The Israeli position was presented during discussions for a comprehensive agreement, primarily centered on the Emirates-Saudi plan reported last week by Israel Hayom. A statement from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office on Saturday concluded with a notable remark, "Under the prime minister's guidance, the negotiating team in Doha is working at this hour to exhaust every possibility for a deal – whether through the Witkoff framework or as part of ending the war, which would include releasing all hostages, exiling Hamas terrorists, and demilitarizing Gaza of weapons."

This marks one of the rare instances where Benjamin Netanyahu has publicly discussed a deal to end the fighting. A subsequent clarification noted, "The negotiating teams in Doha are discussing the Witkoff framework, not the possibility of ending the war by agreement." This clarification underscores the reality – talks about ending the war are not happening in Doha, where the focus remains on the Witkoff plan, which involves releasing half the hostages and a 40- to 60-day ceasefire.

However, negotiations to end the war are ongoing through the highest-level channels in the Middle East and directly with the White House. The central plan under discussion is the Emirates-initiated proposal, joined by Saudi Arabia and viewed favorably by the United States. Under this framework, the war would end with a full Israeli withdrawal, the return of hostages, Hamas's disarmament, and Arab-international oversight during the reconstruction phase. The Palestinian Authority would have a symbolic role in the Arab-international body, mainly due to its legal responsibility for the territory.

Here too, United States Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff is the main facilitator, and the partners in the talks are Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, and Jordan. The Palestinian Authority is kept informed and has set its own conditions, mirroring Israel's demand for Hamas' disarmament and removal from Palestinian leadership. However, the Authority also seeks significant involvement in Gaza's reconstruction and management, though Gulf states are distancing it until it implements administrative reforms to combat corruption, inefficiency, and anti-Israel education in its system.

Israel's full withdrawal would occur only after security guarantees are secured, particularly regarding the Philadelphi Corridor along the Gaza-Egypt border. All parties agree that Hamas must surrender its weapons – from rockets to small arms – likely to an Arab entity. Senior military leaders of Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and other "resistance" groups would leave Gaza. Temporary housing camps would be established during reconstruction, with priority for the sick and injured to leave the territory.

The United States had hoped that after the parties reached a principled agreement, the plan could be announced, and a ceasefire implemented during President Donald Trump's visit last week. However, Hamas continues to formally reject the disarmament condition, and Israel was unwilling to give even a preliminary agreement without its terms for ending the war being guaranteed.

According to diplomatic sources in the Middle East and Washington, Israel's stance is a willingness to discuss the plan but only after Hamas agrees to its terms. Israel, the sources say, demanded a "seriousness down-payment" from Hamas regarding relinquishing control and disarming.

Hamas was prepared to concede far less. Statements from the group's leadership to Arab media indicated a willingness to give up control of Gaza. Other anonymous sources claimed Hamas was ready to send its remaining senior commanders to a third country in exchange for immunity for them and their families. Some Hamas leaders are prepared to announce disarmament, but it remains unclear whether this position is shared across the leadership, especially after the apparent elimination of Mohammed Sinwar, who opposed the move. An unverified report from another Arab source suggested Hamas might agree to disarm gradually, but only after a guaranteed full Israeli withdrawal.

Leaks from the Doha talks on Sunday indicated that Hamas is showing flexibility but remains firm on demanding a long-term ceasefire until the war officially ends. Israel, as noted, insists that ending the war be contingent on Hamas surrendering its weapons, disarming Gaza, and removing its leadership.

The recently launched ground operation, which effectively began in Khan Younis and northern Gaza, combined with the elimination of Hamas' military leadership – including its last commander, Mohammed Sinwar, though not yet fully confirmed – exerts significant pressure on Hamas' leadership. Israel believes it can achieve nearly all its demands.

Additional Israeli demands include a long timeline for withdrawal, solutions for the Philadelphi Corridor and perimeter issues, and the option for any Palestinian wishing to leave Gaza to do so. Israel estimates that around one million Gaza residents would embrace this change.

A senior Israeli official agreed that, from Israel's perspective, a better deal is likely unattainable. However, this stance conflicts with parts of the government's factions, including within Likud, who advocate for security control over Gaza and, eventually, reestablishing Israeli settlements there. Another contentious issue is the broader context of normalization in exchange for negotiations toward a comprehensive solution – namely, establishing a Palestinian state at the process's end.

The White House's strong emphasis on ending the war and achieving a comprehensive deal to expand the Abraham Accords increases the plan's chances, but significant obstacles to agreement remain.

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Given the message from Oman that it welcomed the Bahrainis' decision to join the normalization agreement, Arab diplomatic officials generally agree that Oman will be the next Arab nation to step up.

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However, one diplomatic official in Abu Dhabi told Israel Hayom that Oman is one of the few countries in the Persian Gulf that is currently on good terms with Iran, a position that allows it to mediate a number of disputes that have arisen between Iran and Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the other Gulf states, as well as between Tehran and Washington.

"Full normalization between Oman and Israel will hurt the special relationship Oman enjoys with Iran. Oman is aware of that, and will apparently be forced to take a calculated risk," the official said.

Another Arab diplomat said that "the reason Israel and Oman have not established full relations is the possibility that Oman's relations with Iran could be severely harmed."

The same diplomat noted that one factor in Bahrain's deliberations about whether or not to join the normalization process was its fear of how Iran might respond. In Bahrain, a Sunni royal family rules over a population that is two-thirds Shiite. Iran has never hidden its position on Bahrain's sovereignty and independence.

A senior official in the Bahraini Ministry of Foreign Affairs told Israel Hayom that concerns in Bahrain about how Iran would respond to its decision to normalize with Israel were never a major part of the decision to proceed, whereas the Iranian threat to regional stability had been a major consideration in the decision to follow the UAE in making peace with Israel.

"After the United Arab Emirates agreed to normalize with Israel, with the support and encouragement of Saudi Arabia, of course, Manama realized that they could depend on support from Riyadh and Washington and join the historic agreement that will doubtless benefit all sides," an Arab diplomat close to domestic developments in Gulf states told Israel Hayom.

The diplomat said that despite the central role Saudi Arabia played in the normalization process, Arab diplomats nearly all believed that the Saudis would not normalize with Israel themselves, mostly because of their commitment to the Saudi peace plan for Israel and the Palestinians.

"The Saudis will not turn their backs on the peace initiative they conceived. Saudi Arabia will not normalize with Israel, at least not as long as King Salman is alive. After that, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman will find a way to reach a [peace] deal with Israel. Unlike his father, he is not obligated to the Palestinians," the diplomat emphasized.

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Relations between Israel and the Gulf Emirates began to thaw back in 2015, from nothing. In 2010, the Dubai police exposed the targeted execution, supposedly by Mossad agents, of arch-terrorist Mahmoud al-Mabhouh. The Emiratis were outraged. They ceased to trust the few Israelis with whom they had secretly maintained ties. Cooperation was frozen. The Emirati police, via Interpol, issued an arrest warrant for 33 Mossad personnel whom they suspected of carrying out the mission.

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The affairs caused waves in the Mossad. Its tactics had been exposed, its people were grounded and at risk of arrest. No less serious – Israel had lost a vital relationship with an Arab nation. Not only were defense ties severed, so were the quiet business dealings that had been going on for years.

Change became possible when Netanyahu addressed the US Congress in March 2015 and spoke against the Iran nuclear deal. Like other Gulf states, the Emiratis felt bet rayed by then-US President Barack Obama. The stance Netanyahu took, against the deal and against Iran, as well as against the US administration, impressed Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Mohammed Bin Zayed. Since taking over in 2005, Bin Zayed has spearheaded a process of modernization, increased openness to the world, and tolerance in the UAE. He has labeled Iran, as well as radical Sunni Islam, dangerous.

'A life of their own'

It was Blair who identified an opportunity to build cooperation with Israel based on this shared outlook. When he stepped down as British prime minister in 2007, he said it was his life's dream to bring peace to the Middle East. He was appointed envoy to the Middle East Quartet (representing the US, Russia, the United Nations, and the European Union), but it 2015 resigned, having reached a clear conclusion.

"I have thought for a long time that the whole position that you have to have a peace deal [between Israel and the Palestinians] first, and then you open up relations between Israel and the Arab world … needed to be turned on its head and do it the other way around. I believe strongly you will not have a solution to the Palestinian issue unless it's with the full cooperation and participation of the Arab world," Blair tells Israel Hayom from London.

When he was free from pressure from foreign countries, Blair began leading the process according to his own outlook. Coincidentally or not, that happened to be similar to that of Netanyahu, with whom Blair had a strong relationship going back a few years. Netanyahu, too, had been arguing since 2015 that Arab states would bring the Palestinians to peace, not the other way around. Blair courted Arab states, and found the UAE most willing to listen. Still, in order to get the Emirates to renew contact with Israel, the Mabhouh affair had to be overcome.

Even five years later, the Emiratis were still furious with Israel. They called the killing "disrespectful" and demanded guarantees that Israel would not use their territory for targeted killings ever again. Israel agreed, and apparently shared sensitive information with them to demonstrate its sincerity. That was the icebreaker.

But Blair wasn't alone. To solidify faith in the conciliatory messages he was sending, Netanyahu enlisted his confidant, Yitzhak Molcho. Blair introduced Molcho to one of Bin Zayed's junior ministers. The two first met in London at the end of 2015, with Blair sitting in, and the meeting went well. It led to contact that included many meetings between Molcho and the Emirati minister in both Cyprus and Abu Dhabi, as well as numerous phone conversations.

Secret meetings in Jerusalem

In the talks between Molcho and the Emirati minister, Israel made a commitment not to operate on Emirati soil without coordinating with the government. A deal was also struck that in future, both countries' security apparatuses would work together when it came to "security challenges" such as Mabhuh. Israel's approach suited the Emirati ruler, who had already identified the Muslim Brotherhood and radical Islam as bitter enemies. Words transitioned into action, and Netanyahu approved the sale of various civilian and defense systems to the UAE.

The most important sign that the process was succeeded was the Emiratis agreeing in 2016 to cancel the Mossad agents' arrest warrant. That was an important coup for Israel, and it was down to Molcho.

Once that initial and major stumbling block was removed, relations between the two countries continued to grow warmer. At the end of 2016, the same Emirati minister began holding meetings with Netanyahu. At first, the talks were held in Cyprus, but then moved to the Prime Minister's Residence in Jerusalem. The trust being built eventually to contact with the Emirati crown prince himself. It started with telephone calls, which became more frequent. Netanyahu and Bin Zayed spoke once every few weeks and exchanged opinions about and analyzed regional processes.

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Blair says that Bin Zayed turned out to be "an exceptional political and leadership talent." The more they were in contact, the more it became clear that he and Netanyahu held similar worldviews. When Netanyahu said dozens of times in the past few years that his opposition to Iran reflected the position of other regional leaders, he was talking about Bin Zayed, and not only him. No less importantly, the crown prince talked with Netanyahu about the future of the region and the need to use modern tools to solve the problem of the young, unemployed generation in the Middle East.

In 2018, Netanyahu visited the Emirati capital twice, on an Israeli flight that crossed Saudi airspace. Given the close ties between Bin Zayed and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman, it seems highly likely that Riyadh knew that the place crossing its skies was carrying the Israeli prime minister.

From an idea to shared interests

Netanyahu met with Bin Zayed for a few hours, and the two formed immediate, excellent, ties. During one of the two meetings in Abu Dhabi, Netanyahu even took a tour of the city even though time was short.

What began as similar outlooks on the regional situation slowly became intertwined interests in a wide variety of fields. As a great believer in science and technology, Bin Zayed found common ground with Netanyahu on these subjects, too. It was not by chance that one of the five meetings in Abu Dhabi last week was devoted to space. The Emirates, believe it or not, have already sent a spacecraft to Mars.

Blair emphasizes that two major factors were necessary to reach a breakthrough: "Creating the political framework for such discussions. Of course there are security reasons why it is important that Israel and the Arab states cooperate. They all face the threat of extremism, whether of the Shia variety promoted by [Iran] or the Sunni variety, promoted by the Muslim Brotherhood through the spectrum of various groups. The common security threat is one essential part of the discussion."

But Blair says the political framework wasn't enough.

"Relations with Israel needed to become a priority," he says. "The second thing is that you need to take the practical steps of engagement. Those practical steps were over a period of years, building trust, making sure that the two sides believed they could have meetings, confidentially, making sure they discuss things openly. Making sure that individual people within each system go to know each other and trust each other. That has been the work of these last years, building up to this point."

Blair stresses that it wasn't only the danger from Iran that brought Israel and the Emirates closer together.

"The single most important thing to realize about all of this is that it's not just about security. The conversation was about the region, how it's developing, the economy, culture," he says.

Blair praises Netanyahu's leadership (calling him a "remarkable politician"), as well as the White House and Jared Kushner and Bin Zayed, and emphasizes that in the UAE, "It wasn't only the royal family, but key officials."

Blair says that the actual breakthrough, the historic announcement of normalization, happened because the opportunity presented itself to link Israel postponing its plans to apply sovereignty to the Jordan Valley and settlements in Judea and Samaria to normalization with the Emirates. "That opportunity was able to be taken because of this long process of engagement," he explains.

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The historic visit to Abu Dhabi by the Israeli-US delegation ended Tuesday afternoon.

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However, Musharakh emphasized that his government had "received assurances" from the American and Israeli governments that annexation would not proceed.

"We stopped the annexation and we are committed to Arab decisions about the Palestinians," he said.

Musharakh spoke harshly about Iranian President Hassan Rouhani, who accused the UAE of "betraying the Palestinians" by making peace with Israel.

"The way to peace is not through incitement and hatred. That rhetoric does not help the path of peace or the regional path," he said.

The United Arab Emirates wants ties with Israel in all fields, quickly, Musharakh said.

"The talks were promising. Talks dealt with culture, diplomatic ties, aviation, and other things. There is much work to be done at all levels, but it has been proven that the path of peace leads to prosperity and cooperation."

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First, a prominent Arab country has left the circle of hatred and is making peace with Israel. Second, the delegation traveling to that country will do so on a plane that proudly displays the Israeli flag, and which will also be the first Israeli aircraft to cross the airspace of Saudi Arabia, the strongest and most stubborn of the Sunni bloc. Third, El Al will finally be operating a commercial flight, which is worthy of note in this era of coronavirus.

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The flight will be carrying a delegation of high-ranking Israeli officials, under the leadership of National Security Council leader Meir Ben-Shabbat. He and various directors of government ministries are slated to meet with their Emirati counterparts to work out agreements for bilateral cooperation. Senior officials in the Trump administration, who organized the flight and will be on it, have overcome obstacles.

"Best man" Jared Kushner expressed justifiable pride on Sunday at the Abraham Deal he has helped broker. Kushner did what many in the White House have failed to do – bring peace. That could be seen in the picture the White House sent out all over the world on Sunday, of Israeli and Emirati representatives sitting together around the same table.

After two decades of hints, slivers of information, and behind-the-scenes contact, the ties will be made public. Israelis will no longer have to travel to the Persian Gulf in secret. They will no longer have to use foreign passports to enter the UAE. Emirati citizens who come to Israel will no longer have to disguise themselves. No more tricks and games intended to hide what everyone knew. From now on, everything will be out in the open, public and official.

Israel and the UAE will stop keeping their friendship quiet. Starting Monday afternoon, they'll be able to tell everyone.

And something no less important: This is expected to be a true friendship, actual cooperation between the two peoples. Unlike Egypt and Jordan, where peace is formal and exists only at the level of the national leadership, peace with the Emirates started from the bottom.

For years, there has been cooperation in the fields of business, technology, health, and apparently defense, and both sides have been pleased. Now they are simply coming to light and receiving seals of approval, which will likely give the cooperation a big boost. News out of the Emirates points to great excitement there over official relations with Israel. The Emiratis, according to an Israeli official who is in contact with them, want the ties no less than we do.

And so, after it was nearly lost from the Israeli vocabulary, the word "peace" is suddenly back on our lips. True, the United Arab Emirates was never an enemy state and has never attacked Israel. The two countries have no common border, and it's doubtful whether Israel's Military Intelligence has ever added it to the "vital reports" list. Nevertheless, it is a Muslim kingdom that espouses Sharia law and is a member of what used to be the Arab League.

Now the UAE has made a choice that echoes. Instead of Iran's murderousness, radicalism, and violence, the Emirates are embracing friendship with Israel. They are turning on the light to cast out the darkness. Courageously and wisely, Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Zayed and his people are keeping their faith while adding progress, science, technology, tolerance, and peace. This is a model that will influence the entire Middle East, and maybe even farther.

This historic breakthrough is taking place after decades in which it has been explained to us that without a peace deal with the Palestinians, it will not be possible to make peace with other Arab countries, and that "territory for peace" is the only formula under which that will happen. And now – we have a peace deal without having conceded an inch. In effect, one of the main catalysts for the Abraham Deal was actually the Trump plan. The famous vision announced in January 2020 is, without a doubt, the most comfortable one ever offered to Israel, and includes the daring idea of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria, a step that both Kushner and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have mentioned in the past few days. The Emirates was satisfied with the declaration of sovereignty being postponed, rather than canceled, and no one knows how long the postponement will last.

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This in itself is a historic change, and only someone who has closely followed diplomatic developments in the last 10 years can really understand its significance. "The wandering chorus," as Netanyahu calls the diplomatic correspondents who have been following him since 2009, was in the Oval Office when he and former US President Barack Obama traded cold looks and preached at each other.

That "chorus," of which I am a member, was at the Bahrain Conference last year, the first time Israeli journalists were allowed into an Arab state on passports bearing the Star of David. When we dared visit the kingdom's small synagogue, the idea of being allowed to pray in another Arab country was something I could only imagine. And now it's happening, and we'll do it again.

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Israel's Foreign Ministry conducted an online poll among residents of the Gulf States, and 44% of Emiratis responded that they would like to visit Israel to see the country's Islamic holy sites.

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Attorney Ross Kriel, 55, head of the oldest Jewish community in the UAE, is astonished at how fast warm ties are developing between Israel and the UAE.

"Only a week ago, the things happening today were still a dream, like seeing the Israelis and Emirati flags flying side by side on the front pages of local newspapers," Kriel says.

"It's going to be a warm peace," he adds.

Some 3,000 Jews currently live and work in the UAE, including several dozen Israelis who hold second citizenships. Most of them live in Dubai or in Abu Dhabi.

Kriel's own community was established 12 years ago. There are two younger Jewish communities in the Emirates, including one comprised of Chabad members. The community synagogue is located in the Kriel family's villa, not far from the famous Burj al Arab Hotel.

"There are no guards at the entrance to the house. We have community members from Antwerp, Paris, and Geneva who feel safer here than in Europe," Kriel says.

"The only anti-Semitism I've experienced was from Europeans. There is a social contract of mutual respect here between all parts of the real society," he explains.

Kriel's son Isaac is scheduled to be the first member of the Dubai Jewish community to celebrate a bar mitzvah there, this coming November. His 26-year-old nephew, who moved to Dubai from Israel last year and is trying his hand as a developer, makes an interesting observation about differences in mentality.

"The locals here will have to understand that there are all kinds of Israelis – aggressive and gentle. The Emirates are a melting pot of different cultures. About 100 different nationalities live here, so they'll be ready for Israelis," he says.

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The priority targets were said to be "vital and sensitive" locations, Houthi military spokesman Yahya Saria said without giving more details, during a roundup of the group's activities during 2019 and outlook for 2020.

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The Houthis have repeatedly said they have targets in Saudi and the UAE in their sights and have carried out missile and drone strikes on civilian airports and oil infrastructure in Saudi Arabia, as well as on the capital Riyadh.

But in September the Houthis said they would stop attacking Saudi Arabia with missiles and drones if their adversaries attacking Yemen did the same. Since then, Riyadh has stepped up informal discussions with the Houthis on a ceasefire.

Saria, in comments carried by the group's Al Masirah television, also said that any attacks against Yemen and its people would continue to meet an appropriate response from Houthi armed forces.

The UAE is a leading partner in a Saudi-led coalition that intervened in Yemen in March 2015 to restore ousted President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi's government after it was toppled by the Houthis in late 2014. In July the UAE said it was withdrawing its troops from Yemen, but remained a part of the coalition.

The Houthis claimed to have carried out a large Sept. 14 attack on Saudi oil giant Aramco, but the United States, European powers, and Saudi Arabia blamed the attack on Iran.

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