many seats as possible away from Lieberman.

Last week, the Likud launched its Russian-language campaign, which will be large and extremely well-funded. Figures the Russian-speaking public knows and admires, like Zeev Elkin and former Yisrael Beytenu MK Robert Ilatov, will be part of it. Having concluded that Lieberman's traditional voters care less about who is prime minister and more about issues of religion and state, the Likud has decided to take on Lieberman. Most of them have no problem with Lieberman saying he'll support the biggest party. When he promises that he'll work toward a government without the haredim, that's what counts.

Which is why the Likud decided to approach this target demographic from a different angle. They want to cast Lieberman as someone who perpetuates the problems faced by new immigrants, not someone who solves them. While the Likud's main Hebrew-language campaign will ignore him almost entirely, the Russian-language campaign spots will hammer the message that while the Russian sector proved that it can integrate into Israeli life in almost every aspect of life, it still chooses to support a sectorial party, which hurts its image and social standing.

The Likud will also be arguing that Lieberman knows that if he solves the problems faced by Russian olim, especially when it comes to pensions, his party will no longer have a reason to exist, which is why he torpedoes any proposal that seeks to address the issue. Only in the latest round of negotiations, which fizzled, did the Likud agree to grant every immigrant a pension in the amount of 70% of the minimum wage at a total cost of some 2.5 billion shekels ($709 million). Lieberman is the one who refused the offer.

The Likud campaign will suggest that the Russian immigrants become party of the ruling party and take part in leading it. Top officials in the Likud's Russian campaign will attack Lieberman on the immense gap between what he says and what he does, and promise that the Likud will take care of pensions and public housing. At some point, Netanyahu will make a commitment that the immigration and absorption portfolio will stay with the Likud as a way of ensuring that immigrant issues will remain under its purview rather than being entrusted to others.

Likud officials know that Lieberman will try to drag the Likud and the haredi parties into highly-publicized spats, which is why they plan to ignore him – at least in Hebrew. Whether or not they'll manage to do so is another question.

For the past few weeks, New Right leader Ayelet Shaked was waging a bitter battle with party co-founder Naftali Bennett about the party's future. The debate wasn't about the top spot on the party list, but rather the question of which sector it would be courting in the election. Bennett was convinced that there was a large slice of the Right that was disappointed with Netanyahu that had great potential for the New Right to tap. In the last election, there were a few different options: the New Right, Moshe Kahlon, or Feiglin. This time, the New Right is the only viable option. If the party didn't run on its alone, Bennett thought, the right-wingers who were over Netanyahu might default to supporting Blue and White or Lieberman, thereby causing the Right to shrink.

Shaked wasn't convinced. She sees herself leading a large, inclusive party that has a little of everything: secularist with the national-haredim, liberals and conservatives, men and women. As long as the debate raged on, the two couldn't arrive at a way of cooperating. Last Thursday, Bennett told Shaked he thought the party should take her path.

Shaked's gambit, if it succeeds, will bring in not only the New Right, Habayit Hayehudi, and the National Union, but also Otzma Yehudit and Feiglin's Zehut party. There is room for all of them under her leadership, and she intends to negotiate with all of them for places on the list.

The main person throwing obstacles in her way is Habayit Hayehudi leader Rabbi Rafi Peretz, who would probably be forced to forgo the No. 1 spot on the list and is an outspoken opponent of Shaked's approach. Netanyahu, who sources said was working behind the scenes to scupper Shaked being given the top slot in the New Right, will have to re-think his position in light of the latest developments on the Left.

But Shaked is ready for a scenario in which the negotiations fail and the New Right runs on its own. In that case, she say, she has a few interesting, even surprising,  candidates for the list. For now, she's refusing to name names.

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