The claim, part of a flurry of Middle East policy announcements, comes alongside revelations of lifted sanctions on Syria, potential new sanctions on Russia, and strengthened US ties with Gulf nations, signaling a assertive shift in US foreign policy.

Alexander, a 21-year-old Israeli-American soldier, was freed on May 12, after 19 months in Hamas captivity following the October 7 attack on Israel. The US-led deal, brokered through Egypt and Qatar by special envoy Steve Witkoff, largely excluded Israel until its final stages.

In a separate announcement, Trump confirmed the US will lift sanctions on Syria despite Israel's objections, stating, "We told Israel that we are lifting the sanctions over Syria." The decision, made during Trump's Gulf tour in Riyadh, at the urging of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, aims to support Syria's reconstruction after Bashar Assad's ouster in December 2024.

Video: Trump arrives in Qatar on May 14, 2025 / Credit: Reuters

Turning to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Trump hinted at imposing secondary sanctions on Russia, saying, "We are always looking at the possibility of imposing secondary sanctions on Russia. I don't know if Putin will show up for the talks in Istanbul."

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The morning air in Sarachane Square carries a confusing mixture of scents. Tear gas from last night's demonstrations mingles with the aroma of simit, the Turkish bagels sold at every street corner for breakfast. The spots where protesters burned tires yesterday remain visible on the black asphalt, but the square is mostly quiet now, with passersby making their way to work.

Sarachane district, which simply translates to "saddle makers," is one of Istanbul's oldest quarters. The square where demonstrations take place is adorned with an aqueduct built during Roman Emperor Valens' reign – an ancient architectural marvel standing in stark contrast to the massive complex facing it. Istanbul's city hall and municipal services center is an enormous concrete structure inaugurated in the 1970s that once symbolized the city's march from its glorious history toward a modern future. This imposing government building has become the focal point for the massive protests filling the square.

Two protest shifts, continuing through the night hours, stand near the building where Ekrem Imamoglu worked as Istanbul's mayor before his arrest. Imamoglu is the main rival of the country's president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The first group comprises black-clad, masked teenagers – supporters of the Besiktas soccer team who have aligned themselves with protesters demanding the opposition leader's release. These young fans shout patriotic slogans at full volume, some dating back to Mustafa Kemal, Turkey's legendary leader who transformed the country from a defeated religious empire into a proud, secular nation-state.

The black-clad patriots' chants gladden another group of protesters – middle-aged women wearing expensive clothes who have also remained at the site overnight, trying to keep the protest spirit alive. One approaches the young people and offers them and me warm pastries – a peculiar fellowship of protesters at odd hours. Selen, a protest activist among these women, explains why they stood in the cold night calling for Imamoglu's release: "It's not just him behind bars; we're all in a kind of prison because of the government's conduct." Minutes later, she and the other women depart for their workplaces, promising to return to the square in the evening with the masses.

Ekrem Imamoglu, whose arrest has become the rallying cry of the Turkish opposition and whose portrait now adorns the square, resembles a polite, smiling bank clerk more than an opposition leader who fills the government with fear. Yet, with his conciliatory approach, traditional background, and dedication to transparency and rule of law, Imamoglu has managed to defeat Erdogan's candidates in three consecutive mayoral elections. According to some national polls, he stands a chance of defeating the Turkish president in a head-to-head contest. That's precisely why the ruler in Ankara understands that the battle for Sarachane Square could easily transform into a battle for his very rule, and his loyalists are responding accordingly.

Turkey's interior minister, Ali Yerlikaya, announced earlier this week that 1,418 protesters have been arrested since the protests began. Some were detained in their homes after facial recognition cameras identified them at demonstrations. Others were arrested merely for criticizing the Erdogan regime on social media. It's no wonder that protesters repeatedly express their fear of living in what they describe as a "prison of thoughts." The prospect of being arrested in one's home simply for participating in protests – or even expressing support for the movement – dominates the fears of young demonstrators while simultaneously spurring them to action.

On the other side of this divide, in a small café meters from the square, a group of young police officers sit in late morning, smoking cigarettes, drinking tea, and eating breakfast, ignoring accepted Ramadan customs. One officer named Osman invites me to join them. He seems eager to defend the honor of those in uniform: "We would never attack our own people; you'll see for yourself. People are free to protest and be angry and speak, but there are a few who choose violence, and we have no choice but to deal with them." Osman is a municipal police officer whose regular duties involve maintaining public order, not riot control. "I have quite a few friends and family members who go out to protest; these aren't strangers to me," he insists while holding his small tea glass.

Echoing familiar voices

The further one moves from the protest epicenter, the more Istanbul – that mighty, cosmopolitan, tourist-friendly metropolis – seems to continue its normal rhythms, at least on the surface. Near the Hagia Sophia mosque, tourists gather to marvel at the historical wonders of the ancient city, while shops and food stalls overflow with goods.

"Don't be fooled; it's a beautiful day outside, so the street looks nice, but we've taken a hard hit here," says Ferhat, who owns a small restaurant not far from the historical heart of the city. "First the inflation, then the lira crash two years ago – I lost a lot of savings. And now the number of tourists has dropped to almost zero; it breaks my heart," he laments. When I ask if he supports the protests, his eyes immediately light up. "Of course, there's something so basic here – defending the rules of the game. If someone who was democratically elected can be arrested, then we can all be arrested. We cannot allow that," he says passionately.

On Istanbul University's campus, just hundreds of meters from the protest epicenter, classes continue normally. Students in the nearby café hesitate to speak with a foreign journalist – they've learned that even small comments in the wrong place could lead to arrest. Eventually, the reporter is invited to join a table where students discuss the political situation in English.

Zeynep, a young marine biology student wearing a hijab who came to Istanbul from Anatolia, expresses frustration with the government. "They don't care about us in any way. I saw the neglect in my hometown. While Erdogan built himself a palace, my parents struggled with inflation and wage erosion. Every time something inconveniences them, they change the rules – this arrest exemplifies that," she says.

Elin, sitting nearby, defends the government: "I don't understand the fuss. There were elections recently, and this is what people chose." The discussion echoes familiar political debates. "People also voted for Istanbul's mayor – that's exactly the point," counters Johnny, who willingly identifies himself. "When convenient, it's democracy, when it's not – everyone should be quiet." Minutes later, the group shifts to discussing "The White Lotus," and the amused reporter continues on his way.

Rights, law, justice

As twilight falls on Sarachane Square, protesters begin streaming in. Religious demonstrators hold their Ramadan iftar meal on the grass in the adjacent park, while secular protesters smoke cigarettes and buy souvenirs from omnipresent vendors who've quickly adapted their merchandise to the movement. Near the local government building's entrance, protesters have already gathered.

The reporter meets Asla, Tuba, and Jiran – three young female students who traveled from the suburbs for their first-ever protest. "You'll see all shades of Turkey here – secular, religious, elderly, students. We can't allow this to become our country's future. We must win this struggle."

Near the stage where the Republican People's Party leader will soon speak, older protesters have gathered. Some wear party pins, appearing more like retirees on an outing than participants in an existential struggle for their nation's future. When one hears English being spoken, he approaches with a serious expression. Though he knows no English, Ahmet Akci, an Istanbul pensioner, uses Google Translate on his smartphone to communicate. "I don't like what this country has become in recent years," he types.

Unlike younger protesters, Akci freely shares his full name. "Erdogan just quarrels with everyone – the opposition, the world – meanwhile, our cities are dirty, everything is expensive, and our best young people, like my grandchildren, seek jobs abroad," he writes. As our unusual digital conversation continues in the bustling square, he touches on foreign relations: "I don't understand why we must quarrel with Israel. Want to help Palestinians? Fine. But we'd have more influence with Israel if we weren't constantly arguing with them," he notes through the translation app.

During this conversation, the square has filled dramatically as waves of people emerge from the nearby metro station, which reopened after days of closure imposed by the governor, a staunch Erdogan supporter. The atmosphere transforms with these fresh arrivals, taking on a carnival-like quality. Thousands of young people arrive wearing various masks – evidence of their fear of police surveillance cameras. The rallying cry "Law, rights, and justice" dominates, appearing on numerous creative signs.

"Yes, sex is great, but rights, law, and justice are the best," reads a sign carried by Inara, a young protester attending one of her first demonstrations, with surprising seriousness. "A good slogan attracts attention, and it's nice to get looks from guys for being bold, but our situation is so difficult that no joke really helps," she explains.

Dinosaur in the square

The protesters have embraced another satirical theme: an abandoned dinosaur-themed amusement park where financial irregularities were discovered during construction. The park was built by an Erdogan associate, and the president himself attended its grand opening in Ankara. Beside a sign reading "I also escaped from Erdogan's park" stands Ana, a 23-year-old student in a dinosaur costume that draws chuckles from passersby.

Atas, Ana's partner, expresses grave concern for his fellow protesters. "I've been here daily since the protests began. From the start, they tried to suppress this movement, but so many people came that the police adopted new tactics. They let people 'blow off steam,' gather and give speeches, and then they charge, beat, and arrest. My friend was arrested and beaten until he nearly lost consciousness," he says, visibly worried. Looking directly at the reporter, he pleads: "Promise me when the speeches end, you'll get out of here. The police are coming to kill us; they don't care if we die." His words land with shocking force, impossible to reconcile with the friendly policeman's morning assurances.

The paranoia among some protesters is palpable. On the demonstration's edges, young people don protective vests and face coverings, preparing for confrontation. The reporter photographs a young man wearing a "Grey Wolves" armband – a nationalist, antisemitic movement that previously supported Erdogan but has splintered, with some violent supporters joining the protests.

This proves to be a mistake. Within moments, several large men surround the journalist, demanding in broken English that the photo be deleted. Though the reporter complies, one man grabs the phone. "What the hell, brother," he says, noticing unfamiliar text. Thinking quickly, the reporter claims, "It's Navajo, a Native American language." The men look confused. "You Indian?" one asks clumsily. "Brother! We're not called that anymore. It's not cool. It's not right," the reporter responds, leaping to defend his invented heritage.

The men nod in agreement, and the phone is returned with an apologetic look. As the reporter begins walking back toward his hotel, stun grenade explosions sound from the square's northern edge. Families with children, elderly people, and casual protesters head toward the metro station while masked youths continue arriving, beating drums and shouting battle cries. The reporter decides against witnessing the imminent clash – an Israeli journalist's arrest in Turkey would be problematic even for someone accustomed to conflict zones.

Power is still with Erdogan

"I really hope you're not eating at Burger King or something like that," says Anwar (pseudonym), an Istanbul-born businessman, in a reproachful tone as the reporter joins him at a café overlooking the Bosphorus Strait. The culinary patriot seats his guest at a table loaded with traditional Turkish breakfast delicacies after thoroughly interrogating him about every meal consumed during the Istanbul visit.

They last met in the border town of Silopi in 2015, after the reporter's return from Iraq during the final stages of the anti-ISIS campaign. Anwar remains sharp, energetic, and patriotic, but one thing has changed dramatically: once a prominent member of Erdogan's Justice and Development Party who prospered in eastern Turkey through government connections, recent years have completely transformed his political outlook.

The serene waterfront café atmosphere contrasts starkly with the previous night's protest scenes, yet Anwar's words echo the same frustrations: "You can't prosper without a functioning legal framework. Turkey's legal framework has become a hollow shell. Corruption and nepotism have always existed here, but slowly everything else that worked has disappeared," he explains with evident concern.

The businessman recalls his years supporting Erdogan: "This man transformed Turkey from a poor country into a regional power, especially economically. My children were born into a hopeless Turkey where the military interfered in politics, and national pride was at rock bottom. The Justice and Development Party brought industry, infrastructure, and a world-class airline. I live secularly, but their religiosity didn't bother me because I saw people committed to Turkey's success."

When asked what changed, Anwar sighs: "Remember when we met in the east and you asked if I feared ISIS? I told you they had no chance against Turkey. Indeed, ISIS collapsed, and internationally, Turkey is stronger than ever. But internally, Erdogan fragmented our society. The gaps between secular and religious, rich and poor, have never been wider. The government pushed religious institutions everywhere, and if you were not in those circles, you no longer mattered. No wonder both left and right are dissatisfied," says the formerly optimistic man, now visibly disheartened.

"Three days ago, I did something unprecedented in my life," Anwar confesses. "I joined a protest. I left my family at home and went alone to Sarachane Square. I never imagined protesting alongside Republican People's Party members, but it was the first time I'd breathed freely in three years. Seeing young people with that determination in their eyes, knowing our country has a new generation willing to fight for it – it gave me hope."

Despite his emotional connection to the movement, Anwar's political analysis remains coolly pragmatic: "These protests are merely a show of force; they won't topple the government alone. The scales haven't decisively tipped toward the opposition, but Imamoglu's figure could unite them in a way that brings Erdogan's defeat in future elections, even if Ekrem remains imprisoned."

Having met Imamoglu several times, Anwar explains the opposition leader's appeal: "True, he resembles Harry Potter – this good boy image – but his charisma is undeniable. He's honest, hardworking, and accessible. His determination is extraordinary. I'm certain that despite his imprisonment, he's already planning a hundred moves ahead," he says with a knowing smile.

Returning to Sarachane for another evening of protests, the reporter contemplates Imamoglu's portrait. One can't help wondering if Turkey has finally found its hero who will free it from the Justice and Development Party's grip and lead it toward a better future – one distinct from Erdogan's Ottoman imperial dreams. Or whether, like the Gezi Park protests and subsequent opposition movements, this revolution too will fail to achieve meaningful change.

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Alongside the satisfaction at seeing the Iranian "axis of resistance" collapse in what appears to be a domino effect (Gaza-Lebanon-Syria), concerns are now rising about the nature of the future regime taking shape in Damascus. This is especially true regarding the question of the new Syrian regime's approach toward Israel, particularly in light of Turkey's establishment as the dominant player in the Syrian arena.

Assad's fall served Ankara well, paving the way for it to expand its foothold in Syria without having to get its hands too dirty. The victory of the rebels it trained and armed for over a decade helps improve its position regarding its core interests in Syria, which mainly include weakening Kurdish autonomy in the country and returning millions of Syrian refugees who fled to Turkey since the civil war, causing much domestic frustration. Under the pretext of fighting Kurdish terrorism, Turkey has created a de facto security zone on the northern border with Syria, including areas like Afrin and others. The zone functions as an independent Turkish-speaking province with civilian infrastructure like roads and hospitals.

Now, Turkey is doing everything in its power to establish a pro-Turkish governing alternative that aligns with Recep Tayyip Erdogan's neo-Ottoman aspirations to transform Syria into a Sunni Islamist stronghold under its patronage. Ankara isn't wasting time, and in an effort to expand its influence, has already declared its commitment to help Syria build a "new structure" and its intentions to strengthen trade, security, and energy ties with Damascus. It even offered to train the military forces that will form under the new government led by Abu Mohammad al-Julani. Recently, it went further by threatening military invasion in what appeared to be a signal to the Americans to withdraw their support from the YPG – a Syrian-Kurdish militia associated with the "Kurdistan Workers' Party" (PKK) which is designated as a terrorist organization by Turkey, the US and the European Union.

Given Erdogan's militant approach toward Israel, which reached a low point after the Oct. 7 massacre, and his standing alongside Hamas, both in words and actions, certain circles in Israel advocate that Jerusalem would do well to repay Erdogan in kind by aiding his Kurdish enemies in the Syrian arena. Supporters of this position argue that beyond moral logic, this approach has practical rationale. Strengthening Kurdish autonomies and other forces hostile to pro-Turkish militias will weaken the influence of Turkish-backed forces and prevent their establishment on Syria's border with Israel. Such a move, they argue, would make it clear to Erdogan that Israel won't overlook the Turkish president's attempts to promote anti-Israeli moves in the regional and global arena. More importantly, it would cause him to hesitate in implementing his threat of invasion into Israel through support for jihadist groups operating in the area. In this view, Israel should provide military assistance to Kurdish groups already receiving significant American backing, thus improving their ground presence and even expanding their hold in northern and eastern Syria.

On the other hand, some warn that following this path could escalate the conflict with the Turks and endanger Israeli interests. Support for the Kurds would be interpreted in Ankara as backing the Kurdish threat to Turkey's territorial integrity and as a worrying advance toward fulfilling the national aspirations of the Kurdish region in Iraq, Syria, and Turkey itself. It's important to understand that the Turks hold a monolithic view of the Kurds, meaning that support for the YPG is equivalent to support for the PKK – both are terrorists in their view.

Ankara's current hostile approach toward Israel, severe as it is, could worsen further, and it wouldn't be wise to push Erdogan in this direction. For example, Turkey could choose not to allow the passage of oil coming from Azerbaijan and destined for Israel through its territory – a move that hasn't been implemented despite the Turkish boycott. Moreover, if Turkey deepens its influence in Syria, not to mention if it launches another military operation to dismantle Kurdish autonomies according to its recent threat, the chances of the Kurds emerging victorious are very low. In such a scenario, what seems like Israel seizing opportunities could prove to be betting on the wrong horse.

According to this approach, one shouldn't act comprehensively regarding the range of challenges with Ankara, and instead should provide specific and unique responses that align with Israeli interests vis-à-vis Turkey according to each issue. Despite periods of tension between Israel and Turkey surrounding the Palestinian problem, Erdogan typically prioritized economic considerations over Islamist ideology, even while remaining its ardent supporter. In fact, until the deterioration that characterized the past year, Turkey cultivated close trade relations and considered cooperation with Israel in additional areas like energy.

Therefore, given wise conduct that integrates the vital interests of both sides, Israel and Turkey might reach understandings in Syria just as Israel managed to coordinate its actions with Russia over the past decade and maintain relative stability in the region. In an optimistic forecast, together they could even turn Syria into a buffer zone, similar to Jordan serving as a buffer between Israel and Iraq (and incidentally – Iran).

It seems that at this stage it's still too early to determine the nature of the new regime taking shape in Damascus, the extent of its reliance on Ankara, and its position toward Israel. Israel would do well to refrain for now from taking a public stance and/or providing overt material support to the Kurds in Syria. Despite the benefit inherent in establishing a strong Kurdish presence as a player blocking the spread of extreme Sunni Islamism in the space hostile to Israel, this could open a new, close, and dangerous front with the Turks. Thus, a move intended to strengthen Israel's security through effective deterrence against Ankara could bring upon it exactly the escalation it fears, in the nature of a self-fulfilling prophecy.

It should be remembered that in the conflict between Ankara and the Kurds, the balance of power favors the former unless the Kurds are provided with game-changing means – a development that doesn't seem realistic in the foreseeable future, neither for the Americans nor for Israel. Trump is not expected to deepen the American military presence in Syria, and if anything, is more likely to thin out the forces as he did during his first term as president. As for Israel, most attention and resources are directed to other arenas, particularly Iran, Gaza, and Lebanon, and at this stage it doesn't seem it can afford to direct more resources than those already invested today in securing the Syrian Golan.

In conclusion, unless it can be done covertly, Israel should be careful about meddling in the Syrian cauldron and suspend support for the Kurds, at least until timing when it becomes clear that betting on them will prove worthwhile, if the balance of power tilts in their favor. This does not apply to other minorities in Syria like Christians and especially the Druze who, unlike the Kurds, are geographically much closer to the border with Israel. They should and can be supported without it being done as a finger in Erdogan's eye while risking escalation of the situation to Israel's detriment.

Noa Lazimi is a researcher at the Misgav Institute for National Security.

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Donald Trump's new Middle East team, and certainly Israel, need to start seeing Erdogan exactly as he chooses to present himself and interpret his current and future moves precisely as he defines them. Erdogan sees himself as the global leader of the Muslim Brotherhood and views Hamas as a liberation movement rather than a terrorist organization. He speaks of a regional Islamic caliphate and revival of the Ottoman Empire. He calls on Turkish immigrants across Europe to have more and more children, claiming "they are Europe's future."

Turkish organizations from Erdogan's school of thought operate in Jerusalem, Haifa, Jaffa, Lod, and Ramla. It's the same "dawa" and the same "quiet jihad" that channels money and funds "charity, culture and community activities" in many places worldwide. This is his way of gaining ever-increasing influence.

However, Erdogan himself, beyond the torrent of slurs he has hurled at Israel and its leaders – from "criminals" and "Zionist terror organization" to "Nazis" and "Hitler" – has long moved past quiet jihad.

We simply need to listen to his words and believe he means what he says – exactly as we should have done with Hamas, but failed. Last July, for instance, Erdogan made a military threat against Israel when he declared: "Just as we entered Karabakh and Libya - we can do something similar to Israel." Five months later, Turkey has at least partially fulfilled this threat through the new Syrian jihadist army, and is now closer to our northern border than ever before.

One needs only to examine al-Jolani and his companions' blood-soaked history in Iraq during the early 2000s, to review the names of hundreds of Islamic State militants in the ranks of the SNA, "Syrian National Army" (or those affiliated with it), to understand what kind of liability their new patron, Erdogan, is becoming for Israel.

After Oct. 7, the Turkish megalomaniac chose the side of evil and the axis of evil, and there is no longer any fundamental difference between him and Qatar and Iran. Will Turkey now become the "new Iran"? It's too early to assess, but what it is now is certainly enough for the Trump administration, and especially Israel, to reassess both the immediate and long-term dangers posed by this country that is still (incredibly) a NATO member.

We must not be mistaken about Erdogan again. Just two years ago, he was still courting President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to help him find pathways to America's heart and especially its wallet, but the massacre and the war, and now the dramatic events in Syria, have torn away all his masks. Thus, the other day, Erdogan spoke in the city of Mardin near Syria and responded to his audience, who shouted, "Mr. President, take us to Jerusalem" – with the words "patience brings victory."

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Turkey has launched a fresh diplomatic initiative to broker the release of Israeli hostages held by the Hamas terror group, Al-Araby Al-Jadeed reported, marking a potential shift in regional dynamics amid speculation about former President Trump's influence on Middle Eastern politics.

According to a high-ranking Hamas source, Turkish authorities extended an invitation to the Israeli government to resume negotiations that could potentially lead to the conclusion of the Gaza war and the return of the 101 Israelis that have been held hostage in Gaza for over a year. The source indicated that Ankara has positioned itself to facilitate direct communications with Hamas leadership.

The official, however, stated that Prime Minister Benjamin "Netanyahu derailed the Turkish initiative in its early stages by rejecting both Turkish mediation and Ankara's role as an intermediary in the Gaza situation."

The report said that Shin Bet security agency director, Ronen Bar, conducted an undisclosed visit to Turkey on Saturday, meeting with Turkey's intelligence director to discuss the status of hostages in Gaza. According to Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, Bar's presence at the meeting was primarily to evaluate the Turkish proposal.

Sources indicated that the diplomatic engagement followed patterns similar to Israel's approach since the conflict's onset, characterized as "delaying tactics to gain time" and utilizing the initiative to address domestic pressure within Israel.

A senior Israeli diplomatic official told Israel Hayom that Netanyahu had authorized Ronen's Turkey visit to explore potential hostage release arrangements and discuss bilateral relations. The visit's timing comes as President-elect Donald Trump prepares to return to the White House with his pro-Israel team.

The Turkish diplomatic overture indicates a significant shift in President Erdogan's position, reflecting an understanding of potential changes in Washington's diplomatic stance. While Turkey continues to serve as a base for senior Hamas officials, Israel is exploring this new channel for hostage recovery, parallel to existing mediation efforts.

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Israeli Minister of Foreign Affairs Israel Katz slams Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on X after he lashed out at social media platforms on Monday, accusing them of "digital fascism" for allegedly censoring images of Palestinian "martyrs" and condolences over the killing of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh.

The Information and Communication Technologies Authority blocked access to Instagram on August 2 without providing an explanation. Government officials stated the ban was imposed because Instagram failed to comply with Turkish regulations.

However, several media reports suggested the action was in response to Instagram removing posts by Turkish users expressing condolences over the killing of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran on Wednesday, July 31.

"They cannot even tolerate photographs of Palestinian martyrs and immediately ban them," Erdogan said in a speech in Ankara. "We are confronted with a digital fascism that is disguised as freedom. They are resorting to every means to hide Israel's cruelty and muzzle the Palestinian people's voices. Especially social media companies have literally become militants," he added.

Instagram has more than 57 million users in Turkey, a nation of 85 million people, according to the We Are Social media company. The Electronic Commerce Operators' Association estimates that Instagram and other social media platforms generate about 930 million Turkish lira ($27 million) worth of e-commerce per day.

The anti-Semitic dictator @RTErdogan attacked the US and Western countries yesterday, saying they were "taken hostage by the Zionists in Israel."

Erdoğan, the ones taken hostage are the citizens of Turkey, trapped in your dictatorship. You blocked Instagram for 57 million users… pic.twitter.com/EOgELcp2G4

— ישראל כ"ץ Israel Katz (@Israel_katz) August 6, 2024

Katz criticized the decision to block Instagram on social media on August 2, stating it showed how Erdogan "is turning Turkey into a dictatorship just because of his support for the murderers and rapists of Hamas, against the stance of the entire free world." On August 6, Katz responded to Erdogan's antisemitic claim Western countries were "taken hostage by the Zionists in Israel" on X, "Erdogan, the ones taken hostage are the citizens of Turkey, trapped in your dictatorship. You blocked Instagram for 57 million users in your country but left access to your own Instagram account."

Erdogan, speaking at an event on human rights education hosted by his Islamist AKP political party, went on to claim that social media websites were allowing all kinds of propaganda by groups considered terrorists in Turkey.

Turkey's Transportation and Infrastructure Minister, Abdulkadir Uraloglu, said Turkish authorities met with Instagram representatives last week and were holding a fresh round of talks on Monday.

Unlike its Western allies, Turkey does not consider Hamas a terror organization. A strong critic of Israel's military actions in Gaza, Erdogan, who met with Haniyeh in Istanbul in April, has described Hamas as a liberation movement and repeatedly compared Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Adolf Hitler.

The Turkish leader appeared to threaten to invade Israel, saying at a meeting of his political party that Turkey must be "very strong so that Israel can't do these things to the Palestinians." In early May, Erdogan halted his country's robust trade ties with Israel.

Soon after the war in Gaza began, Turkey, a NATO member, began blocking any cooperation between NATO and Israel, which holds partner status in the military alliance, Reuters reported last week.

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In an unusual statement, the Turkish president boasted that he could invade Israel. At a party conference, Recep Tayyip Erdogan said: "We must be strong so that Israel cannot attack Palestine. Just as we entered Karabakh (in the Caucasus) and the way we entered Libya, maybe we will do the same. There is nothing we cannot do. We must be strong."

But what is Turkey's actual situation and how does it intervene in military conflicts around the world?

Erdogan commands one of the largest armies in the Middle East. About 425,000 soldiers and another 380,000 reservists serve in it. This modern military organization, enjoying a budget of $15.8 billion, has land, air, and sea branches, along with special commando units. However, the most prominent element today in the Turkish military is Erdogan's "drone army," which has become a game-changing weapon.

"The Turkish Occupation"

For instance, the Turkish army has used drones to fight in northern Syria to establish a "security belt" near the border. Erdogan is expected to meet with the Syrian dictator, Bashar Assad, next month to discuss normalizing relations between the countries, after years of tension, during which the "security belt" was dubbed "the Turkish occupation" in Assad's regime media outlets.

It appears the Kurds in northern Syria will pay the price for the diplomatic romance between Damascus and Ankara after they blocked the ISIS terrorist organization in the previous decade. Erdogan fears a scenario where the large Kurdish minority in eastern Turkey joins forces with Kurdish forces in Syria and Iraq. Therefore, in Iraqi Kurdistan, Turkish drones have attacked Kurdish targets.

In Libya, mentioned by Erdogan, the Turkish army helped Islamist forces in the west to block the offensive of General Khalifa Haftar from the east on the capital, Tripoli. In recent years, the Turks have assisted with advanced drone strikes on Haftar's forces, managing to push him eastward after he was close to taking over all of Libya.

The leading manufacturer of these drones is Baykar Technologies, a private company led by Erdogan's son-in-law, Selcuk Bayraktar. Its flagship product, the TB2 drone, has become Ankara's fingerprint in conflicts worldwide—from Ukraine to Ethiopia.

From Ukraine to Ethiopia

Erdogan does not rely only on drones to aid his allies. In Syria, Libya, and Nagorno-Karabakh (where Turkey assisted Azerbaijan against Armenia), Ankara has remotely deployed tens of thousands of mercenaries to the battlefields. According to estimates, nearly 35,000 mercenaries operated at Ankara's behest, most of them Sunni Muslims. A few thousand of them, according to reports, fought in Libya.

Turkey also boasts a fleet of warships, submarines, landing craft, and aircraft. It is estimated that close to 50,000 people serve in the Turkish navy. Recently, it was reported that Turkey stationed five warships off the territorial waters of Greece, a continuation of Erdogan's provocations in the Aegean Sea in recent years, stemming partly from disputes over gas fields.

Aggressive Behavior in the Mediterranean Basin and the Arab World

Turkey's aggressive conduct in the Mediterranean basin and the Arab world evokes memories of the Ottoman Empire. Since the Justice and Development Party, whose ideology aligns with the Muslim Brotherhood, came to power in the early 2000s, it has promoted the Islamization process in the country. This is a reaction to the secularization policy led by Turkey's founder, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, in the last century.

While Erdogan directs attention outward, he faces a series of internal problems. More than a year ago, in February 2023, an earthquake in southern Turkey resulted in tens of thousands of deaths and hundreds of thousands of refugees. Many of them still live without shelter.

Erdogan's Growing Confidence

Additionally, since the outbreak of the civil war in Syria in 2011, Turkey has absorbed four million Syrian refugees. They receive racist treatment from many Turks, who see them as an economic burden and a source of crime.

Despite this, according to a Reuters survey, the Turkish economy is expected to grow by 3.15% in 2024. This contrasts with the government's forecast of 4% growth. Regardless, these are relatively good figures, especially amid the crises the country suffers from.

Recently, this allowed Turkey's central bank to return a $5 billion deposit received from Saudi Arabia last year, ahead of election rounds. The unemployment rate also dropped from around 10% to 8.4% last May, at least according to the Turkish Statistical Institute.

This economic situation may further explain Erdogan's growing confidence, as he secured another presidential term last year. However, in the internal elections at the end of March, his party suffered a resounding defeat. In the capital, Ankara, Istanbul, and other cities, his opponents from the Republican Party maintained control. This indicates that power is not eternal.

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An escalation in threats from Recep Tayyip Erdogan: "Turkey can invade Israel just as it did in Karabakh and Libya," said the Turkish president at a meeting of the Justice and Development Party.

"We must be very strong so that Israel cannot carry out these actions (attacks) against Palestine. Just as we entered Karabakh, just as we entered Libya, we might do the same to them. There is nothing we cannot do. We just need to be strong," the Turkish president said.

"If today we speak out against Israel, if we have halted all trade with them, if we have severed relations with them. Someone, excuse the expression, some insolent person, says Mahmoud Abbas should be allowed to speak in our parliament. Who is this? Apparently, he also has a problem in his head," added Erdogan, referring to his feud with Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas.

Erdogan's relations with Israel have been deteriorating for many years, especially since the Mavi Marmara incident, except for a brief respite during which he even hosted President Isaac Herzog and met with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the UN General Assembly in New York last September.

Turkey is considered a 'haven' for Hamas and has even been identified as a potential replacement for Qatar as the sponsor of the terrorist organization, if Qatar expels its political leaders.

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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan launched a scathing attack on Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas Sunday, demanding an apology for his refusal to accept an invitation to speak before the Turkish parliament in Ankara.

"Mahmoud Abbas, who didn't show up despite our invitation to address the parliament, owes us an apology. Let's see if he'll agree to come now," Erdogan said during a charity event.

The Turkish president's remarks expose the growing rift between Ramallah and Ankara, following Turkey's unified stance with the Hamas terrorist organization, the PA's political rival. Erdogan has also repeatedly hosted senior Hamas officials since Oct. 7.

In the same speech, he condemned the United States for allowing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to address Congress. "We all witnessed the shameful spectacle in the House of Representatives. Frankly, we are embarrassed for humanity in light of what we saw there. They rolled out the red carpet for someone like Netanyahu and applauded him until their hands were sore."

Erdogan reiterated his unfounded claim that Israel "destroying" the Gaza Strip, Israel "will turn its gaze to Turkey."

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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan turned away a challenger who sought to reverse his authoritarian-leaning changes, securing five more years to oversee the country at the crossroads of Europe and Asia that plays a key role in NATO.

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Erdogan prevailed by winning more than 52% of the vote in Sunday's presidential runoff, which came two weeks after he fell short of scoring an outright victory in the first round. A majority of Turkish voters in the second round chose him over challenger Kemal Kilicdaroglu, showing their support for a man who they see as a strong, proven leader.

Voters were divided between loyalty to Erdogan, who has ruled for two decades, and hopes for the opposition candidate, who promised to return to democratic norms, adopt more conventional economic policies and improve ties with the West.

Congratulations to President @RTErdogan of Türkiye on his election victory. I am convinced that we will continue to work together to strengthen and expand the good ties between Türkiye and Israel.

— יצחק הרצוג Isaac Herzog (@Isaac_Herzog) May 28, 2023

With his immediate political future secure, Erdogan must now confront skyrocketing inflation that has fueled a cost-of-living crisis and rebuild in the aftermath of a devastating earthquake that killed more than 50,000 people.

In two speeches — one in Istanbul and one in Ankara — Erdogan thanked the nation for entrusting him with the presidency again. "We hope to be worthy of your trust, as we have been for 21 years," he told supporters on a campaign bus outside his home in Istanbul.

He said the divisions of the election are over, but he continued to rail against his opponent.

"The only winner today is Turkey," Erdogan said outside the presidential palace in Ankara, promising to work hard for Turkey's second century, which he called the "Turkish century." The country marks its centennial this year.

Supreme challenges lie ahead, starting with the economy that has taken a beating from what critics view as Erdogan's unorthodox policies. He also must tend to massive rebuilding efforts in 11 provinces hit by the Feb. 6 earthquake that leveled entire cities.

Kilicdaroglu said the election was "the most unjust ever," with all state resources mobilized for Erdogan. "We will continue to be at the forefront of this struggle until real democracy comes to our country," he said in Ankara. He thanked the more than 25 million people who voted for him and asked them to "remain upright."

The people have shown their will "to change an authoritarian government despite all the pressures," Kilicdaroglu said.

Supporters of Erdogan, a divisive populist and masterful orator, took to the streets to celebrate, waving Turkish or ruling party flags, honking car horns and chanting his name. Celebratory gunfire was heard in several Istanbul neighborhoods.

His next term is certain to include more delicate maneuvering with fellow NATO members over the future of the alliance and the war in Ukraine.

Leaders across the world sent their congratulations, highlighting Turkey and Erdogan's enlarged role in global politics.

Israel's President Isaac Herzog said on Twitter, Congratulations to President Erdogan of Türkiye on his election victory. I am convinced that we will continue to work together to strengthen and expand the good ties between Türkiye and Israel.

Western politicians said they are ready to continue working with Erdogan despite years of sometimes tense relations. Most imminently, Turkey holds the cards for Sweden's hopes to join NATO. The bid aims to strengthen the military alliance against Russia and is central to the continuity of a deal to allow Ukrainian grain shipments and avert a global food crisis.

"No one can look down on our nation," Erdogan said in Istanbul.

Steven A. Cook, a senior fellow at the Washington-based Council on Foreign Relations, said Turkey was likely to "move the goal post" on Sweden's membership in NATO as it seeks demands from the United States.

He also said Erdogan, who has spoken about introducing a new constitution, was likely to make an even greater push to lock in changes adopted by his conservative and religious Justice and Development Party, or AKP.

In his victory remarks, Erdogan said rebuilding the quake-struck cities would be his priority. He also said a million Syrian refugees would go back to Turkish-controlled "safe zones" in Syria as part of a resettlement project being run with Qatar.

Erdogan has retained the backing of conservative voters who remain devoted to him for lifting Islam's profile in Turkey, which was founded on secular principles, and raising the country's influence in international politics.

Erdogan's rival was a soft-mannered former civil servant who has led the pro-secular Republican People's Party, or CHP, since 2010. The opposition took months to unite behind Kilicdaroglu. He and his party have not won any elections in which Erdogan ran.

In a frantic outreach effort to nationalist voters in the runoff, Kilicdaroglu vowed to send back refugees and ruled out peace negotiations with Kurdish militants if he was elected.

Erdogan and pro-government media portrayed Kilicdaroglu, who received the backing of the country's pro-Kurdish party, as colluding with "terrorists" and supporting what they described as "deviant" LGBTQ rights.

In his victory speech, Erdogan repeated those themes, saying LGBTQ people cannot "infiltrate" his ruling party or its nationalist allies.

In Ankara, Erdogan voter Hacer Yalcin said Turkey's future was bright.

"Of course Erdogan is the winner ... Who else? He has made everything for us," Yalcin said. "God blesses us!"

Erdogan, a 69-year-old Muslim, is set to remain in power until 2028.

He transformed the presidency from a largely ceremonial role to a powerful office through a narrowly won 2017 referendum that scrapped Turkey's parliamentary system of governance. He was the first directly elected president in 2014 and won the 2018 election that ushered in the executive presidency.

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The first half of Erdogan's tenure included reforms allowing the country to begin talks to join the European Union, as well as economic growth that lifted many out of poverty.

But he later moved to suppress freedoms and the media and concentrated more power in his own hands, especially after a failed coup attempt that Turkey says was orchestrated by the U.S.-based Islamic cleric Fethullah Gulen. The cleric denies involvement.

In the Kurdish-majority city of Diyarbakir, 37-year-old metalworker Ahmet Koyun said: "It is sad on behalf of our people that a government with such corruption, such stains, has come into power again. Mr. Kemal would have been great for our country, at least for a change of scene."

But he said everyone must accept the results.

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