Sa'ar added, "The PA never stopped paying salaries to terrorists – the PA only changed its method. Terrorists now receive the money from Palestinian postal branches. The PA even makes additional payments to terrorists released under the agreement."

Sa'ar sharply criticized the European Union, saying "instead of demanding accountability from the PA, the European Union whitewashes the PA. The EU ignores the ongoing crimes of paying terrorists – and in practice encourages terror. The EU seeks to reward the PA with its own terrorist state." He noted that President Trump's 20-point plan stipulated that the PA would receive no legitimacy without genuine reforms, including "the Palestinian Authority will take all necessary steps to immediately stop paying salaries to terrorists imprisoned in Israel and to families of terrorists who were killed."

According to Hirsch, 160 of the 250 terrorists released in the latest ceasefire deal became millionaires thanks to monthly payments of roughly 8,000 shekels ($2,250) over many years. "The Palestinian Authority rewards our child murderers with hundreds of millions of shekels annually, exactly as a prize for their participation in terror," Hirsch said. "The payments accumulate to millions and they leave prison for a life of prosperity – not remorse."

On the hostage issue, Sa'ar said the nation of Israel will never forget Hungary's role in the struggle to bring them home. However, he added, "The struggle has not yet ended. Hamas still holds 13 of our deceased hostages. This is a clear violation of the agreement. We know Hamas can return most of the deceased hostages easily. Hamas is delaying the return and bringing them back at a slow, calculated pace to postpone the second phase – its disarmament. Hamas behaves barbarically, abuses families who have waited for more than two years and only want to bring their sons to burial. Hamas must immediately return all those it holds."

During the meeting, Sa'ar gave Hungarian Foreign Minister Szijjártó a personal letter of thanks from former hostage Omri Miran, who also holds Hungarian citizenship. In the letter, Miran thanked the Hungarian government for its efforts to secure his release. Miran asked Foreign Minister Sa'ar to deliver the letter to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, President Tamás Sulyok, and Foreign Minister Szijjártó as recognition and gratitude for the Hungarian government's efforts toward his release.

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Massive panic erupted at the location, and according to witness accounts, "There was tremendous fear; they had a murderous look." Only after extended minutes of tension and terror, the bus succeeded in continuing its journey to Budapest, from where Haifa's supporters were scheduled to depart Friday morning back to Israel.

Video: Israeli Maccabi Haifa fans attacked in Budapest. Credit: Usage under Israel's Intellectual Property Law Article 27(a)

Maccabi Haifa's management received updates about the severe incident and are currently deliberating their next steps. One passenger who was aboard the transport explained, "This represents an antisemitic incident by any measure. Both during the initial match in Poland and the return game in Hungary they conducted themselves in this manner and chanted against Jews. Regrettably, across all of Europe this remains the situation. Only through divine intervention did no one suffer severe consequences from this attack."

According to this same supporter, no police officers were present to safeguard Haifa fans, because the incident unfolded outside the stadium perimeter in Debrecen – where security measures and crowd separation were indeed implemented.

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Among other things, Netanyahu said: "We have discussed with the Hungarian government a fixed annual grant to the fund dealing with heirless property and the restitution of heirless Jewish assets. Our new ambassador in Budapest, Ms. Maya Kedosh, has a lot of work ahead of her. With God's help, we will continue this effort."

The context for these remarks is the vast amount of Jewish property that belonged to Hungarian Jews murdered in the Holocaust by the Nazis and their Hungarian collaborators. Many of the victims had no heirs. Some were childless individuals, while many were entire families who perished in the gas chambers or were executed by gunfire, leaving behind no surviving relatives. Their assets were seized by the Nazis and, after the war, transferred to the Hungarian government.

The post-Holocaust Hungarian government pledged to return these assets to Jewish hands. However, 80 years have passed without significant action, primarily because most Hungarian governments in the ensuing decades were communist.

It has also emerged that in addition to Netanyahu's public comments, a similar message was conveyed by a senior Israeli official in a closed-door briefing held before Shabbat. In the briefing, the official said the government is engaged in advanced talks with Prime Minister Orbán to achieve justice for the victims of the Nazis by transferring their assets to living Hungarian Holocaust survivors, to the Jewish communities to support their growth and prosperity, or to relatives of the victims.

Hungary's Chief Rabbi Slomo Köves said: "We were pleased to hear about this important progress. There is no doubt that transferring these assets to Hungarian Holocaust survivors will help them live in dignity. Transferring other portions to the Jewish community will undoubtedly strengthen it, ensure its prosperity and continued presence here. This adds to the fact that under Orbán's leadership, Hungary has become the safest country for Jews in Europe, and one of the safest in the world. Returning the stolen property of those martyrs to the survivors, the Jewish community, and their families is a form of justice for the Hungarian Jews murdered in the Holocaust. It is a victory over the Nazis and helps expand Jewish activity in their memory."

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Between Friday and Saturday at around 4 a.m local time., less than a day before Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was set to sail on the Danube River and roughly 24 hours after his arrival in Hungary, two foreign nationals holding French passports approached the iconic Széchenyi Chain Bridge in Budapest, which had been adorned with Israeli flags in honor of the Israeli leader's visit.

The two began tearing the flags down, ripping them apart, and hurling them into the river. Eyewitnesses called the Budapest police, who arrived quickly and took the individuals to the police station. After a brief interrogation, the decision was made to keep them in custody. According to a report by NEPSZAVA, the French nationals threw 17 Israeli flags into the river and were arrested by local police on charges of disorderly conduct, vandalism, and theft.

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The primary goal of the visit is to create cracks in the wall of the International Criminal Court in The Hague - cracks that could lead to the cancellation of the international arrest warrants issued for Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant. In Israel, it is believed that the move would run counter to the policy of the European Union and the Rome Statute, to which Hungary is a signatory.

The friendship between Orbán and Netanyahu, their shared anti-liberal conservative worldview, and the strong bilateral relations between the two countries helped facilitate the visit and advance efforts to block anti-Israel moves within the European Union.

During the prime minister's visit, Reuters reported that Hungary had officially announced its withdrawal from the International Criminal Court in The Hague. With this move, Hungary becomes the only EU member state that is not a party to the court.

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Hungary is expected to withdraw from the International Criminal Court in The Hague (ICC), coinciding with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's planned visit to Budapest, according to Wednesday morning reports from the country. Hungary was among the first nations to publicly declare it would not honor the arrest warrant issued against Netanyahu by the International Criminal Court.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban formally invited Netanyahu for a visit last November. "I was shocked to learn about the recent shameful decision of the International Criminal Court," Orban wrote in a letter sent from Budapest to Jerusalem. "Hungary strongly condemns this shameful decision, which has no impact on the Hungarian-Israeli alliance and friendship. As an expression of our deepest support, I would like to take this opportunity to invite you to Hungary for an official visit, where we will ensure your security and freedom."

According to Hungarian media reports, the government had previously contemplated leaving the court, which until last year included Hungarian representative Judge Peter Kovacs. The withdrawal announcement, if it proceeds, will likely coincide with Netanyahu's visit and his meeting with Prime Minister Orban, coming also in the wake of sanctions imposed by US President Donald Trump.

Should Hungary finalize its decision to exit the ICC, the process would be lengthy, potentially extending to approximately a year. The government plans to submit a resolution to parliament regarding membership termination, and if approved by the majority – an official withdrawal announcement will follow.

Reports indicate that Hungarian Justice Minister Bence Tuzson revealed the expected withdrawal during a diplomatic meeting with ambassadors. This meeting took place in a room equipped with facial recognition cameras to verify that only invited diplomats were present. Each chair was labeled with the invitee's name, and tardy participants faced fines calculated by the minute.

The Hungarian government has been weighing its departure from the court for some time. Last year, reports emerged that the government had directed three ministers to explore withdrawal options, though the country was awaiting Trump's position regarding the ICC. A Hungarian source stated, "After the imposition of American sanctions on the court, the government took it as a green light."

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Climbing the paths leading to the summit of Gellert Hill is no simple task on January mornings. Though we're ascending on a day that isn't particularly cold by Central European standards, the ground is covered with a thin layer of ice that accumulated during the night, causing members of our group to occasionally slip. At some point, these falls become a semi-comical and semi-bonding activity. Eventually, we all arrive safely at the peak to discover that the panoramic view entirely justifies the effort.

Dr. Yoav Sorek gathers us and begins explaining what we're seeing. Unlike the vast majority of Israeli tours in Budapest that focus on the Holocaust period before moving on to the Communist years and ending with the present day, Sorek takes the group 150 years back in time. He speaks about Austria-Hungary – the powerful kingdom that existed until World War I – and about the unique development of Hungary's magnificent Jewish community, a chapter that has been almost entirely pushed aside and forgotten from Jewish history. The names of influential and important rabbis who somehow escaped the spotlight of consciousness float in the air. Chief among them is Rabbi Moshe Shmuel Glasner, the hero of Sorek's doctorate – a figure who, had he not encountered fierce and uncompromising hostility, might have changed the fate of the country's Jews. It's evident that our tour guide is determined to restore the lost honor of Hungarian Jewry, and the horizon-expanding explanation we're hearing on this beautiful hill overlooking the Danube is just one way to do so.

"While writing my doctorate, I fell in love with Hungary's story and its symbiosis with the Jews," Sorek explains to me later. "For me, it was a lost and fascinating continent. I found a story about a culture that arose and revived itself in national awakening, and within it embraced the Jews, who in turn saw it as paradise. Add to that the good relations that exist between the peoples to this day, and I find it fascinating."

Many Hungarian natives live in Israel, but Hungarian culture has been marginalized and barely exists, certainly in Religious Zionism. Why?

"I have a theory that I can't prove. Many in Religious Zionist circles have Hungarian roots, but when looking at this movement's history in Israel at the institutional and consciousness level, we see that in the first generation there were Yekes (German Jews), then Jews from Russia and Lithuania, like Rabbi Moshe Zvi Neria and Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook, while Hungarians only became Zionists en masse after the Holocaust. Many survivors immigrated to Israel, so Religious Zionism has a strong Hungarian foundation, but it lacks an ethos and figures. What people know about Hungarian Jewry is mainly connected to Satmar, meaning the zealots. There is a zealous element in Hungarian Judaism, but it certainly wasn't the majority."

A Coup is Just an Excuse

Israelis love Hungary for its cost of living - because it is the opposite of Israel's. Even in kosher restaurants, typically one of the most expensive aspects of traveling abroad, you won't pay more than 120 shekels per person for a full meal, including dessert. Western brands in malls and shops will cost you almost the same as in Israel, but local brands are much cheaper. To calculate the cost, take the price in Hungarian Forint, remove two zeros and subtract another 10%, and you'll have the amount in shekels. 10,000 Forint, for example, is about ninety shekels. This calculation seems complicated at first but will become second nature after your fifth bottle of water.

In the historic city center, near the Great Synagogue, there are two relatively high-quality kosher restaurants: 'Hanna' and 'Carmel'. Right next to them, two cafes and several fast food stands together provide kosher infrastructure for a few days' stay in the city. In the restaurants, you'll find goulash and nokedli, symbols of Hungarian cuisine, which is based on meat, potatoes, and eggs. Or as my Hungarian grandmother often said, "to be satisfied, you don't need to complicate things."

Over a steaming bowl of goulash at one of the kosher restaurants, I sit with Shorek to hear how he rediscovered the history of Hungary and its Jews. He is one of the well-known intellectual figures in the religious-Zionist sector in recent years. Among other things, he founded and edited the 'Shabbat' section in Makor Rishon, and the journals Segula and HaShiloach. Today he is the chairman of 'Lechatchila - A Home for Israeli Torah.' His connection to Hungary seemingly begins at home: both his parents were born in this country. His mother was orphaned during World War II, immigrated to Israel at age five, and grew up in Youth Aliyah institutions. His father was eight when he arrived in Israel on an illegal immigrant ship. "Hungarian culture wasn't celebrated in our home," he recalls. "My parents spoke Hungarian only when they wanted us not to understand something, or when communicating with the previous generation, and when I was 14, that entire generation was no longer alive."

What led you to delve deeper into the history of Hungarian Jewry?

"Both of my parents' families are rabbinic dynasties with long genealogical lines. A kind of elite, if you will, especially on my mother's side, where you find disciples of the Chatam Sofer (Rabbi Moshe Sofer, one of the greatest Jewish legal authorities of the 19th century and a leader in the fight against secularization and reform). They also had an indirect family connection to Rabbi Glasner, but I never heard his name in my childhood.

"I had a certain interest in Hungarian rabbis out of simple sentiment, but I didn't expect to find among them someone who wrote in the style of Rabbi Kook or Rabbi Reines. At one point, I traveled to the US and was invited to the home of distant relatives named Glasner. We descended upon them with seven children for the first days of Sukkot, in the home of a relatively small family. They asked what I was doing, and I said I was about to write a book about the renewal of Torah in Israel. The host got up and pulled a small bound booklet from the shelf: a collection of Religious Zionist thought, an offprint from a forgotten book of the Rabbi Kook Institute published in the 1960s. This section, translated from German, was called 'Zionism in the Light of Faith,' and its author was Rabbi Moshe Shmuel Glasner, the host's great-grandfather."

Sorek began leafing through the booklet, reading and becoming excited. "I was even shocked. I realized that the author of this text was a distinguished Torah scholar who had confidence and broad shoulders, and what he wrote was in some ways exactly what I was supposed to write in my book. He states, for example, that the Torah of exile must make way for the Torah of the Land of Israel, and that there's no place for separation between Orthodox and non-Orthodox. You see things that Rabbi Kook wrote from depth and complexity, Kabbalah and literature, and with Rabbi Glasner everything comes from simple rabbinic intuition. These two figures came from completely different places. Hungarian Orthodoxy was a world unto itself, and Rabbi Kook came from Lithuania and had strong connections with the Hasidic courts around him. They lived more or less in the same period, and more or less the same number of years. They even met briefly in Jerusalem and had previously exchanged some correspondence.

"Rabbi Glasner says things simply. You read something written a hundred years ago, but anyone with a bit of Torah education will understand it as if it were written yesterday. The impressive rhetorical ability, the clarity of thought – all this made me fall in love with Rabbi Glasner's character. I told myself that if one day I pursue a doctorate, and want to study a subject seriously and dig into it completely – I'll choose him. And indeed, a few years later that's what I did." The doctorate Sorek wrote in the History Department at Ben-Gurion University became the book "From Pressburg to Jerusalem" (published by the Zalman Shazar Center). "It took some time to convince the advisors that this unknown figure warranted a doctorate. Initially, it was agreed that the topic would be 'Rabbi Glasner and His Era,' but I'm sure that in the end they too understood that he could carry the work on his own."

Before we get to know Rabbi Glasner, what actually distinguishes Hungarian Jewry from other diasporas?

"First of all, it was a very large community. A significant portion of European Jewry in the 19th and 20th centuries was Hungarian Jewry. It included about a million Jews around 1900. In Budapest alone, about a quarter million Jews lived then – making it the largest 'Jewish city' in Europe after Warsaw. This is a very important community, but it hasn't received the honor it deserves in history and public consciousness. Not much has been written about it, not much research has been done, and therefore not much is known about it. The reason is that Hungarian Jewry was somewhat insular, outside the general European-Jewish discourse. This is the only country that had both Western European Jews, what's called 'Oberland,' German-speaking and educated people, and on the other hand Jews from Galicia and Moravia, the 'Unterland.' In other words, within the same space there are very different Jewish cultures – people who dress differently, eat different food, barely intermarry with each other."

"Secondly, Jews in Eastern Europe were then engaged in struggles between enlightenment and orthodoxy, Zionism and anti-Zionism, socialism and nationalism. Jews in Hungary had an exceptional symbiosis with Hungarians, and most importantly, they had it very good. Therefore, other Jews in the world simply didn't interest them. They conducted their own internal conversation, in Hungarian."

Speaking of Hungarian, you write that it's the only European language that can still be heard today in Hasidic concentrations around the world, besides Yiddish of course.

"That's right. In Brooklyn and Williamsburg, you can still find elderly Jews speaking Hungarian. Among the ultra-Orthodox, you won't find people speaking Russian, Polish, or Czech, because these are languages of those who want to assimilate. Hungarian, on the other hand, wasn't perceived as threatening or leading to too deep integration with the Hungarian people – partly because it's a relatively small nation, but mainly because Jews didn't see Hungarians as enemies. Hungary gave the Orthodox the security that no Reform Jew would bother them or undermine them. This was an emancipation deal that recognized Orthodox Judaism as another 'official church' in the country. And unlike other European countries, which along with recognition demanded that we reform Judaism a bit – to be less xenophobic, more liberal, to allow mixed marriages – here exactly the opposite happened. The state stood behind Orthodoxy and said: speak Hungarian, study Hungarian core subjects, but other than that, do what you want."

Why did this happen specifically in Hungary and not in other countries?

"The nationalism that developed in Hungary before World War I was multi-ethnic and liberal by definition. This stemmed partly from the fact that Hungarians themselves aren't homogeneous. Not all are Catholic, there's a strong Protestant element, so religious tolerance existed from the start and this influenced attitudes toward Jews. A reporter from the Jewish-American Forward who arrived in Budapest in 1910 reported that this was the true paradise for Jews. And we're talking about a journalist coming from the US, the 'golden country.' Another important factor: the Hungarians needed Jews numerically to stand against the Romanians, Slovaks, and Serbs. The kingdom ruled over many other peoples, and Hungarians were only 45 percent of the population in its territory. The Jews gave them the percentage points they needed to be a majority."

This golden age ended after World War I. "Two-thirds of the territory no longer belonged to Hungary, and in the remaining third, there was a Hungarian majority or Jews. Jews suddenly became a minority that could be hated, and 'paradise' became the first place in Europe to establish quotas for Jewish students in universities. They connected it to the Communist revolution that Bela Kun, who was Jewish, tried to lead, but that was just an excuse. However, it's important to say that between the World Wars, Hungary didn't turn into an antisemitic monster. Jews still had a central place in the country, but they were already hated, and antisemitism began to develop where it had barely existed before."

A congress that's a trap

To talk about Rabbi Glasner, we need to go back to the years before World War I, and away from Budapest to Transylvania – today in Romania, but then part of Hungary. The central city in the region was called Klausenburg, today Cluj. "The state authorities cultivated Klausenburg as a center of Hungarian culture. In 1906, for example, they built the Hungarian National Theater there. You can see this building in today's Cluj, but now it's called the Romanian National Theater. It's amazing to see that even a hundred years after Klausenburg became Romanian, the tension between the two sides still bubbles there. You barely need to scratch the surface for it to show. You say a word in Hungarian on the street, and suddenly a resident hugs you like you're their lost brother because they feel like a persecuted minority."

And there, in Klausenburg that wasn't yet Cluj, Rabbi Moshe Shmuel Glasner served as the city's chief rabbi for a very long time – 44 years. "He was an opinionated, rational personality with a modern spirit. His father, Rabbi Abraham Glasner, was one of the important students of the Ktav Sofer (son of the Chatam Sofer) and was married to the Chatam Sofer's eldest granddaughter. The father delivered his sermons in fluent German, meaning clearly 'Oberland,' like most of the Chatam Sofer's family. They weren't zealots at all, contrary to their reputation."

"After serving in a small Hungarian town, Rabbi Abraham Glasner was appointed rabbi of Klausenburg, then a growing Jewish community. He served in the position for 17 years, and after his passing, the community appointed his only son, Rabbi Moshe Shmuel Glasner, in his place. This happened in 1878. There were also opponents to the appointment – the more modern elements in the community, Jews who would later establish the Neolog movement. They said, 'Who is this young man who goes around with the Hasidic rabbis?' Rabbi Glasner was connected to several rabbis from the area, and therefore was a thorn in their side. The ultra-Orthodox, who became angry with him later on, always mentioned that in his youth he was connected to Hasidic courts, meaning to the good ones. Oberland from home, Unterland from the surroundings."

Rabbi Glasner began serving as the rabbi of Klausenburg at a very young age – a position he would resign from after four and a half decades, following disputes that erupted over his Zionist leanings. "At first, he established a yeshiva and was appointed to the Budapest Rabbinical Council, making him part of the Orthodox establishment. He was also a great expert in the laws of ritual slaughter, as befitting a rabbi of a large city in those days, and maintained good relations with rabbis in the area, even though he was somewhat of a modernist. He often traveled to Budapest for communal affairs and published his opinions on various contemporary issues. His responses reveal the character of a bold and unpredictable person, who often thought differently from the rabbis around him."

In what areas was this expressed?

"Around 1900, when he already had twenty years of experience, Rabbi Glasner spoke out on matters of civil marriage, conversion, and other issues that were then at the center of debates, and his statements are quoted to this day. In a new book by Yeshivat Har Bracha on the topic of conversion, there is an extensive section about Rabbi Glasner, who broke new ground and presented a very important position. Basically, he said that once a woman chooses to abandon her Christian identity, we are less concerned with which commandments she observes: her choice is sufficient for us to accept her conversion as authentic, because she is willing to pay a heavy price for it."

When did Rabbi Glasner's not-taken-for-granted romance with Zionism begin?

"The moment Herzl's 'The Jewish State' was published, around 1896. I discovered this in a way that might suggest there were those who sought to diminish his character. These things appear in the manuscript of his book of responsa. The entire book was printed word for word, except for one response that wasn't printed. I discovered this when I was looking for something else related to a printing error, and for that purpose, I compared the printed book to the manuscript, and had already gone through all of it."

"In the omitted question, a rabbi of one of the communities wrote to him: 'They established a Zionist association in the city and want me to be an honorary member, what do you think?' Rabbi Glasner answered: 'You're probably hesitant because they think about nationalism and not about religion, but ultimately Zionism strengthens people's religious identity, brings them closer to Judaism and the Land of Israel, and distances them from assimilation, and this is a wonderful thing. They say they're not interested in the religious aspect? So they say. The very fact of their choosing religious identity in an era when it's so easy to escape from it, this is the 'beginning of redemption.'' He actually used this term, before the year 1900. I don't know if anyone else in Europe said these words then."

And then came the clash with Hungarian Orthodoxy.

"The first world congress of the Mizrachi movement took place in 1904 in Pressburg – today Bratislava, capital of Slovakia. Rabbis in Hungary organized to boycott the event, and that's where Hungarian Jewry's anti-Zionism was born. It didn't have deep roots; it was a political move against Mizrachi. Rabbi Glasner wasn't part of the boycott: on one hand, he apparently respected it and didn't personally attend the congress, and on the other hand, he published a letter against the boycott, which he said was done without serious discussion and based on false assumptions about Mizrachi. He himself became Mizrachi's representative in Hungary, though at that stage it had no practical significance. Later, around 1920, he gave many lectures and swept all of Transylvania into Zionism, but in 1904 there was no one in Hungary to talk to about the subject. Rabbi Glasner understood there was no point, didn't preach about Zionism, didn't write articles, and didn't advocate. Because Hungarian Jews simply weren't there. As mentioned, they had it good in Hungary, and they didn't want to be considered unpatriotic."

Did Hungarian Jews' anti-Zionism stem from extreme religiosity or rather from Hungarian nationalism?

"The public didn't flock to Zionism because they identified with Hungarian nationalism, and Zionism in their view contradicted all that. By the way, Rabbi Glasner was a Hungarian patriot and didn't see Zionism as contradicting this. During World War I, he wrote that it is forbidden to use tricks or 'get sick' to dodge military service, and his son even served as an officer in the Hungarian army. The Hungarian rabbis who led the sharp opposition to Zionism were heavily influenced by propaganda from the 'Black Bureau' in Kovno, which came from the Chabad Rebbe's study hall, the Rabbi of Brisk, and other Russian rabbis who feared the danger of secularization. Hungarian Jews weren't very interested in this because there was no secularization there: you were either religious or assimilated. But in Eastern Europe, secularization was strong, and in the eyes of the rabbis there, Zionism was a way to be Jewish without religion, and it had to be fought against relentlessly. That's why they were shocked when they learned that a Mizrachi conference was going to be held in Hungary, and that the rabbis there didn't understand it was a trap aimed at secularizing everyone. This propaganda was very successful with important rabbis who already had an ultra-Orthodox sentiment, in the sense of fearing anything new. There were quite a few rabbis in Hungary then who thought differently and saw Zionism as wonderful, but they were silenced."

Looking back, it seems Rabbi Glasner's view was quite naive, and the ultra-Orthodox concerns were justified. Most Zionists today are secular, and the Jewish state is secular.

"I disagree with that statement. Mass secularization occurred in Eastern Europe without any connection to Zionism. For those who became secular, Zionism was actually the more Jewish option, instead of becoming Communist-Socialist or just going to America and being secular Jews. Thank God, a large enough part of the Jewish people chose the Zionist path."

I'm not sure the ultra-Orthodox would say "Thank God" about this, since many of these Jews are, as mentioned, secular.

"Perhaps. But Rabbi Glasner was far from this kind of thinking. It was clear to him that in the new life of the Jewish people in the Land of Israel, we wouldn't be religious in the same way we were in exile. Judaism needed to take on a new face, and secular domains were equally important. If you're creating Jewish culture, it means that both the architect and the farmer are performing a Jewish act."

That's classic Religious Zionism at its purest.

"Correct, exactly like Rabbi Reines and all the others. The concept of the 'New Jew' was very strong among Religious Zionist rabbis, it wasn't just a secular idea. Rabbi Reines wrote extensively, he was a great philosophical genius; Rabbi Glasner didn't write much, but was a brilliant orator. There are many descriptions of the ecstasy among his audiences during his Zionist journeys through Transylvanian and German communities. He believed wholeheartedly that redemption was coming, and had deep admiration for those who made aliyah to Israel."

"Rabbi Glasner himself made aliyah in spring 1923 and settled in Jerusalem. Here too, he remained active in the Mizrachi movement, supported religious settlement, and taught at the movement's teachers' seminary. In October 1924, he passed away and was buried on the Mount of Olives. "When he arrived in the country, all his anti-Zionist opponents were certain he would see what was happening around him and change his mind," Shorek relates. "They circulated a forged letter in which Rabbi Glasner supposedly said 'I came to the Land of Israel, you were right, it's terrible.' So he had to write a letter contradicting this. In the period's newspapers, one can find descriptions of how pleased he was with what was happening in the country."

Herzl didn't say

Shorek takes his tour participants outside the big city to the picturesque town of Vác, which he calls "the Zikhron Ya'akov of Hungary." Not that there's much Jewish heritage to see in Vác, but this is part of Shorek's approach's charm – he genuinely loves Hungary and doesn't focus solely on its Jewish story. We found ourselves in a beautiful botanical garden in the small town, wandering without needing to connect everything to orthodoxy or halakhic issues. Shorek also ensures the tours aren't too packed or overly didactic, and his guidance usually ends around one in the afternoon. Afterwards, participants are free to wander the city as they wish or simply rest.

A tourist from another country trying to understand the world through the flight board at Ferenc Liszt International Airport would be sure that Israel is a superpower: every few hours, a flight from Ben Gurion Airport lands here. It's no coincidence that you hear so much Hebrew in central Budapest. When you add to this the cooperation between the Israeli government and the Hungarian government, you can definitely declare a new golden age in Jewish-Hungarian relations – no small matter after the Holocaust.

The Jewish community here is relatively small, but echoes of its magnificent past are evident in almost every corner. The impressive Neolog synagogue on Dohány Street in Budapest is considered a must-see attraction for tourists from around the world, regardless of their religion. I ask Sorek to talk about these echoes of the past. "The sharp division between Orthodox and Neolog Jews continued to exist in Hungary, both formally and practically, until the Holocaust and even after," he explains. "In the late 1940s, Orthodox synagogues and educational institutions operated in Budapest. Following waves of emigration – after the war, and again in 1956 – and due to the Communist regime's hostile attitude, almost no Orthodox Jews remained in Hungary. But the community officially continued to exist and maintained many properties, even if deteriorating."

One of the interesting proofs of Orthodox Judaism's decline in Hungary can be found in Chabad's central role in everything related to Judaism in the country today. "We classify Chabad members as ultra-Orthodox, and this Hasidic movement was even anti-Zionist, but dividing Jews into Orthodox and non-Orthodox is completely foreign to Chabad thinking. It's a movement that seeks to reach every Jew, and in the diaspora, it's even an Israeli anchor."

Chabad's activity in Hungary in recent decades operated alongside the dwindling Orthodox community, and sometimes there was hostility between the sides. All this changed recently when a person associated with Chabad became the official manager of the community and began a long and fascinating journey to renew its assets and shake off the accumulated dust. He raised enormous sums to restore the Orthodox synagogue on Kazinczy Street and began implementing the project. Simultaneously, he's establishing a museum in the community building's basement that will tell Hungarian Jewry's story from the Orthodox perspective, competing with the famous museum of the Neolog synagogue.

Participants in Sorek's tour get to enter the Kazinczy synagogue, still closed to the public, and also visit the real treasure, at least in history lovers' eyes: an archive in the making that seeks to organize tens of thousands of books, certificates, sacred objects, and documents that accumulated in Orthodox community warehouses and were neglected for decades. These materials come not only from Budapest but also from provincial cities, most of whose synagogues closed in the Communist regime's early years.

I ask Sorek why he presents Hungarian Jewry through Budapest, even though Rabbi Glasner, a central figure in the story he weaves, operated mainly in Klausenburg. "When my book was published – almost three years after completing the doctorate – I thought a launch event is nice, but we could do something cooler: a launch journey. I built a tour composed of Budapest and Cluj, and half the participants were Rabbi Glasner's family members, who were very involved in the book's writing process. Seemingly, why not just visit Cluj, his city? The answer is that you can't understand his story without understanding the Hungarian-Jewish story. Budapest doesn't need Rabbi Glasner, but Rabbi Glasner needs Budapest. The Orthodox community was created in this city. Hungarian liberalism enabled the idea of a separate Orthodox community, and the strong symbiosis between Hungarians and Jews caused Zionism to be delayed years before it took root in this environment. That's why Budapest is very central to the story, while Klausenburg hasn't had Hungarians for more than a hundred years."

"If you want to grasp the reality of Jewish life, the paradise they had; if you want to understand why Theodor Herzl, a Hungarian Jew, had to find another place to talk about Zionism, knowing that no one in Hungary would listen to him – in Budapest you can see it before your eyes. Beyond that, there's something exceptional about this city. It was built to be an empire's capital in the late 19th century, then went through two world wars and decades of communism, yet if you have the right ears and eyes, you hear and see things. It's like walking through a living museum."

"In Budapest, the Jewish communities also separated. Today we don't see the rift with our eyes, because there are no active Neolog and Orthodox communities here anymore, but you can walk down the main Jewish street and tell how all the Jewish shops were open on Shabbat, and the city's rabbi didn't care because they weren't from his community."

And what about the Holocaust of Hungarian Jews? Almost defiantly, it's not present in your tour.

"Obviously we can't ignore the Holocaust, but there was so much in the period before it. Indeed, precisely because of Hungarian Jews' 'paradise' feeling, what happened here in the Holocaust appears as betrayal. Unlike Poles or Ukrainians, who always appeared to Jews as enemies lying in wait, in Hungary, it wasn't like that at all. The feeling of betrayal is strong and justified, but Israelis – including Hungarian natives – love Budapest very much."

"People are amazed to see that this city symbolized the height of progress in the early 20th century. The subway that ran here was the first in Europe and third in the world, after London and New York. The largest Gothic building in the world is the Hungarian Parliament. There's an interesting duality here – on one hand, it's amusing to see thousands of monuments to national heroes who never won any war. After all, this is a culture that was crushed under German and Russian boots, and never rose to be an economic power, at most it had some sports achievements.

"On the other hand, they survived. Budapest continued to be a large and prosperous city despite everything it went through, and the Hungarian language, which is different from everything around it and seemingly should have disappeared – here quite a few people are chattering in it. Maybe demographically it will end in another hundred years, because it's a small nation that can't reproduce enough, but the Hungarians managed to create culture, science, and poetry in their language. During the golden age of relations with the Jews, you could see a kind of similarity between the peoples, a population of Asian origin scattered among Europeans, an unconscious correlation of shared destiny."

I can't help but ask you about your son Dvir z"l, who was murdered in a terrorist attack in August 2019. Is Budapest for you also a place to escape to?

"I don't feel like I'm escaping from anything. Sometimes I feel a bit uncomfortable immersing myself in other things and not in memorials, although I said from day one that I don't want to fall into a place that perhaps keeps other bereaved parents alive, meaning constantly dealing with memorializing the child who died. Certainly not when I have other living children."

"Dvir was killed when I was completing my doctorate," he adds. "A year passed from then until I finished and submitted the work. After submission, I entered a mental crisis. The shiva days are also a farewell party where you discover what kind of child you raised at home, there are things that sweeten the pain and you don't really understand that he won't be here anymore. Working on the doctorate gave me more time. After I finished came the crisis, and it took me two years to get out of it."

It's not clear if this is one of the tour's goals, but a few days in Budapest with Sorek instills Hungarian pride in anyone with roots in this region – I, the humble one, am among them. A few days after returning home, the dedicated WhatsApp group is still buzzing. Pictures, documents, impressions, and summaries continue to appear one after another. I admit I'm not the type for organized tours and tours where they take me like an obedient sheep from here to there, but this time it was something different. Full of passion and love for Budapest, its Jews, its past, and its present, which is also full of Jews and Hebrew – just ask Franz Liszt International Airport.

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Despite rising antisemitism across Europe, Hungary's Jewish community is experiencing unprecedented growth and security, with community leaders declaring it the safest European country for Jews today. The renaissance of Jewish life, particularly in Budapest, is backed by strong government support and practical security measures.

"When I explained several years ago that Viktor Orban is an ally of the Jewish people and that it's better to work with him, I faced anger from many circles who view him as someone who acts against democratic values," reveals Rabbi Menachem Margolin, chairman of the European Jewish Association (EJA), referring to Hungary's controversial prime minister. "But Orban's approach to promoting Jewish life is clear and unequivocal, unlike many other European leaders."

When asked whether the Hungarian leader is considered a friend of the Jews, Rabbi Margolin offers a nuanced response: "I don't know if Orban loves Jews or if he's acting as he sees fit – I care less about his motivations. He has taken responsibility for ensuring that the Jewish community in Hungary flourishes and feels secure, and he's doing everything necessary to make that happen."

"Actually, what does a Jewish community need to flourish? It needs security and religious freedom, and it needs proof from the government that Jews are welcome in the country, through backing and statements from leaders and punishment of antisemites. It needs financial support from the establishment for the Jewish community, and public support for the State of Israel," Margolin explains.

"The combination of all these elements is essential for the existence and promotion of a Jewish community in any country, and the Hungarian government under Orban creates conditions that make Hungary a place where Judaism thrives."

180,000 identify as Jewish

Similar to many other countries worldwide, it's difficult to know exactly how many Jews live in Hungary today, but according to various estimates, there are about 100,000 Jews in the country, with approximately 85% living in Budapest, alongside a minority residing in cities like Debrecen and other smaller localities. Notably, about a year and a half ago, Hungary's national statistics organization conducted a survey in which around 180,000 people identified themselves as Jewish.

"Hebrew can be head everywhere"

"Hungary is undoubtedly one of the safest places for Jews," agrees Eran Berkowitz, Eastern Europe regional director for the Jewish Agency. "You walk around here in summer and 180,000 people identified themselves as Jewish There has also been significant Israeli migration to Hungary in recent years. Here we have a government that supports Israel, with a tough immigration policy that prevents Muslims from countries hostile to Israel from coming here, and there's a pro-active Jewish community that's growing and expanding, strongly supports Israel, and has influence in the country. There's almost no antisemitism in the public sphere here, and very few demonstrations against Israel, and when they do occur, Hungarian police don't allow them to get out of control. Several factors come together here that enable the flourishing of a significant Jewish community, which is becoming one of the largest in Europe."

Hungary's broad support for Israel was demonstrated less than 24 hours after the International Criminal Court in The Hague announced arrest warrants against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant last month. Hungarian Prime Minister Orban quickly invited Netanyahu to visit his country and announced that Hungary would not enforce the court's warrants.

"Hungary's prime minister has been one of Israel's greatest supporters for many years, and he backs his support with pro-Israel decisions in various European Union votes," explains Jonathan Megyeri (48), a Jewish resident of Budapest and editor-in-chief of the Jewish news site Neokohn. "These votes are a significant anchor for Israel, because EU decisions require consensus from all member states, and many times Hungary stands almost alone, or even completely alone, to prevent harsh decisions against Israel."

"I also agree that Hungary is the safest place for Jews in Europe. I walk around Budapest wearing a kippah and tzitzit. On Shabbat, I wear a hat and speak Hebrew, and people don't even look at me. If they do look, it's because they recognize me from television or YouTube, because I have a regular segment about Judaism on Hungary's main television channel."

"In recent years, several new synagogues have opened in Budapest, and historic synagogues have been renovated. They've opened institutions, schools, and restaurants. There are between six and eight kosher restaurants in Hungary – one in Debrecen and the rest in Budapest – and this has continued to expand in recent years. There's an Israeli grill restaurant, and even fast food options."

PR initiative

Despite the optimistic picture, antisemitism remains present in Hungary, and the country's Jews understand that Jewish life flourishes because the current regime allows it. They hope the positive treatment of Jews and the fight against antisemitism will continue after Viktor Orban's rule ends.

"Antisemitism is still present, mainly among the far right, but their voice isn't strong – because they understand the government opposes it," Megyeri explains. "Fifteen years ago, a survey on antisemitism revealed that almost a quarter of Hungarians held antisemitic views. In practice, only a small percentage would be actively hostile toward Jews, the kind who might make statements like 'I'll send you on a train to Auschwitz.' The rest express classic antisemitism with views like 'Jews control the banks and media' and 'I wouldn't want to live next to a Jew' – but this doesn't hurt in daily life. So what if they don't like Jews."

"In my opinion, the best place for Jews is Israel, but in the current reality, I see advantages in Jews living in the diaspora. The State of Israel needs diaspora Jews to help from their positions. I, for instance, do everything I can to assist Israeli public diplomacy in the media, to explain Israel's position. I speak Hungarian because I was born in Hungary, and I do things I couldn't do for Israel if I lived there."

The post What is the safest European country for Jews? appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Hungary has become in the last few weeks one of a symbol. At the protests against the proposed judicial reforms and on television studios, people have been discussing how Israel is becoming like Hungary and comparing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Hungary's prime minister, Viktor Orbán. Orbán is presented as an unrestrained political leader who consistently works to destroy Hungary's democracy and replace it with an authoritarian regime, a kind of dictatorship.

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Hungary is described as a country whose judicial system's independence was eliminated through a provision of the constitution adopted under Orbán's government in 2011. The Opposition has attacked Netanyahu in the past for his good relations with Orbán, who has been accused of antisemitism. The conservative Hungarian government, which has served continuously since 2010, has created many legislative initiatives in different fields – related to law, media, or rights of the LGBT community – and has been greatly criticized by the European Union. Over many years this criticism has strengthened the anti-Orbán movement and many see Hungary under his rule as a country that is entering a dark period. However, is that truly the situation in Hungary and can it even be compared to Israel?

Crossing the Lines

The story of Katalin Szili's life includes a time span that shows the many changes Hungary has undergone in recent decades. Szili, 66, who holds a PhD in law, is considered one of the leading left-wing figures in Hungary. The left-wing party has been in the opposition for about 13 years and is finding it very difficult to create a viable alternative to Orbán and his party, Fidesz, who won the last four elections with a majority – two-thirds of the parliament's delegates, which has allowed Orbán to easily introduce reforms that correspond to his conservative worldview.

In the 1980s, at the beginning of her professional and political career, Szili was a member of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party – the ruling communist party.

With the fall of the communist regime in 1989, she was one of the founders of the Hungarian Socialist Party, which succeeded the previous political party in power and appeared to be social democratic. After the socialists returned to power in the 2002 elections, Szili was appointed speaker of the National Assembly.

In 2005, she was nominated by the party to be the president of Hungary, but she did not win the election because she was unable to form a coalition. She left the Socialist Party right before its crushing defeat in the 2010 election and was elected to parliament as an independent candidate. She then joined the organization called the National Consultation, which was established by Orbán for the purpose of drafting the new constitution. The socialists, from the opposition benches, opposed the initiative to draw up a new constitution and boycotted the debates on it. Since then, Szili has established two political parties – the Socialist Union and the Community for Social Justice – which did not pass the 5% threshold. After the refugee crisis in 2015, Szilli began to publicly support Orbán for his stance on curbing mass immigration, even though she is not a member of his party.

"It was important – for me and on behalf of all Hungarians – to have a constitution (in Hungarian it is referring to a "basic law") – that is modern and beneficial for our country", Szili explains in an interview with Israel Hayom about the decision to leave the political camp she came from and take part in the formation of the constitution with someone who used to be her political opponent.

"My main consideration was the good of the country. After the right won the election in 2010, the Opposition refused to participate in the process of drafting the constitution. The constitution that existed at that point had been adopted under the communist regime in 1949 and amended several times. Some 20 years after the democratic revolution in Hungary, the constitution from a completely different regime was the base of our society and our entire judicial system. Therefore, it is understandable that the right-wing political parties in power made use of the two-thirds majority they had in parliament, which was required in order to make changes to the constitution according to the previous constitution.

"The country needed a completely new social contract as a stable base for Hungary in the 21st century. The new constitution created completely new regulations, even regarding basic spiritual principles, and has provided a modern cohesive structure in a country with 1,000 years of history. The basic law includes clauses that are crucial today, that in addition to the separation of powers, ensure the country is viable."

Q: Since the constitution was adopted about a decade ago, Hungary has been criticized for losing its democratic nature in favor of an authoritarian regime. Does the claim truly reflect the situation in Hungary?

"There is no authoritarian regime in Hungary. Hungary did not lose its democratic character. That claim is heard from the opposition – they try to hide their weaknesses in Hungary and abroad. The reason that the opposition constantly looks to the neo-liberal community is that they are unable to change their policies to become accepted in Hungarian society. The fact that since 2010 the Fidesz coalition and the Christian Democrats in Hungary and Viktor Orbán succeeded in gaining the support of more than two-thirds of the public and has been consecutively voted in for four election periods, speaks for itself. I will emphasize again: This criticism is simply criticism from a very divided opposition who are unable to speak to the people and regain the public's trust, so they feel helpless".

Q: How does the parliament currently influence the judicial system? How are judges appointed here?

"The judicial system carries out its activities based on the legislation of the parliament. The parliament elects the president of the Constitutional Court, the role includes being the highest in the judicial hierarchy as well as the president of the Supreme Court. The other judges are appointed by the President of the Parliament. The judges' independence is guaranteed in two separate ways. The constitution explicitly states that judges are independent and subject only to the law and it is forbidden for others to dictate how judges perform their role. Judges cannot be members of any political party or be involved in any political activity."

Q: What is the effect of the Constitutional Court on laws passed in parliament and on government decisions?

"I can quote the relevant constitutional clauses, that discuss the role of the constitutional court as a guarantee for the protection of the constitution. Therefore, it is possible for the constitutional court to discuss laws that have been adopted but have not yet taken effect either at the initiative of a judge or based on a constitutional complaint that can come from the government, members of parliament, the attorney general or the president of the Supreme Court. The regulation also promises that the constitutional court will not only examine the compatibility between new laws and the constitution but also ensures these laws are not in conflict with international treaties."

Q: Is it necessary to change the current separation of powers because of pressure from the European Union?

"The constitution clearly talks about the separation of powers in Hungary and created a system of checks and balances. The criticism, as I already mentioned, comes mainly from the opposition since most of the population voted in favor of the party, more than two thirds, and that is, a constitutional majority – this was true even in the last election in 2022. It's why they criticize the rule of law and democracy. People in Europe like to criticize and hear criticism about the conservative Hungarian government, and it hides the ineffectiveness of the opposition."

"Hungary is not Israel"

I met Dr. Gustav Beinert, a jurist, consultant to international companies, a former senior official of the Hungarian Football League, and a member of the FIFA Legal Committee, at the "Groupama" stadium of the Ferencvárosi Torna Club. The team has already won 33 Hungarian championships in football and is also at the top of the local league, most likely on its way to winning another title. Beinert, who is Jewish, is also a member of the board of the club, which was founded in 1899 and whose first president – Franz Springer – was Jewish. However, FTC is not considered to be the "Jewish club" of Budapest. This title was reserved for MTK – a rival team.

"There are many differences between Hungary and Israel," he states. "We must acknowledge Hungary's historical background. In 1945, Hungary was liberated from the Germans and then was occupied again by the Soviet Union. For 10 years Hungary was not an independent country. After the anti-communist uprising in 1956, Hungary was considered more liberal when compared to other Eastern European countries. This was called "Goulash Communism" – relative flexibility in the economic field, and complete inflexibility in foreign policy, and defense. In 1989, Hungary allowed refugees from East Germany to pass through it to the West – making it the first country to contribute to the fall of the Berlin Wall. When the political system changed in 1990, with the fall of the communist regime, the communist infrastructure remained intact – especially the Left's tight control of the economy and the media, since the political transformation in Hungary from dictatorship to democracy was non-violent and carried out through negotiations between the parties.

"The first democratic government took care of problems across numerous domains – economic, social, and political. When the government changed after four years, the communists and socialists returned to power for the first time. The left-wing monopoly, especially in the media, was left undisturbed. When Orbán was elected prime minister for the first time in 1998, he started to make many changes; however, he didn't successfully finish what he started after he lost the election in 2002 and the socialists return to power. Those in the center-right camp were shocked by the election results as Orban's term in office was considered successful and almost all polls predicted another victory for him. In 2006, there was the infamous tape-recording incident, in which the socialist prime minister at the time was recorded saying that his government had been lying to the public. This caused the earthquake, that resulted in Orbán being reelected in 2010 with a two-thirds majority. Since then, in the 2014, 2018, and 2022 elections, Orbán has maintained the election majority.

"Hungary has been attracting more foreign investment in recent years than in the past. There are huge investments coming from Germany, China, and the US. Large multinational companies are happy to work here. In terms of foreign investment in Hungary, foreign companies are completely satisfied with government policy and employment laws. They have no complaints – on the contrary."

Beinert emphasizes, that following a review by the Venice Commission– an advisory body to the European Union for constitutional changes – certain sections of the constitution were changed, but not the core of the document. Since 2021, the  Venice Commission has published 21 critical opinions on constitutional amendments and reforms passed by Orbán's government – including the Child Protection Law, which prohibits including content about sexual orientation and gender identity in the education system and the definition of a family in which the mother is a woman and the father is a man as the basis for the nation's survival, hastily changing the election system during the state of emergency declared in Hungary due to the COVID-19 pandemic without consulting the nation's constituents, and issues related to the status and salary of judges. These opinions formed the basis of the EU Commission's decision to activate Article 7 of the Treaty of the European Union for the first time, which allows sanctions to be imposed on member states that violate fundamental values of the European Union and freeze urgent aid funds amounting to billions of euros to Hungary. As Hungary is struggling with its difficult economic situation, which has worsened with the Ukraine war, the government in Budapest is working slowly and quietly to meet the demands of the European Union.

The current confrontation between the European Union and Hungary stems from the bureaucrats in Brussels' assumption that there is a state of democratic devaluation in Hungary, devaluation of the independence of the courts, and accusations of corruption regarding funds received from the European Union", Beinert explains, "and I must add a personal element to this: we have a very charismatic prime minister, who has been in office for many years. This is his fifth term in office, and he will not accept large countries in the EU – like Germany and France – patronizing small countries.

"During the immigration crisis, Orbán was the only European leader who had completely differing views on the issue, contrary to Germany's 'culture of hospitality'. This created many conflicts with the European Union, especially since people have realized that Orbán was right in his opposition. Hungary is a full member of the European Union and NATO, and we are not shy to express our opinions, even when there is a need for unanimous agreement on important issues. This sometimes complicates things. The Hungarian government protects what it considers to be Hungary's national interests.'

Investments are flowing

Beinert mentions, that Hungary was also under a major attack in 2012, after the adoption of the new media regulation which was designed to achieve the government's goal of creating competition in the media and promise of it being balanced politically. In the latest report on freedom of the press by the organization Reporters Without Borders, which is written in Paris, Hungary was placed 85th out of 180 countries. Israel, by the way, is in 86th place. The report emphasized that the power Orbán and his political party have control of not only Hungarian public broadcasting but also in the "media empire" –"The Central European Journalism and Communication Foundation" – which operates about 500 national and local media outlets to "those who serve the government". The report emphasizes that independent media outlets hold central positions in the media market in the national arena, even though they are subject to political, economic, and regulatory pressures.

"Today the media in Hungary is much more diverse and balanced", Beinert claims, "the opposition has their own newspapers, their own television stations. The public has access to many different opinions, although extreme views – from the Right and the Left, are prohibited. There are large demonstrations in the streets against the government. At the time, there were demonstrations against the internet tax which was planned by the government but was canceled. Now teachers are protesting for a raise. It is a fully democratic country. You can criticize the government in the media and on the street.

"The opposition in Hungary is very divided. However, three years ago in the municipal elections, the opposition united and managed to defeat Fidesz in Budapest and other large cities. Therefore, people cannot claim that Hungary's governmental system is monolithic. The fact that the government received a two-thirds majority in free and democratic general elections for the fourth time in a row is hard for the Opposition to accept and for liberals in Europe to swallow. The fact that the majority overwhelmingly support the prime minister grants him flexibility in running the country.

"Orbán was a European Union leader who had completely different ideas about the refugee crisis and opposed Germany's 'culture of hospitality'. This resulted in numerous clashes with the EU, especially since people have realized that Orbán was right in his opposition."

"Hungary is very different than most other countries, including Israel, in that it has a unique political and parliamentary structure. The government is also unique in conducting referendums. The population is asked its stance on various issues. These are not legally valid referendums, but rather they are trying to understand the public's 'political wishes', it is a means that the government uses to appeal directly to the public between elections. For example, the most recent referendum on the sanctions against Russia. The government initiated a referendum to find out the people's position. Some 1.4 million people participated in the poll (only about 17% of all those with the right to vote in Hungary, 97% of the participants expressed opposition to sanctions against Russia). This result gave the government public legitimacy in its opposition to the sanctions."

Q: Are multinational companies boycotting Hungary because of the claim that it is no longer a democracy?

"Not at all. In the last few years, Hungary has attracted increasing amounts of foreign investments. These large investments have come from Germany, China, and the US. Large multinational corporations are happy to work here. The German company 'Bosch' opened a large R&D center here, 'Audi' has sizeable investments also in the fields of research and development, BMW is building a large factory for electric vehicles in Eastern Hungary. Chinese investors, competing with Germany, are investing here in the development of car batteries. Foreign multinational corporations investing in Hungary are content with the government's policies and employment laws. They don't have any complaints – if anything, the opposite. Hungary is still cheaper than other countries, employment laws here encourage investments, and there's a lot of talent."

Additionally, Israeli tourists continue traveling to Hungary – mainly to Budapest, despite the threatening claims of the opposition about what is allegedly happening here. Since the end of the Covid-19 pandemic, hundreds of thousands of Israelis have flocked to Hungary. "Budapest has become one of the safest cities in Europe for Jews and for Israelis", says Rabbi Shlomo Koves, of the Chabad movement, who is the rabbi of the Unified Hungarian Jewish Congregation (EMIH) and Hungary's chief military rabbi.

"Despite that many Jewish Hungarians identify with the left and liberal political parties, there has not been a mass departure of Jews from the country. Annually there have been around 50 - 60 anti-Semitic attacks, mainly verbal assaults. That does not mean that there is no antisemitic sentiment among Hungarians. The government's positions aren't perfect either: It is hard for Hungarians to accept their role in the Holocaust and the government-backed antisemitism in the 1920s and 1930s before WWII.

"However, Orbán's government has made significant progress in the fight against antisemitism, they passed a law against Holocaust denial, and with our initiative a statement was included in the constitution that states that violating the right of minorities is a civil offense, we went through the school textbooks together and made corrections in content concerning Judaism. Some of the corrections included the Jewish role in the German experience, the holocaust, and modern Israel. Two-thirds of our recommendations were adopted. The government's pro-Israel approach affects the general atmosphere in the country. Orbán does not hide his good relationship with Israel. He even stated on one of his bi-weekly radio broadcasts that Israel is a role model for Hungary."

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A senior official in Hungary's governing party acknowledged for the first time on Thursday that the government purchased a powerful Israeli-made spyware tool, which was allegedly used to target journalists, businesspeople and an opposition politician.

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Lajos Kosa, chairman of parliament's Committee on Defense and Law Enforcement, confirmed to journalists following a closed committee session that Hungary's Interior Ministry had bought the military-grade spyware Pegasus, produced by Israel-based NSO Group.

It was the first time a Hungarian official openly acknowledged the government's use of the malware, which infiltrates phones to collect personal and location data and can surreptitiously control the phone's microphones and cameras.

An investigation by a global media consortium published in July said that Pegasus was used in Hungary to infiltrate the digital devices of a range of targets – including at least 10 lawyers, one opposition politician and several government-critical journalists.

Subsequent investigations by Hungarian investigative journalism outlet Direkt36 have suggested that at least two publishers of government-critical media, as well as a former state secretary, were also targeted with the software.

Kosa, a vice-president of Hungary's governing Fidesz party, insisted that Hungary's security services and Interior Ministry had acted legally in every case of surveillance, receiving permission either from courts or the Ministry of Justice.

But opposition lawmakers have demanded an inquiry into the government's use of Pegasus, and complained that the findings of two special committee sessions examining the case – including Thursday's meeting of the Committee on Defense and Law Enforcement – had been classified by the governing party until 2050.

The alleged use of the malware against critical journalists in Hungary comes amid enduring condemnation of right-wing Prime Minister Viktor Orban from the European Union, of which Hungary is a member.

Orban's critics say he has systematically wrested Hungary's media into government control, and brought the country under increasingly autocratic rule.

In October, a spokeswoman for an EU fact-finding delegation to Hungary told journalists that the government's refusal to confirm or deny whether it was responsible for the spying was "of great concern for the European Parliament," but that there was "a clear sign that it was done by the government itself."

On Wednesday, the Biden administration announced it would place new export limits on Israel's NSO Group, the maker of Pegasus, saying its tools have been used to "conduct trans-national repression."

But Kosa told journalists on Thursday that he saw no reason to object to the government's use of Pegasus. According to Hungarian state news agency MTI, he argued that "tech giants conduct much wider surveillance" on their users than the Hungarian government had.

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