Thursday morning brought the tragic conclusion when rescue teams recovered the body of Shagai Mor, a father of four, swept into the sea in Thailand after diving in to save his son. The incident happened on Koh Phangan.

Mor, 45, married to Inbal and father to four children aged 3-13, had lived in the Kela-Alon settlement in northern Golan for roughly 10 years. Shagai worked as a gardener. Over the past two years, he had been serving in active reserve duty. The community characterizes him as "a man of action who helped everyone. Beloved and friendly."

On Wednesday afternoon, the father entered the sea after his son, who had been swept away in the island's eastern bay, in the town of Chaloklum. The father succeeded in moving the son close to shore into the hands of nearby restaurant owners, who managed to pull the son onto shore while the father was pulled back into the sea, as the mother and her children stood on shore screaming for help.

Uri Kelner, head of the Golan Regional Council, stated, "The Golan Regional Council embraces the Mor family and the Kela-Alon community in this difficult hour. Our hearts are with his wife, Inbal, and the children." Inbal Mor, Shagai's wife, stated, "In these difficult hours, I want to express gratitude from all our hearts to the good people who mobilized to save Shagai. The hundreds of volunteers who searched throughout the night on nearby beaches, the Magen team, Klal Insurance, Chabad House, and the Foreign Ministry, and the round-the-clock support. We are now gathering within the family to cope with the difficult news and to strengthen the household."

Extreme weather hindered the search

The extensive searches faced significant difficulties due to extreme weather conditions, making it impossible to launch an emergency helicopter. Strong winds and nearly zero visibility blocked takeoff and safe navigation, while simultaneously the stormy sea and high waves prevented safe hovering or landing above the water.

Additionally, Koh Phangan has no emergency helicopters available, and regional helicopters are not authorized to operate under such conditions. Because of the powerful winds, drones also cannot take to the air, and significant difficulty exists in scanning the ocean surface from above. Deploying rescue boats also proved impossible. The breaking waves near shore create immediate capsizing danger, and the powerful side winds complicate vessel control and precise searching. Under such circumstances, dispatching a boat endangers both the rescued and the rescue team.

The entire Israeli community rallied for the searches, and for extended hours, approximately 160 volunteers combed the town's beaches with flashlights and motorcycles. Numerous young Israelis traveling in Koh Phangan joined the searches, along with tourists from across the world. Volunteers from the Israeli community on the island, social workers, and psychologists stayed with the mother and children constantly and provided emotional support for the family.

On Wednesday, during an overnight flight, a team from the Magen rescue and search company left Israel. Family members of the missing man were also aboard the plane. Wednesday night, at 1:30 a.m. (local time), the searches concluded as the sea rose again, becoming hazardous for the volunteers. The searches restarted Thursday morning. Numerous volunteers from the local Israeli community and Israeli tourists headed out for foot searches along the beaches and sea, scanning on private jet skis.

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Israel annexed the Golan Heights by law in 1981 and considers it fully sovereign Israeli territory. That sovereignty was recognized by President Donald Trump during his first term, through a 2019 presidential proclamation. As a gesture of appreciation, the Israeli government announced the establishment of the community Trump Heights.

The current campaign was initiated by Syria's envoy to the United Nations, Ibrahim Olabi, in an aggressive speech to the UN Security Council on Friday. Olabi accused Israel of instigating military incidents, violating the post-Yom Kippur War disengagement agreement, and infringing on Syria's sovereignty. He called on the UN and the Security Council to take "decisive" action against Israeli operations on Syrian territory.

Olabi went further, declaring that "Israeli authorities must withdraw their forces from Syrian territory, including the occupied Golan Heights, as well as from areas recently invaded, and refrain from interfering in Syria's internal affairs. The Golan will remain Arab and Syrian and will never be subject to compromise or concession. Syria reaffirms its unwavering position that the occupied Golan Heights is an integral part of its sovereign territory, a position rooted in international law and repeatedly endorsed in UN resolutions."

Four Security Council members—Algeria, Somalia, Sierra Leone and Guyana—joined the Syrian demand, submitting a letter to the council that stated: "The occupation of the Syrian Golan, along with the security challenges stemming from the military's illegal presence in these areas, poses a significant threat to Syria's stability and complicates efforts to rebuild the state."

The letter was presented by Algeria's permanent representative to the UN, Ammar Benjama, who added: "We reaffirm that the occupied Syrian Golan is an inseparable part of Syria, as established in Security Council Resolution 497. We call for an immediate end to the [Zionist] aggression and a full withdrawal from all Syrian territory, including the occupied Syrian Golan."

Former MK Zvi Hauser, chairman of the "Coalition for the Israeli Golan", warned that Israel was effectively granting legitimacy to the stabilization of a new Syrian regime that openly demands sovereignty over the Golan Heights by failing to condition its reconstruction on the regime's renunciation of such claims or, at the very least, by not pressing the Americans to intervene.

Hauser said Israel was displaying "historic negligence" that could soon enable the formation of international pressure to withdraw from the Golan Heights. Ignoring the issue, he warned, would carry serious strategic consequences in the future.

An Arab diplomatic source familiar with the matter said the Syrian initiative is backed by Turkey, the main sponsor of Syrian President al-Sharaa, as part of its quiet confrontation with Israel over influence in Syria. Israel, the source noted, supports the Druze population directly and the Kurds partially, both groups opposed to the regime, while Turkey supports the Sunni Islamist government.

An Israeli official stressed that Israel has no intention of conceding "even one centimeter of the Golan Heights," nor of reducing its military presence in Syrian territory so long as it is necessary for Israel's security. Another diplomatic source suggested that Syria's campaign is meant to accelerate the sluggish security negotiations with Israel, which have yet to yield results.

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The past eight months have validated her view. As Syria's president, al-Julani, now Ahmed al-Sharaa, pursued a wide array of actions signaling his commitment to rebuilding Syria and fostering peace with Israel. He repeatedly affirmed this stance and avoided any military or rhetorical threats against Israel – quite the contrary. Last week, Syria initiated the naturalization of thousands of "Palestinian refugees" residing there since 1948, effectively challenging the Arab narrative of "the right of return." Could Israel ask for more? Would Yahya Sinwar have done this? Al-Sharaa made it clear countless times he has no intention of fighting Israel. He blocked Iranian weapons shipments across his borders, stayed silent on the IDF's seizure of Mount Hermon's peak and other sovereign Syrian territories, made no claims on the Golan Heights, and engaged in talks aimed at normalizing ties with Israel, per foreign reports.

The world isn't waiting

Highly serious proposals were laid out. Discreet negotiations occurred behind the scenes. Just a week ago in Washington, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his team spoke of Syria as a potential peace partner before Saudi Arabia, even as the Gaza war persists. I was present. Optimism was palpable. Why should Israel pursue peace with Syria? First, peace trumps war. Second, Syria requires economic, energy, technological, agricultural, and diplomatic support – areas where Israel can assist, binding Syria to us through mutual interests that prevent future hostility. This dynamic has held with Jordan and Egypt for decades. Third, drawing Syria closer to Israel could curb its ties with problematic players like Qatar and Turkey – and al-Sharaa has shown he can break from patrons when his interests shift. Fourth, the world moves on. Three months ago, I wrote in Israel Hayom that "in the Arab world, the West, Turkey, and America, enough players stand to gain from absolving al-Sharaa's past in exchange for his proper conduct moving forward. It's unlikely the world will pause just because Israel objects." That's precisely what transpired. Even Donald J Trump, history's most pro-Israel president, met al-Sharaa and removed sanctions from Syria. He didn't wait for Israel, and sometimes wisdom outweighs being right.

But what did we do? Right after Assad's regime fell, Israel pulled off one of its most brilliant moves, capitalizing on the moment to dismantle the Syrian military. Our forces then swiftly and boldly took Mount Hermon's peak and other key areas. It was a masterful opportunity seized, partly paving the way for strikes on Iran's nuclear sites – planning for which started then. Truly commendable. Yet, Israel failed to grasp that Ahmed al-Sharaa is not Yahya Sinwar. His actions since November 2024 prove it, aligning with his earlier claims of regretting his ISIS affiliation. Recently, he toured Damascus publicly with his wife, defying extremist Islamic norms. Al-Sharaa pledged religious freedom for all Syrian communities, including reopening Damascus's ancient synagogue. However, he did establish "Sharia" as Syria's binding law.

Video: Hundreds of Druze have crossed the border fence in Majdal Shams

Yes, it's imperfect. His army – essentially militias – sometimes acts brutally. His and his followers' history includes talk of "conquering Jerusalem." Terror groups opposing his relatively moderate stance seek to destabilize his rule. There's much to refine, and he acknowledges it. We must keep watching him. But on the key question – is al-Sharaa a figure to cultivate and guide or an irredeemable jihadist to eliminate? – all evidence supports the former.

Israel's mistaken initiative

Israel overlooked these nuances. Despite al-Sharaa's steady and clear approach, our policy toward him has been erratic. For months, we labeled him a "terrorist in a suit" to the world. Recently, we shifted, treating him as a potential peace partner. Then, after disturbing scenes from Sweida, we reverted to calling him a terrorist. Clearly, we don't grasp who he is.

Israel's errors don't stop there. Neither the IDF nor diplomatic officials recognized the limits of power. Seizing strategic Syrian territories is great. Setting a demilitarized zone south of Damascus is somewhat defensible. But promising to protect Druze 62 miles from the border? How? Anyone sensible knew we couldn't deliver. Moreover, Salah Tarif, a former minister and Druze leader, said they never asked Israel to protect their Syrian brethren. It was Israel's idea.

Video: The moment of the strike near the Syrian military general staff building, as broadcast on Syrian state television // Arab networks

This was a flawed initiative. Not only do we have our own troubles, but there's no way to emerge unscathed from Syria's inter- and intra-communal conflicts. Current reports suggest the recent Bedouin-Druze clash in Jabal al-Druze stemmed from a Druze kidnapping. Should we have preemptively guaranteed such provocations? Absolutely not. Plus, Syrian Druze opinions on the new regime vary – many leaders want to work with al-Sharaa. Why interfere? The Druze tradition is loyalty to their sovereign state, which is why Israel's Druze community sacrifices immensely for us. Jewish society could learn from them.

Regarding Syria's Druze, the best approach was letting them negotiate with al-Sharaa. What have we gained by driving a wedge? Nothing – we only lost. Our overly aggressive policy pushed Syria's president to hint at war with Israel for the first time last night. After we needlessly destroyed his general staff and bombed his palace, we gave him no choice. We handed him a dictator's dream: An external enemy to rally against.

What's the average Syrian likely thinking now? "Thanks to Israel, we ousted Assad. But it seems Israel is indeed the forceful, violent state they say it is. Why did it shut down Syrian TV broadcasts yesterday?"

If there were any proof al-Sharaa sent forces to kill Druze, Israel's actions might have been justified. But there's none. Evidence suggests he sent forces south to Jabal al-Druze to halt the Bedouin-Druze clash – doing what a central government should in a fractured nation. Yet Israel bombed his forces while demanding he protect the Druze. How can he do that if we humiliate him before his people and strip his means?

Resetting the policy

The bottom line: Israel is undermining its own security and diplomatic interests. Since taking office until last night, al-Sharaa extended a hand for peace. We rejected it. That's the harsh truth. It's not too late. If Jerusalem has leadership, it must regroup and reset policy. Tell al-Sharaa we won't tolerate a Druze massacre, but also tell the Druze they must coexist with Damascus's regime. We can't ensure their safety.

Simultaneously, Israel must curb its use of force against Syria. When there's a security threat, we must act. But as long as al-Sharaa avoids anti-Israel actions – and he has for eight months – we shouldn't push him to become our foe. Israel's interest lies in a stable Syrian government. Chaos only benefits Iran and terror groups. Moreover, smart diplomacy can draw al-Sharaa closer, setting him on a path to normalization with Israel. But that requires acting from reason, not instinct.

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A rare and concrete opportunity has emerged with a group of countries that includes Hungary, Argentina, and the Czech Republic, alongside other nations that have moved their official missions to Jerusalem. Together, they could help alter the status of Israel's sovereignty in the Golan and normalize the obvious - recognition of Israeli control over the area as part of a broader reconfiguration of the Middle East.

From the perspective of these countries, the time has come to lead a global shift in reaffirming a commitment to Israel's security, regional stability, and an overdue update to the "operating system" of diplomacy. An update that is sorely needed for the challenges of the second quarter of the 21st century.

Commitment to Israel's security

Recognition of Israeli sovereignty in the Golan is a move of historic importance, and a tangible demonstration of commitment to Israel's security. Anyone familiar with Middle Eastern history, especially since the Arab Spring, understands that permanent Israeli control over the Golan is the only guarantee for securing its eastern border and preventing catastrophe in the event of an attack from Syrian territory. Imagine if the Syrian civil war had played out on the shores of the Sea of Galilee; if al-Qaeda and Jabhat al-Nusra had entrenched themselves on the border; or if on the morning of October 7, Syrian forces had observed Hamas's assault from the Golan Heights.

The recent shift in Syria underscores the need to stand firm against the long-term strategy of radical Sunni Islam, backed by Turkey and Qatar, to pressure Israel into indefensible borders on its Syrian front.

Today, more than ever, it is clear: securing the existence of the Middle East's only Jewish state requires recognition of its sovereignty over the Golan Heights. This guiding principle must be a priority in every meeting and conversation the prime minister and foreign minister hold with their counterparts around the world.

Middle East stability

Recognition of Israeli sovereignty in the Golan would also contribute to regional stability - a clear international interest. Such recognition undermines the legitimacy of states and terrorist organizations that attempt to escalate tensions in the Golan as a means of pressuring Israel to withdraw. It reduces motivation for conflict and prevents war and bloodshed.

Furthermore, Israeli sovereignty over territory overlooking Damascus and southern Syria effectively deters internal Syrian actors and curbs the outbreak of uncontrolled massacres and mass killings of minorities within Syria. Curbing this violence is a prerequisite for halting the waves of migration from the region that are directly and indirectly destabilizing the political and social structures of host countries, especially in Europe.

Recognition of Golan sovereignty also sends a clear signal of disapproval to Iran's aggression via its proxies in the region - a move particularly relevant for countries like Hungary, Argentina, and the Czech Republic. It is a fitting and complementary response to the fall of the Assad regime, aligning with the biblical notion of justice: "Woe to the wicked; it will go badly with him; for what his hands have dealt out shall be done to him."

This cluster of countries has a strategic interest in aligning with the new US administration as much as possible and harmonizing their geopolitical worldview accordingly.

Recognition of Israeli sovereignty in the Golan is not only a gesture toward Israel, it is primarily a gesture toward the US and its updated Middle East policy. With President Donald Trump entering his second term in the White House, it appears he is adopting a revised diplomatic framework. According to the Trump Doctrine, realities on the ground should shape diplomatic solutions, defusing points of contention and resolving political and territorial disputes.

Many Western countries are trying to align themselves with this revised doctrine. In this context, it is evident that supporting a US-brokered compromise between Russia and Ukraine is far more complex and contentious for the international community than aligning with US positions in the Middle East, particularly recognition of Israeli sovereignty in the Golan.

It is important to emphasize that US recognition of Israeli sovereignty in the Golan is a bipartisan legacy = one of the few Trump-era initiatives not reversed by the Biden administration. The American consensus on the Golan should serve as a guiding light for other countries, especially in countering the alternative historical narrative promoted by radical Islam.

Recognition of Israeli sovereignty in the Golan carries none of the religious sensitivity that often accompanies discussions about recognizing Jerusalem as Israel's capital. Nor does it raise issues about dominion over another people, as in the context of Israeli control over the West Bank. The 25,000 Druze residents of the Golan who live on the Israeli side are entitled to full Israeli citizenship, and a growing portion of this population is choosing to exercise that right. Most importantly, there is no viable alternative to Israeli control of the Golan, not even in the long term.

This week, Netanyahu has a rare opportunity to persuade Hungary. The success or failure of his visit will be measured by this issue. Simply securing Hungarian agreement on general Israeli policy issues, including the collapse of Hamas's regime, the release of hostages, or the Iranian threat, is not enough. That would amount to nothing more than a warm press conference, without any real change on the ground.

The writer is the founding chairman of the "Coalition for the Israeli Golan". 

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The Saudi outlet al-Hadath quoted a security official claiming Israel has captured the Syrian part of Mount Hermon, the strategic mountain overlooking the Golan Heights, the Galilee, and the Damascus area.

This is the first time Israel has been on that part of the mountain since the 1974 Disengagement of Forces agreement, which was signed after the Yom Kippur War.

According to reports, soldiers from Sayeret Shaldag, the Israeli Air Force's elite commando unit, were responsible for the capture of the Syrian side of Mount Hermon. The soldiers are now preparing defensive positions at the site.

The IDF has emphasized that "the Israeli military does not intervene in events taking place in Syria and will continue to act as required to maintain the buffer zone and protect the State of Israel and its citizens."

Earlier, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz visited Mount Bental in the Golan Heights at an observation point overlooking the Syrian border following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad's regime. During the visit, they received a detailed briefing on developments along the Syrian border and the reinforcement of IDF forces in the area.

Netanyahu characterized the event as "a historic day in Middle East history," claiming that the regime's "collapse is the direct result of our forceful action against Hezbollah and Iran, Assad's main supporters." He emphasized that the regime's collapse "set off a chain reaction of all those who want to free themselves from this tyranny and its oppression." 

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Russia was quick to respond to Israel's statement of support for Ukraine, and on Wednesday night the Russian UN delegation issued a statement condemning Israel's plans for construction in the Golan Heights.

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The Russian statement expressed "concern" about plans by "Tel Aviv" (Jerusalem is the capital of Israel) to expand "settlement activity in the Golan Heights," which the Russian delegation said violated the Geneva Convention of 1949.

"Russia does not recognize Israeli sovereignty on the Golan Heights, which are part of Syria," the Russian statement read.

On Thursday, Foreign Minister Yair Lapid made the first explicit condemnation of Russia's actions in Ukraine.

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It would be hard to say that the timing is perfect for Prime Minister Naftali Bennett to give an interview. The country is in the midst of a fifth, tough wave of COVID, even confirmed carriers don't know what strain they have; the new quarantine guidelines for schools is causing controversy and confusion between the staffs of the education and health ministries; and a plan to compensate businesses is also being met with confusion and bitterness. But the Prime Minister's Office has decided that perhaps because of all this, it's time to set the record straight.

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"I'm being interviewed at the peak of the pandemic, not when it's behind us, to tell the public that everything is under control. When we see the end, we need to protect the elderly and the children," Bennett tells Israel Hayom.

"Israel's management of the Delta and Omicron wave is almost the best in the world, based on a sane Israeli model that on one hand doesn't deny COVID – we already know it isn't the flu and causes a lot of damage. On the other hand, I'm not rushing to pull the trigger on the lockdowns that were a key tool here last year. The model is to keep the economy running amid Omicron. We are almost first in the world in the extent of testing, and it works. We were the first in the world to bring in the Pfizer drug," he says.

Q: We're also first in the world in new cases.

"And the first with the second booster, which is proving itself and saving lives. We have the strongest plan in the world to protect the elderly. That is the Israeli way – initiative, action, not sending everyone home, but keeping the economy operating."

Q: But there is a sense of denial. You once spoke of 'pincers' and a smart operation, and it looks like the government has thrown up its hands. There was a lot of time to prepare for this wave, like vaccinating kids in school.

"We prepared ahead of time and did a lot. My decision to close down air travel bought us three to four weeks in which we vaccinated 600,000 elderly [with a second booster], which prevented extensive loss of life. In that period, we acquired drugs and we built the antigen [testing] system, which didn't exist when I took office. For a year and a half, you couldn't buy antigen testing kits in stores. I opened the market and we brought in suppliers. Now the price for a test in stores is eight shekels ($2.50)."

Q: Still, these are costs the people have to shoulder. There are families that have needed dozens of tests in the past few weeks.

"We have just handed out three testing kits to each public school student, and we'll distribute 20 more under the new plan."

Q: But I asked you about early vaccination for kids. Most new cases aren't from the elderly, but from schools.

"I, as the government, can buy the vaccines and make them accessible. Ultimately, it's the responsibility of each person to get vaccinated. We aren't forcing the vaccines on people and each parent is making their own decision on the matter. At the end of the day, the parents are responsible for their children. To set a personal example, I took my son David to get vaccinated in the first couple of days. There is a need for the public to cooperate. The good news is that the public is demonstrating maturity and understanding that it is in partnership with the government."

'We won't fight the previous war'

Q: Are you at peace with the education minister's decision not to provide vaccinations at schools, even if the Education Ministry could have saved mass transmission?

"If I look to either side, at the countries that shut down schools or the countries where there is no problem, I think that [the situation] is being managed – and I take personal responsibility – according to a rational, very proactive, Israeli model. The guiding principle is good, and allows the country to keep running. We haven't declared a day of lockdown. We began the school year as scheduled, and I'm talking about a once-in-a-century pandemic. Compared to the rest of the world, we're OK. We are discussed as a model. I was the first world leader who informed the public about the Omicron variant and shut down air travel. The previous concept was to tell the public 'don't leave your homes, we'll give you money.' Now the concept is a lot of activity. In the past, I've spoken about a hammer vs. pincers. The hammer is a lockdown, and I don't think we need to go there. The pincer is testing.

"We've made a huge effort, but ultimately, when it comes to schools where a mobile vaccination station is set up and only 13 out of 400 [students] bring a permission slip for the vaccine, it's not necessarily a success. Nothing can replace parental responsibility. I'm calling on anyone who still hasn't gotten vaccinated to get vaccinated. We're also the first to know that the second booster works."

Q: It took a long time to decide on the new quarantine guidelines. It's strange, considering that there's a de facto lockdown. For a long time, parents aren't going to work and children have been at home.

"I'm not denying that there's a tsunami here. I said at the beginning that we'd be seeing 20,000 to 50,000 new cases a day. We were well prepared as a government. We are compensating parents for the loss [of work days]. We raised the payment for a lost work day from 430 shekels [$134] to 570 shekels [$178]. People who look at the situation with a rational, open mind say, 'Wow, the government is doing the right thing – neither hysteria nor irresponsibility.' For the kids, this is the right time to transition to the mass testing approach. Every kid in Israel will start getting tested twice a week. It's an exceptional tool to fight a pandemic."

Q: Is this how we beat a pandemic?

"A pandemic is defeated through a lot of initiative, a lot of flexibility. When you don't fight the previous war. You manage a pandemic looking ahead, not back."

Q: One of the disadvantages in being a public figure is that people always remind you of things you said in the past. More so, things you wrote. Do you regret your book [How to Defeat a Pandemic]?

"Not at all!" Bennett turns to the large bookshelf behind him glancing at the biographies and other books in a variety of languages and on a number of subjects, and asks his advisors, "Do we have a copy here?'

The Twitter nation is looking for reasons to joke about that book, which among other things branded Bennett as the man to handle COVID. Bennett is proud of what he wrote, saying, "Actually, everything I preached I'm practicing. I said, opt for testing rather than lockdowns. I said, 100,000 tests [a day], and people told me it was a dream. But we're actually at 400,000! I said, protect the elderly – and we're executing a plan to do so. When I took office everything was falling apart. I said we needed a tool for oversight, that we needed technology, and I set up dozens of sewage testing sites. I'm implementing those exact views," he says.

"Anyone who wants hysteria won't get it from us. I want a government without drama, one that gets up in the morning and gets down to work. In this government we do that, we've been doing that for seven months."

Seven months after it was formed, the discourse is still focused on Bennett's predecessor. In a series of media interviews, Bennett inserted a video about the new quarantine regulations that sniped at Opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu, who is still a key motif in nearly every issue.

Q: Are you still right-wing?

"I'm right-wing, and my positions haven't changed. I still oppose a Palestinian state. A lot of people on the Right tell me quietly that this is a good government. We agree on 70% of the issues. We agree we need better education, and need to fight crime, and build more homes. I feel like this government is saving us.

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"At the same time, I'm saying to people on the Right: 'Look, the prime minister is a man of the Right.' I stood up to the president of the US who asked me about opening a consulate for Palestinians in Jerusalem, and looked him straight in the eye and said, 'Mr. President, you're a true friend of Israel, but I can't answer because Israel has only one capital, Jerusalem, and it is the capital of only one country, Israel.' On the deepest subjects, things are very clear to me. The biggest is that this is a mixed government, but ultimately, that is the policy. In a historic meeting, we brought the entire coalition – Right and Left – to the Golan Heights and decided to double settlement there. It was an exciting move."

Q: You know, even people on the Left are in favor of keeping the Golan Heights.

"So why have we been stuck with only 25,000 Jews living there for decades?"

Q: Maybe because there aren't any jobs?

"Fine. We're working on it, because not too long from now, if we don't, the world will say that Syria has stabilized, let's give up the Golan Heights for the sake of peace."

Q: But when I try to count the achievements of the Right vs. the Left, I see that highway infrastructure development in Judea and Samaria has stopped; that a law has been passed to provide electricity to Bedouin; that Ayelet Shaked's citizenship law failed to pass; that tree-planted in the Negev has stopped; that settlement outposts are being demolished and there are hilltops in Judea and Samaria no one has touched for years.

"No, the opposite. For years, the government handed suitcases full of cash over to Hamas. When I took office, I stopped those transfers. The previous government canceled the Jerusalem Day flag march, and I reinstated it. I just don't make a fuss over every single thing. I told you about the consulate. We've also built in Judea and Samaria – my predecessor didn't build there under the Biden administration. Am I doing everything I want to do? No. When it comes to the tree plantings and the Bedouin, that same night people told me there had been threats and violence. There were a few who said not to plant the trees, and I said they should be planted the next day. There are laws, and they can bring in as many police as they need to – trees will be planted, and after that, I'm willing to talk with everyone.

"The Arab crime that exploded on us during Operation Guardian of the Walls is a matter that has been neglected for years. I set up a team of ministers under my leadership and we're making life miserable for criminal leaders in the Arab sector. Some have fled the country and we're using creative means to pursue them. I'm satisfied, but this is a unity government. It's true. This isn't a government of one side."

Q: You say there are no more suitcases of money for Hamas, but there was already money being deducted from Palestinian Authority [tax revenue], and Defense Minister Benny Gantz gave the PA a loan that will clearly never be paid back. Regional Cooperation Minister Esawi Frej traveled to countries that donate to the PA and asked them to continue.

"This is a complicated government, because the guys on the Right were the ones who insisted on bringing us to a fifth election. They attached themselves to a person rather than to positions. It was a choice between putting the country into an endless spin, a rift, or dropping the ball on a number of issues. This led to a lag in military issues that I'm now closing. I made a decision. I've always invited our friends from the Bibi bloc to join us, but they need to decide which side their bread is buttered on. They made a wrong choice, days before the fifth election. I acted responsibly and I'm proud of it."

'There is a strategy to execute'  

Q: When you look at the unity government and the status quo, it appears as if the Left is violating it and the Right respects it."

"The left-wing side says the same thing. So the truth is probably somewhere in the middle. For the first time, there are no talks with the Palestinians. Instead, we are handling the Golan Heights and Hamas. That didn't exist with Bibi. After seven months of an aggressive approach, I said that an explosives-laden balloon would be met with the same response as a rocket. We're hitting Hamas targets after ignoring them for years, starting with the first arson balloon. A new national camp has arisen that doesn't depend on one person, but is founded on a path. As prime minister, I'm leading that camp. It's a camp that isn't based on rejecting others, but on activity. I'm an activist. I'm saying to our religious Zionist friends, on the Right, there is a prime minister who is right-wing, who wears a kippa. I'm a person of faith and that's important, because I act according to my values."

Q: How?

"In dealing with international leaders, I stand up for our interests. When it comes to Jerusalem, when it comes to the Land of Israel, when it comes to Iran."

Q: What is happening with Iran?

"We inherited a horrible legacy, even before the government was founded. Iran has enriched [uranium] to 60% in facilities it didn't used to have, and gone further than it ever has. When I entered office, I saw the size of the hole we'd been left. We are investing billions in building up our military prowess. That bolsters my right-wing views in the sense that we only have ourselves to depend on. I appreciate our friendship with America, but we need to defend ourselves, and not only with words."

Q: What does that mean, practically speaking?

"I look at Iran as an ongoing battle. For decades, Iran has been an octopus whose tentacles are gripping Israel and Lebanon, the Gaza Strip, and Syria, and Israel has fallen into the trap and is bleeding, while Iran itself – the root of the evil – is safe and distant. We have a cold war by one side only – they hit us, and we don't hit them back. We're changing that equation. We're working every angle to weaken Iran … We'll keep taking action and we won't give up. It's no coincidence we stepped up the number of airstrikes in Syria, as well as the kind of strikes and quality of the targets. This is making things difficult for Iran."

Q: And when a new Iran nuclear deal is signed?

"The process toward a new deal in Vienna is very wrong. With or without a deal, we have a strategy to execute. Even if a new deal is signed, Israel won't be obligated to it. We aren't part of it, and Israel will retain full freedom of action in any situation. I'm implementing that daily and not only in words, but also in actions."

Q: Gantz has met with PA leader Mahmoud Abbas, Lapid with his predicted successor, and former IDF Chief Gadi Eizenkot is talking about entering politics and a vision for two states. Is it possible that new Oslo Accords are being formed right under your nose, to be implemented as soon as the rotation for prime minister takes place?

"As long as I'm prime minister, there is no Oslo process, and if there will be one, there won't be a government. I oppose a Palestinian state and am also not allowing talks on the line of a Palestinian state."

Q: The frequent meetings with Abbas and his successor aren't feelers for a new Oslo deal?

"I won't meet with anyone who persecutes IDF soldiers in the [International Criminal Court] in The Hague and sends money to murderers. My partners – Gantz and Lapid – hold different views. They represent the Left's positions, and that's legitimate as long as when it comes to action, we stay within the common ground we established."

Q: These meetings aren't actions?

"No. My predecessor also met with Abbas a number of times, and with Palestinian flags waving in the background. It's not the end of the world. I'm not judging my partners. I'm allowing it. They don't have the authority to move on diplomatic issues. They are talking about economics, and I'm in favor of strengthening trade with the Palestinians."

'Not looking for a quick win'

Q: A year ago one could hear the education minister talking about vaccines, the health minister talking about making decisions based on data, and the finance minister talking about the Haredim or the settlements and know what Naftali Bennett thought. Now the public has the sense that it is certain about the prime minister's ideology.

"My values and views haven't changed. I'm a Jewish Israeli, a right-wing patriot, and my parents raised me on these values. That hasn't changed. What has become significant is that as prime minister I see supreme importance in unity and connection. We need to calm down. We lost the first and second temples, we won't get another chance and we don't need to highlight differences and increase hatred."

Q: Do you think the people understand that?

"That's my mission. I'm not looking for a quick win. I come with a different compass – I don't owe anything to any lobbyist, only to God and the people of Israel, and I believe that ultimately, the public wants these considerations and this path. Ideologically, the distance between a Yamina member and a Likud member isn't large. There is no dispute about the Land of Israel. The dispute is about the path we take. Do we curse and scream at each other? An hour after a former Supreme Court chief justice dies, do we take the approach of [MK Bezalel] Smotrich and say nasty things? They took the name 'Religious Zionist,' but they don't have the rights to that path. I was raised in religious Zionism, and it includes people who want to connect both sides."

Q: Your family is paying a heavy price. Is it worth it?

"The price is heavy. Especially for the kids, who didn't choose this and don't like it at all. I always try to bring them in, explain what Dad is doing. Forming this government was the hardest thing I've done in my life, harder than any business or political move. I knew that a huge machine generating poison and hatred would be aimed at me and my children. Before the fifth election, I called my kids and Gilat, my wife, who are not involved, and told them I was going to do something. When I realized Bibi couldn't form another government and that we'd soon be having another election, I knew the country couldn't take it. Things were paralyzed and there wasn't even a budget for the IDF. I told my family – 'They'll say Dad is a traitor and call us names.'"

Q: Is your family counting down until Lapid takes over as prime minister?

"The kids are. But we're OK. Shabbat is the calm time, that's the stability and the normalcy, and in that sense, home is a real haven. My family is suffering, but I'm at peace with the move. I'm a man of faith and I have great confidence that I made the right move: we are an effective government, and that's the biggest privilege I could dream of – carrying the baton of leadership for the Jewish state. It's not something to take for granted.

"This time of the year 80 years ago, the Wannsee Conference took place, where the German systematically planed the genocide of the Jewish people. The lesson I take from that is that we need to fight for the country tooth and nail. So even if I have to pay a heavy price, it's a price I pay with understanding."

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The Alfis winter storm system made its way to Israel in the early hours of Wednesday morning, and is expected to high winds and heavy rain to most of the country, starting in the north and spreading to the coastal areas.

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Overnight between Tuesday and Wednesday, Mount Hermon and the northern Golan Heights saw another round of snowfall, with accumulation of some 20 cm (eight inches) by mid-morning Wednesday. Hilly regions of the Galilee and central Israel, including Jerusalem, at altitudes of 700 meters (2,200 feet) and higher were also expected to receive snow later Wednesday.

Video: Golan Heights Regional Council

Meteo-Tech Meteorological Services forecast that Jerusalem could see accumulation of 10-20 cm (four to eight inches) of snow; while Golan communities at the 1,000-meter (3,300-foot) altitude and higher could see 40-50 cm (16-20 inches) of snow on the ground.

Heavy rain, thunderstorms, and hail heavy enough to cause flooding were expected in the lower-lying coast, coastal plain, and rural ravines starting Wednesday afternoon. Meanwhile, haze and sandstorms were affecting air quality in the Negev.

The precipitation was forecast to bring with it unusually cold temperatures.

In preparation for the winter storm conditions, the Israel Police decided to close down several highways on the Golan Heights, and informed the public that more routes might be closed later in the day. The Transportation Ministry has warned that the storm might affect public transportation.

The Jerusalem Municipality has set up a special situation room to handle the needs of residents during the storm.  The school day in Safed ended early on Wednesday, while schools on the Golan Heights were also preparing to close.

Farther to the south, the Har Hebron Regional Council was also making preparations for snow. The Israel Electric Corporation has set up generators in areas of the Hebron Hills where power outages were expected. The council has also called in trucks and snowplows  from Netivei Israel- National Transport Infrastructure Company and the IDF to "handle" the snow.

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Syrian media outlets aligned with rebel forces in the country reported artillery fire adjacent to Quneitra near the Golan Heights border with Israel Wednesday night.

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In a statement, the IDF Spokesperson's Unit said that while carrying out operations in the Golan Heights, troops "identified a number of suspects at military positions adjacent to the force's location. The force fired flares and warning shots" from tanks, "causing them to flee to Syrian territory."

A reporter identified with Syrian President Bashar Assad's regime reported that IDF tanks had attacked sites in al-Hurriyah in the Quneitra Governorate. 

Media outlets aligned with Syrian opposition forces reported the attack had targeted Iranian militia sites near the village. According to a report by Al Arabiya, the sites had been used by Hezbollah.

According to the reports, helicopters and drones were seen overhead near the border with Israel. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in the incident or property was damaged.

Two fires erupted in areas near where the shots had been fired, according to a report by the Beirut-based pan-Arab Al Mayadeen network.

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Days after Israel Hayom reported that the government was poised to allocate hundreds of millions of shekels to double the population of the Golan Heights, cabinet members approved the massive spending plan. Cabinet members were tested for COVID ahead of the special meeting at Kibbutz Mevo Hama on the Golan.

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The Golan Heights development program, which Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Justice Minister Gideon Sa'ar are spearheading, includes an investment of over 500 million shekels ($159 million) to create more housing on the Golan, particularly in the community of Katzrin (the largest Jewish town in the Golan Heights), improve local infrastructure, found two new communities (to be named Asif and Matar), each of which would comprise thousands of housing units.

The plan also includes extensive demining budgets to clear large swaths of land and have them transferred from military to civilian control. About a quarter of the funds will go to improving public transportation so that residents of the area would be able to travel more easily to major cities in central Israel for work and pleasure.

A major component of the plan will include a boost to emergency medical care providers and a revamping of the education system, thus allowing more access to a variety of schooling options.

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