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Houthi official hospitalized for months after Israeli strikes

adin — Wed, 26 Nov 2025 07:00:46 +0000

Houthi Interior Minister Abd al-Karim Amir al-Din al-Houthi has been hospitalized in recent months following IDF strikes, according to the Yemeni news site Defense Line.

According to two security sources, the minister, who is also the uncle of Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, was wounded in Israeli attacks, and the terror organization has been trying to maintain complete secrecy about his condition.

Video: IDF strikes targets in Saana, Yemen. Credit: Arab media

Additionally, the sources reported that the senior Houthi official's health condition has been deteriorating, and he has undergone more than one complex surgery. The Yemeni site, which opposes the Houthis, noted that since Operation Drop of Luck, in which the Houthi prime minister and nine ministers were killed at the end of August, the interior minister has not appeared publicly. His last public appearance was on August 17 when he led a security meeting at his ministry headquarters to discuss preparations for "Prophet's Birthday" events.

Currently, Houthi Deputy Interior Minister Abd al-Majid al-Murtada is responsible for managing the ministry and has been active at various events. During Israeli strikes last summer, the "Houthi Chief of Staff" Abd al-Karim al-Rhamari was killed. For weeks, the terror organization concealed his death before acknowledging it. Youssef al-Madani was appointed in al-Rhamari's place. According to foreign reports, Iran also sent the official responsible for the Yemen portfolio in the Quds Force of the Revolutionary Guards to assist the Houthis.

Last month, sources in Yemen reported that the terror organization's "defense minister," Mohammed Nasser al-Atifi, was also wounded in the Israeli strike last August. According to the sources, al-Atifi was hospitalized at one of the hospitals.

Meanwhile, the Houthis published a condolence message to Hezbollah in recent days following the killing of senior organization official Haytham Ali Tabatabai. In a letter sent by organization leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, it was written that he "relies on Hezbollah and its ability to overcome difficulties." He also called for "conscious and responsible action to confront the enemy and expose all attempts to lull the nation regarding Israel."

Tabatabai previously commanded Hezbollah's special forces in Yemen. In this capacity, he assisted the Houthis during the civil war. According to foreign reports, Hezbollah has advised the Houthis over the years on various matters. In this sense, Tabatabai's death was another blow to the Houthis after the killing of Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah.

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Houthis fear local uprising, make hundreds of arrests

miriw — Thu, 25 Sep 2025 06:00:36 +0000

The Houthi terror regime is on high alert ahead of tomorrow (Friday): the anniversary of the "September 26 Revolution" in north Yemen, when the Imamate rule was overthrown more than 60 years ago. Houthis fear widespread demonstrations that characterized this day in previous years. Against this backdrop, they have conducted hundreds of arrests across multiple provinces and cities under their control, including the capital Sana'a.

September 26, 1962, marked the beginning of an eight-year civil war in north Yemen. On that day, Shiite-Zaydi Imam Muhammad al-Badr was overthrown by rebels who received support from Nasser's Egypt. The war ended with victory for those "republicans."

Today, the Houthis maintain a de facto monarchical rule. Abd al-Malik al-Houthi serves as the undisputed leader, while official positions are held by his associates, such as Political Council head Mahdi al-Mashat and members of Sana'a's puppet government who survived the recent strike. Thus, the Houthis view the commemoration of that day as an opposition to their rule.

A TV screen shows Houthi military spokesman Yahya Sarea delivering a televised statement in Sana'a, Yemen, 24 September 2025 (Photo: EPA/Yahya Arhab) EPA

Sources in Yemen told Saudi newspaper Al-Sharq Al-Awsat that at least 275 people were arrested in recent days in Sana'a, Hajjah, Dhamar, and Ibb provinces. Detainees include officials, students, social activists, and writers. All are suspected of intending to mark the revolution's anniversary.

Among prominent detainees: Yemeni poet Awras al-Eryani and writer Ziad Majed, abducted in Sana'a. The poet's family members said his life is in danger, as he suffers from diabetes and chronic illnesses requiring medical treatment. Following his arrest, dozens of Yemeni writers called for his immediate release.

Al-Eryani tends to mock the Sana'a regime, arousing Houthi anger. Marking the anniversary of the terror movement's coup, he wrote on Facebook: "The Yemeni citizen reaches into his pocket and finds nothing but Houthi hands." As for Majed, he dared to share poems praising the "September 26 Revolution" day.

Meanwhile, the Houthis' internal security apparatus issued a warning, accusing anyone who marks the revolution's anniversary of being an "enemy agent" seeking to implement "malicious plans" aimed at harming the internal front.

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Houthi drone hits crowded shopping mall in Eilat

omrif — Wed, 24 Sep 2025 16:45:10 +0000

A drone launched from Yemen struck Eilat on Wednesday evening. Initial reports indicate that a drone struck the tourist district near the "Mall Hayam" shopping center.

Magen David Adom teams evacuated 48 casualties: a 70-year-old man in serious condition with a partial amputation of his upper limbs, a 21-year-old man in serious condition with shrapnel wounds to the chest, one person in moderate condition, 18 in mild condition, and two suffering from anxiety.

The Israeli Air Force said attempts were made to intercept the drone before it fell in the city's tourism district. Security officials are investigating how the aircraft evaded Israel's multilayered air defense systems and exploded in such a crowded area.

Video: The moment the drone struck Eilat

The incident triggered sirens in Eilat as residents reported hearing multiple explosions. Police units cordoned off the impact site, and bomb disposal experts were dispatched to determine whether debris at the scene came from an interceptor missile or the unmanned aircraft itself.

The IDF confirmed that the drone had been launched from Yemen and fell within the Eilat area. Search and rescue forces were deployed immediately after the impact.

The attack sparked concern among security officials given the location of the explosion, directly across from one of Eilat's busiest shopping malls, packed with tourists and locals. The air force is now conducting a full investigation into how the hostile drone managed to bypass Israel's air defenses.

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Israel is in danger of facing Iran in a weakened position

omrif — Thu, 04 Sep 2025 11:00:29 +0000

Gaza. Everyone this week was talking about victory. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu promised we are on the verge of it, while IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir made clear the fighting will not stop until it is achieved. Neither of them, nor anyone else, explained what victory actually means, or how we will know we have reached it.

In military terms, victory has clear parameters: inflicting heavy losses on the enemy, stripping away much of its capabilities, sometimes also its territory, undermining its ability to recover for a prolonged period, and deterring it from resuming violent conflict. It does not mean eliminating every last fighter or weapon, nor even raising a white flag. The enemy is defeated when it is obvious to all that it has been defeated, not by whether it can fire one more bullet, but by the scale of damage it has sustained and its ability to recover.

By that professional standard, Hamas has long since been defeated. It has lost the bulk of its fighting force, its entire senior leadership and many of its commanders, as well as a significant share of its infrastructure and weapons stockpiles. It will take years to rebuild, and it has certainly been deterred. If so, Israel must clarify what kind of victory it is seeking beyond the one already achieved. In four words: What is the goal?

Airdrop of humanitarian aid over Gaza. Photo: AFP AFP

Whenever a military force is sent on a mission, there must be a clear goal. If there is no goal, it will never be reached. Goals can change. In the war with Iran, the objectives were to inflict major damage on Iran's nuclear and missile programs, including by striking infrastructure, weaponry, senior commanders and top scientists. These were defined and measurable goals, who and what was hit, how badly, and for how long they were rendered inoperable, that enabled focused intelligence and operational efforts and prevented the campaign from dragging on endlessly. Once those goals were achieved, the campaign ended.

In Gaza, the goal remains unclear. Is it freeing the hostages? Killing every single Hamas terrorist? Finding and destroying every tunnel? Demolishing buildings? Expelling the entire population from Gaza? Each of these would be a separate mission requiring a different set of actions, some of them contradictory. No one has told the IDF what is expected of it, how it will know it has won, so it is destined to chase its own shadow without ever catching it.

This is no academic debate. Tens of thousands of reservists called up this week deserve to understand what they are being asked to do. Millions of citizens praying for their safe return home deserve to know as well. Instead, they are getting slogans, while it is a time to get answers. As long as they are not provided, the suspicion grows that victory is not the goal at all - but something else. As Zamir reportedly told the cabinet this week: You were here on October 7. Two years have passed since then. Now you suddenly remember to talk about victory?

The blame. Zamir is a loyal soldier of the State of Israel. Any attempt to portray him otherwise is the product of some self-serving campaign. He voices his views honestly in closed forums, and once a decision is made, he salutes and carries it out, even if it contradicts his opinion.

In the absence of clear mission definitions, the government is deliberately setting him up for failure, ensuring that the inevitable lack of victory will be pinned on him and the IDF. Take any parameter you like, such as casualties in the expected ground maneuver. The cabinet was shown data from the previous takeover of Gaza in late 2023: 122 soldiers were killed. The current projection is similar (fewer during the initial takeover, more during the holding and clearing phases). It is the IDF's duty to provide such assessments, since they must inform decisions. But the smear machine cares less: it was sent to claim the IDF is scaremongering. After all, they say, in the war with Iran the military warned of hundreds of fatalities and that didn't happen, so why believe them now?

IDF troops operate in the Gaza Strip. Photo: IDF Spokesperson's Unit

It didn't happen in the war with Iran because the IDF's strikes disrupted Iran's firing plans. Initially, Iran intended to launch hundreds of missiles in the first hour and hundreds more each day thereafter. Had that happened, casualties and damage would have skyrocketed. The elimination of commanders and destruction of launchers forced Iran to change its plans. The IDF deserves a commendation for that, not criticism.

Or consider the evacuation of Gaza's civilian population. There are about a million people in Gaza. So far, only a few tens of thousands have moved south, toward the central camps and al-Mawasi. The IDF is investing major effort, using both carrots and sticks, to persuade them to go. They are told they will receive better food and medical care there, and that they will be safer. They are also warned that in Gaza City they face mortal danger. Yet most are waiting. For two years now, they have moved back and forth, and many will likely wait until the big operation actually begins. Even then, some will stay - perhaps 300,000 to 400,000, by some estimates.

If the IDF fails to move them, the IDF will be blamed. If forces have to slow down their maneuver because civilians remain, the IDF will be blamed. If it must use less firepower to avoid mass civilian casualties, the IDF will be blamed. If that results in soldiers being killed, the IDF will be blamed. If that results in hostages being killed, the IDF will be blamed. If all this leads to a rise in global hostility toward Israel, with boycotts and antisemitism, the IDF will be blamed. If reservist turnout declines, the IDF will be blamed. If the promised victory does not materialize, the IDF will be blamed. As Yair Nitzani once sang: the blame is always the same, always on the one.

The Houthis. Amid the chaos, one unprecedented success in the fight against terrorism has been pushed aside: the decapitation of the Houthi leadership in Yemen. The strike last Thursday was the product of precise intelligence and impressive operational flexibility by the Israeli Air Force. Its results exceeded expectations, but as always, the consequences will only be known in hindsight.

Three key factors made this success possible. First, defining the Houthis as a target (to return to the point about goals) once they joined the war and began firing missiles and drones at Israel. Second, their strike near Ben-Gurion Airport, which caused strategic damage to Israel by forcing foreign airlines to suspend flights for a prolonged period. Third, lessons from the Iran campaign, in which the IDF managed to overcome the long distance, turn the so-called third circle into a first circle, and achieve full operational freedom there.

The success was no accident. The eliminated Houthi leadership

The Houthis lost their prime minister, Ahmed al-Rahawi, and many senior officials, including some directly relevant to the fight against Israel. They did not lose their all-powerful leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, who will now have to decide what to do. In the short term, he is likely to seek revenge: in the past week, several rockets and drones were launched but intercepted.

The question is what will happen in the longer term. Israel hopes to push the Houthis into a familiar survival dilemma: launches equal strikes equal assassinations. In other words, anyone who orders or participates in more launches will be killed, as happened last week. Whether this will impress or deter the current Houthi leadership is unclear. It may be necessary to eliminate them as well before the message sinks in.

Two side notes. First, interceptors. Israel is running low, and every Houthi missile fired depletes stockpiles needed for more serious contingencies, such as a renewed war with Iran (which is not currently on the agenda, contrary to unfounded social media rumors).

Second, the cabinet's decision this week to meet in a secret location out of fear of Houthi retaliation. Beyond the lack of any real security justification, this was unnecessary panic. Unlike the IDF, the Houthis have no ability to accurately strike a specific meeting room. A regular bomb shelter is sufficient to protect against any fallout from their missiles, which are certainly less dangerous than a media interview, let alone a state commission of inquiry.

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Monster in plain sight: How Israel missed the Houthi threat

omrif — Thu, 22 May 2025 15:38:43 +0000

The intelligence failures that preceded the Swords of Iron War are expected to include a significant section on the Houthis. For nearly a decade, a new military threat to Israel had been building in Yemen. But it received little attention, as greater concern was placed on perceived more immediate threats like Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas. Though the Houthis were occasionally mentioned in defense briefings and assessments, it was mostly in passing. Despite Israel's awareness of the Houthis' long-range capabilities, many were caught off guard when the group launched dozens of missiles and drones at Israel, and increased their rate of fire over time. According to Israeli military data, out of the dozens of missiles fired at Israel, about 45 penetrated Israeli airspace, with more than 25 of them since mid-March, when the Israel Defense Forces resumed combat in the Gaza Strip.

Throughout the prolonged fighting, Israeli air defense achieved phenomenal interception rates, over 90%. But as repeatedly proven during the war, no defense system is perfect. The few that get through can cause significant damage. Two weeks ago, a Yemeni missile that eluded both the US THAAD system and Israel's Arrow system left a massive crater at Israel's main international airport. It marked a significant psychological win for the Houthis and led dozens of foreign airlines to suspend flights to Israel indefinitely. Contrary to Houthi claims, the missiles they launch at Israel are not hypersonic and lack special maneuvering abilities. But interception systems can still fail for a variety of reasons.

Iran's testbed

To understand how to potentially counter the Houthi threat, it is useful to revisit the group's roots and how it came to power. The Houthis are an extremist Shiite movement from Yemen's northern Saada province, formed in part due to neglect by the Yemeni government and growing Shiite zealotry inspired by the Iranian revolution. Yemen lacks advanced Western-style communication and IT infrastructure, and the Houthis themselves live simply, relying on far-flung tribal networks.

The group promotes a vehemently anti-Western ideology, with the slogan: "Death to America, death to Israel, curse the Jews, victory to Islam." Like Hamas and Hezbollah, the Houthis operate a civilian wing that claims to provide public services, alongside an armed faction that has grown into a de facto army.

Houthi rebels in Yemen. Photo: AP

They began rising up against the local government in 2004. Ironically, the harsh crackdown only strengthened them. The Arab Spring in 2011 gave them further momentum, and by the end of 2014, they had seized Sana'a, Yemen's capital, and became the de facto ruling force in northern Yemen.

From 2015 to April 2022, the Houthis fought a coalition of Sunni Arab states led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which sought to restore Yemen's former Sunni government. Throughout the conflict, Iran provided the Houthis with substantial financial aid and massive quantities of ammunition, personal weapons, missiles, and drones, effectively using Yemen as a testing ground for its military hardware.

During those seven years of war, the Houthis launched missiles and drones at Saudi Arabia, targeting both civilian and military infrastructure. Some of those missiles had ranges of up to 1,200 kilometers (750 miles).

"More urgent threats"

At the time, Israel mostly observed the developments from afar. Some red flags did appear, especially after major attacks on Saudi and Emirati targets, such as a March 2021 strike on Aramco oil facilities. The very next day, Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps made veiled threats linking the Houthi attack to a possible strike on Eilat. The message was clear: the Houthis could serve as an Iranian proxy against Israel.

Once the fighting with the Arab states ended, the Houthis retained a substantial arsenal of drones, cruise missiles, and long-range ballistic missiles. Some in Israel warned that once the Houthis finished their war in Saudi Arabia, they would turn their weapons on Israel. In June 2022, then-Defense Minister Benny Gantz said the Houthis were amassing dozens of such weapons in violation of international arms embargoes. Less than a month before October 7, 2023, the Houthis unveiled a new long-range missile believed by most analysts to be intended for Israel. Still, intelligence gathering on the Houthis remained a low priority, overshadowed by Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas.

The supreme leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Photo: AFP

On October 27, 2023, Houthi drones reached the Gulf of Eilat for the first time and were intercepted. Four days later, they launched their first surface-to-surface missile at Israel. Since then, the pace of attacks has fluctuated in correlation with Israeli operations in Gaza: they decrease when Israel pauses its campaign, and intensify when combat resumes.

For many Israelis, the Houthis are a confusing enemy, seemingly primitive, yet armed with advanced weapons backed by a state sponsor. With Hamas and Hezbollah weakened, the Houthis have taken the lead within the Iranian-led Shiite axis, triggering mass alerts that drive millions of Israelis into bomb shelters and causing significant economic and logistical damage. Their prominence in attacks against Israel has only boosted their confidence and motivation.

Too far, too isolated, too determined

For four months, Israel refrained from striking the Houthis militarily, leaving the task to the US. The Americans carried out hundreds of airstrikes, but they failed to halt the rocket fire. According to estimates, the Houthis continue to manufacture a small number of missiles weekly, and their stockpile still includes dozens, if not hundreds more, that could be fired at Israel.

Israel has conducted several strikes in Yemen, mainly targeting economic infrastructure such as ports and airports. Just last Friday, Israeli forces hit Houthi-run ports. However, analysts believe that within a month, the Houthis will be able to resume operations at the damaged facilities. In fact, last weekend, they already resumed using an airport that had been bombed only a week earlier. Past experience suggests that neither Israeli nor American airstrikes are enough to halt Houthi aggression, and that the group's poor living conditions make economic pressure ineffective as a deterrent.

Yemen's distance from Israel makes routine airstrikes extremely challenging. It is doubtful that the Houthis can be defeated militarily, especially given their resilience, isolated geography, and ability to withstand prolonged pressure.

The war in Israel has transformed the Houthis from an obscure fringe group into a central regional player and a challenge to the entire region. They have already severely harmed Egypt's economy, paralyzed the Port of Eilat, and continue to expand their influence. To their delight, even the Americans have recently halted military action against them, with former US President Donald Trump saying the US had "surrendered" to the Houthis.

The US THAAD system. Photo: AFP

Some believe that, like Hamas and Hezbollah, the Houthis can only be defeated with "boots on the ground", an option Israel is very unlikely to consider. Local anti-Houthi forces in Yemen cannot succeed without broad external backing. Another approach under consideration is to strike Iran, which funds and arms the Houthis. But even that may not stop the rocket fire, as the Houthis are not directly subordinate to the Iranian regime.

The bottom line, as of now, is that no one in Israel is optimistic the Houthi missile threat can be stopped by military force alone. The frequent sirens sending millions of Israelis into shelters may continue, as long as the Houthis choose to keep launching rockets.

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NYT reveals major failure in Trump's Houthi campaign

ErezL — Tue, 13 May 2025 03:52:50 +0000

President Donald Trump terminated the military operation targeting the Houthi group in Yemen after 30 days of bombing failed to achieve decisive results and consumed approximately $1 billion in resources, according to The New York Times reporting based on interviews with over a dozen officials familiar with internal discussions.

Houthi supporters shout slogans during an anti-USA protest, in Sana'a, Yemen, May 2, 2025 (EPA / Yahya Arhab) EPA / Yahya Arhab

The administration originally approved an extensive campaign aimed at reopening shipping lanes in the Red Sea by forcing the Houthi fighters into submission, with Trump demanding visible progress within 30 days of the initial strikes. When that deadline passed without significant achievements, the president's patience expired, The New York Times revealed.

During the first month of intensified operations, Houthi forces managed to shoot down several American MQ-9 Reaper drones worth approximately $30 million each while continuing to launch missiles at vessels in the Red Sea, including an American aircraft carrier. The financial burden of the operation quickly mounted as the US depleted weapons and munitions at a staggering rate, The New York Times reported.

An RAF Typhoon aircraft takes off to join the US-led coalition from RAF Akrotiri to conduct air strikes against military targets in Yemen, aimed at the Iran-backed Houthi militia that has been targeting international shipping in the Red Sea, in Cyprus, in this handout picture released on January 12, 2024 (Reuters / Sgt Lee Goddard/UK MOD/)

Compounding these challenges, two F/A-18 Super Hornets worth $67 million each accidentally fell from America's flagship aircraft carrier into the sea during operations against the Houthis, according to officials who spoke with The New York Times.

By this point, Trump had grown disillusioned with the campaign. His Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff, already engaged in Omani-mediated nuclear discussions with Iran, learned from Omani officials about a potential exit strategy from the Houthi conflict – the US would cease bombing while the Yemeni group would stop targeting American vessels, though without pledging to end disruptions to shipping supporting Israel, American and Arab officials told The New York Times.

The White House subsequently ordered US Central Command to "pause" offensive operations on May 5, bringing the operation to an abrupt conclusion. During his announcement of hostilities ending, Trump expressed near admiration for the group he had earlier promised would be "completely annihilated."

"We hit them very hard and they had a great ability to withstand punishment," Trump said. "You could say there was a lot of bravery there." He added that "they gave us their word that they wouldn't be shooting at ships anymore, and we honor that."

Whether this arrangement holds remains uncertain. The Houthis launched a ballistic missile toward Israel on Friday, triggering air raid sirens that forced people off beaches in Tel Aviv, though Israeli air defenses intercepted the projectile, according to The New York Times reporting.

The premature declaration of success against the Houthis demonstrates how certain members of Trump's national security team underestimated a group renowned for its resilience. General Michael E. Kurilla, who heads Central Command, had advocated for forceful action, initially supported by the defense secretary and national security adviser, according to several officials with knowledge of the discussions. Despite the intense bombing campaign, the Houthis managed to fortify many of their bunkers and weapons depots, The New York Times noted.

More significantly, these advisers misjudged their commander-in-chief's tolerance for military engagements in the region, which he is visiting this week with stops in Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Trump has consistently opposed prolonged military involvements in the Middle East and dedicated his first term to withdrawing troops from Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq, according to The New York Times.

Trump's recently appointed chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Dan Caine, harbored concerns that a prolonged campaign against the Houthis would divert military resources away from the Asia-Pacific region. His predecessor, General Charles Q. Brown Jr., shared similar views before being dismissed in February, The New York Times reported.

By May 5, Trump was prepared to conclude the operation, according to multiple officials interviewed by The New York Times.

"We honor their commitment and their word," Trump stated in remarks at the White House on Wednesday.

White House spokeswoman Anna Kelly provided a statement to The New York Times saying: "President Trump successfully delivered a ceasefire, which is another good deal for America and our security." She added that the US military had carried out more than 1,100 strikes, killing hundreds of Houthi fighters and destroying their weapons and equipment.

A US F/A-18 Super Hornet attack fighter jet taking off from the US Navy's Nimitz-class USS Harry S. Truman aircraft carrier at sea on March 16, 2025. Strikes hit Yemen's Huthi-held capital Sanaa on March 15 (AFP / Hunter DAY / DVIDS)

Sean Parnell, the chief Pentagon spokesman, emphasized that the operation was always intended to be limited. "Every aspect of the campaign was coordinated at the highest levels of civilian and military leadership," he said in an emailed statement to The New York Times.

A former senior official familiar with discussions about Yemen defended Michael Waltz, Trump's former national security adviser, stating he fulfilled a coordinating role without advocating any policy beyond wanting to implement the president's objectives, according to The New York Times.

General Kurilla had been targeting the Houthis since November 2023, when the group began attacking vessels traversing the Red Sea as a way to oppose Israel's Gaza operation, The New York Times reported.

However, former President Joseph R. Biden Jr. believed that engaging the Houthis in a major campaign would enhance their global profile. Instead, he authorized more restricted strikes against the group, which failed to deter the Houthis, according to The New York Times.

With Trump as his new commander-in-chief, General Kurilla proposed an 8-10 month campaign where Air Force and Navy warplanes would eliminate Houthi air defense systems. Following this, US forces would conduct targeted assassinations modeled after Israel's recent operation against Hezbollah, three US officials told The New York Times.

Saudi officials supported General Kurilla's strategy and provided a list of 12 senior Houthi leaders whose elimination, they claimed, would cripple the movement. The United Arab Emirates, another key US ally in the region, expressed less confidence, noting that the Houthis had endured years of Saudi and Emirati bombardment, The New York Times reported.

By early March, Trump had approved portions of General Kurilla's plan – airstrikes targeting Houthi air defense systems and operations against the group's leadership. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth designated the campaign Operation Rough Rider, according to The New York Times.

At some point, General Kurilla's 8-10 month strategy was compressed to just 30 days to demonstrate results, The New York Times noted.

During those initial 30 days, the Houthis downed seven American MQ-9 drones (valued at approximately $30 million each), hampering Central Command's capacity to monitor and target the group. Several American F-16s and an F-35 fighter jet narrowly avoided being hit by Houthi air defenses, raising the possibility of American casualties, multiple US officials told The New York Times.

That possibility became reality when two pilots and a flight deck crew member suffered injuries in two separate incidents involving F/A-18 Super Hornets, which plunged into the Red Sea from the aircraft carrier Harry S. Truman within a 10-day period, The New York Times reported.

Meanwhile, several members of Trump's national security team were managing fallout from revelations that Hegseth had jeopardized US pilots by sharing operational plans about the strikes in a Signal app chat. Waltz had initiated the chat and unintentionally included a journalist, according to The New York Times.

American strikes had targeted more than 1,000 locations, including command and control facilities, air defense systems, advanced weapons manufacturing facilities and storage sites, the Pentagon reported. Additionally, more than a dozen senior Houthi leaders had been killed, the military stated, according to The New York Times.

The operation's cost was enormous, however. The Pentagon had deployed two aircraft carriers, additional B-2 bombers and fighter jets, as well as Patriot and THAAD air defenses to the Middle East, officials acknowledged privately. By the end of the first 30 days, expenditures had surpassed $1 billion, The New York Times learned.

So many precision munitions were being utilized, particularly advanced long-range weapons, that Pentagon contingency planners grew increasingly worried about overall stockpiles and implications for scenarios where the US might need to counter a potential Chinese invasion of Taiwan, according to The New York Times.

Throughout this period, the Houthis continued firing at vessels and drones while reinforcing their bunkers and relocating weapons stockpiles underground, The New York Times reported.

The White House began requesting metrics of success from Central Command, which responded by providing data on munitions deployed. The intelligence community indicated "some degradation" of Houthi capabilities but argued the group could easily rebuild, officials told The New York Times.

Senior national security officials contemplated two options. They could intensify operations for up to another month and then conduct "freedom of navigation" exercises in the Red Sea using two carrier groups, the Carl Vinson and the Truman. If the Houthis refrained from attacking these vessels, the Trump administration would claim victory, according to The New York Times.

Alternatively, officials said, the campaign could be extended to allow Yemeni government forces time to resume efforts to expel the Houthis from the capital and key ports, The New York Times reported.

Smoke rises as huge fire erupted at a cement factory in Yemen after the Israeli military said it carried out airstrikes against Hodeidah Port and its vicinity on May 6, 2025 (Al-Masirah / Reuters)

In late April, Hegseth organized a video conference with Saudi and Emirati officials and senior representatives from the State Department and White House to develop a sustainable strategy and achievable outcome they could present to the president, according to The New York Times.

The group failed to reach consensus, US officials told The New York Times.

Now participating in discussions on the Houthi operation was General Caine, Trump's new Joint Chiefs chairman, who questioned the value of an extended campaign. General Caine, aides said, worried about diverting assets he considered necessary for the Pacific region, The New York Times reported.

Also skeptical of continuing the operation were Vice President JD Vance; Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard; Secretary of State Marco Rubio; and Trump's Chief of Staff, Susie Wiles. Hegseth, according to individuals familiar with the discussions, vacillated between both positions, The New York Times noted.

Trump himself had become the most significant skeptic, according to The New York Times.

On April 28, the Truman had to execute a sudden maneuver at sea to avoid incoming Houthi fire, several US officials told The New York Times. This contributed to the loss of one Super Hornet, which was being towed at the time and fell overboard. That same day, dozens of people died in a US attack that struck a migrant facility controlled by the Houthis, according to the group and aid officials, The New York Times reported.

Then on May 4, a Houthi ballistic missile bypassed Israel's aerial defenses and hit near Ben-Gurion International Airport outside Tel Aviv, according to The New York Times.

On Tuesday, two pilots aboard another Super Hornet, again on the Truman, were forced to eject after their fighter jet failed to catch the steel cable on the carrier deck, sending the plane into the Red Sea, The New York Times reported.

By then, Trump had decided to declare the operation successful, according to The New York Times.

Houthi officials and their supporters quickly proclaimed victory as well, promoting a social media hashtag that read "Yemen defeats America," The New York Times noted.

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In 50 overnight strikes: US hits Houthi bases, weapons depots

omrif — Sun, 20 Apr 2025 06:57:34 +0000

The US-led coalition's latest operation in Yemen: Arab media reported overnight Saturday-Sunday that the coalition carried out 50 airstrikes on Houthi targets across four provinces—Sanaa, Al-Hudaydah, Amran, and Marib.

According to the reports, the airstrikes targeted sites and positions belonging to the pro-Iranian terrorist organization. In Sanaa province, strikes hit weapons depots and shelters southeast of the capital. North of the capital, additional Houthi positions were targeted, with two fatalities reported. A headquarters of the group in the Al-Safiyah area was also bombed. Further attacks hit storage sites, shelters, and additional posts, with at least one fatality reported in the Bani Matar region.

US strikes in Yemen (Archive) Photo: Arab networks

In Al-Hudaydah province, coalition aircraft bombed Houthi positions at the local airport and at a naval base near the port. The Houthis reportedly use the airport for military operations and for storing weapons and ammunition, particularly anti-ship missiles. In Amran and Marib provinces, additional Houthi positions and shelters were struck. In response, the Houthis launched missiles from other areas under their control, such as Ibb and Al-Jawf.

Meanwhile, a Yemeni economic analyst estimated that the airstrikes on Thursday evening targeting the Houthi-controlled Ras Issa fuel terminal caused the group about $700 million in damages. Reports also indicated that 74 people were killed in those strikes.

The US Strike in Sanaa, Yemen

The US-based Institute for the Study of War (ISW) assessed that the focus on western Al-Hudaydah is intended to seriously degrade the Houthis' infrastructure and military capabilities. The institute noted that this province is critical to the Houthis because of its major ports and radar systems, which allow them to monitor maritime traffic in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. The report mentioned the killing of mid-level commanders in the Houthis' logistics network. ISW concluded that while the air campaign may yield only temporary results, a ground assault would be required to seize control of Al-Hudaydah province.

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IDF strikes Sanaa airport during Houthi leader's press conference

RachelG — Thu, 26 Dec 2024 15:08:30 +0000

The Israeli Air Force launched a series of precision strikes against Houthi-controlled facilities in Yemen, targeting the Sanaa International Airport and its runway infrastructure. Reports indicate the operation also struck the Haziz power station in southern Sanaa and facilities at the port of Hodeidah.

According to Sky News Arabia, the coordinated assault included strikes against the Al-Dailami military airfield, marking a significant expansion of Israel's military response in Yemen.

Houthi terrorists dance during a protest against the 'terrorist' designation of the Houthis by the US government, in Sana'a, Yemen, Jan. 19, 2024 (EPA/Yahya Arhab) EPA/Yahya Arhab

The timing of the strikes coincided with an address by Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, who was speaking about recent missile launches against Israel. During his speech, al-Houthi claimed that the ability of their missiles to penetrate Israeli air defenses represented "a major and very significant achievement acknowledged even by the Americans. Israel has been caught off guard by the effectiveness of operations from the Yemeni front and is now responding to this theater with growing frustration."

Saudi media outlet Al-Hadath, citing unnamed sources, reported that the Israeli operation extended beyond Sanaa, striking additional power infrastructure and oil facilities. Sky News Arabia confirmed the Al-Dailami military airfield among the targets in this wave of strikes.

These military actions come in direct response to intensifying rocket and missile attacks from Yemen-based forces targeting central Israel, including the Sharon region and Shephelah. In the early hours between Tuesday and Wednesday, approximately 4 AM, warning sirens activated across more than 200 communities throughout the Gush Dan metropolitan area, central Israel, Sharon region, and Shephelah.

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Saudis celebrate Operation White City

miriw — Thu, 19 Dec 2024 02:30:38 +0000

In the aftermath of Operation White City, Israel's strategic strike on Houthi targets in Yemen, reactions across the Arab world have revealed deep regional divisions. While Saudi commentators appeared to welcome the action, Hamas rushed to express solidarity with the Houthis, who vowed continued attacks on Israeli targets.

Video: The Israeli strike in Yemen on Dec. 19, 2024

Rassan Charbel, editor at a leading Saudi newspaper, penned a pointed commentary this morning: "Netanyahu, at his most imperious, gazes across the region from Mount Hermon before dispatching his aircraft to strike Houthi positions in Yemen. What must Tehran be thinking as it witnesses Israeli strikes on Sanaa this morning? Do these fresh Israeli strikes on Yemen represent one of the final communications to Iran?"

On social media platform X, IDF Arabic spokesperson Avichay Adraee crafted an acrostic spelling out "Sanaa," cleverly mimicking and mocking the Houthi spokespersons' practice of writing targeted Israeli locations in the same style.

ص
ن
ع
ا
ء

— افيخاي ادرعي (@AvichayAdraee) December 19, 2024

When senior Houthi official Mohammed Ali al-Houthi decried the Israeli strike as a "war crime," Adraee responded with sharp irony: "He attacked me and cried. He preceded me and complained."

Hamas issued a strong condemnation of Israel's attack on Houthi positions in Yemen. "We stand in complete solidarity with Yemen and our brothers in the Ansarallah movement as they face Zionist, American, and British aggression," the organization declared in an official statement.

Within Yemen, Houthi activist Mohammed bin Radwan asserted that Saudi commentators were celebrating what he termed "the Israeli-Saudi strike on the capital, Sanaa." Saudi activist Abdul Rahman al-Otaibi countered with derision: "Where is Israel? How could it be attacking Sanaa? You claimed victory over the US and Israel just a year ago, and now you position yourselves as victims."

Houthi fighters take part in a parade during a mobilization campaign, in Sana'a, Yemen, 18 December 2024 (Photo: EPA/Yahya Arhab) EPA

Earlier, Houthi official spokesperson Yahya Sarea announced: "We launched two ballistic missiles targeting military installations in the Jaffa area." He specified these as "Palestine-2" hypersonic missiles, adding that the launches were synchronized with "the Israeli strike on civilian facilities in Sanaa and Hodeidah province, including power stations."

The spokesperson issued a warning that they would "respond to this brutal aggression while maintaining support for Gaza and targeting all hostile positions with appropriate weaponry." He emphasized that the Israeli strike would not prevent them from fulfilling their obligation to respond to the ongoing conflict in Gaza.

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14 jets, 2 waves: Breaking down Israel's Houthi operation

RachelG — Wed, 18 Dec 2024 23:00:14 +0000

In the pre-dawn hours of Thursday, as Defense Minister Israel Katz made his way to the Air Force's underground command center, Israeli intelligence officers were putting final touches on an operation weeks in the making. "Operation White City" was about to unfold.

The campaign, meticulously planned over several weeks, saw 14 Israeli fighter jets execute a complex two-wave strike deep in Yemeni territory. The first wave launched at 3:15 a.m., targeting the coastal region more than 1,700 kilometers from Israel. The second wave struck at 4:30 a.m., reaching – for the first time – the outskirts of the capital Sanaa.

This carefully orchestrated mission came in response to an escalating threat: the Houthis had fired more than 200 surface-to-surface missiles and deployed over 170 UAVs against Israel. The IDF's response would need to be decisive.

Video: The IAF strike on Houthi targets

The operation's scope was unprecedented. Dozens of munitions were dropped on five strategic targets, including the ports of Hodeidah, Ras Issa, and Al-Salif, along with two locations near Sanaa. The targets ranged from oil tanks and power stations to maritime infrastructure, including tugboats critical for port operations.

Some targets were located approximately 2,000 kilometers from Israel – marking one of the longest-range strikes in IAF history – requiring the jets to perform aerial refueling during the mission. All aircraft returned safely to base.

"Tonight we struck strategic targets of the Houthi terrorist organization in Yemen once again. Israel's long arm will reach you too," Katz declared after the operation. "Whoever raises a hand against Israel – their hand will be cut off, whoever hits us – will be hit seven times over."

IDF Spokesman Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari later explained the strategic timing. "In just the past two weeks, the Houthis launched a UAV that hit a residential neighborhood in southern Israel, and on Sunday fired a long-range missile toward central Israel," he said, adding that "The regime in Iran funds, arms and directs the Houthis' terrorist activities."

The Houthi-affiliated Al-Masirah network reported at least nine casualties from the strikes. Meanwhile, senior Houthi official Mohammed al-Bukhaiti declared that their "military operations supporting Gaza will continue," warning that "escalation will be met with escalation."

The impact was immediate and severe. Following previous damage to cranes and Thursday's targeting of tugboats, operations at all three Houthi-controlled maritime ports are now completely paralyzed. The IDF emphasized this was not a reactive strike to earlier provocations, but rather a carefully planned operation developed over several weeks of intelligence gathering and strategic planning.

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