The footage joins a series of incidents indicating growing friction between the IDF and armed forces in Syria. On Monday, the IDF reported that during operations in the Quneitra area in southern Syria, a disturbance developed in which several suspects approached the forces and posed a threat to them. IDF forces initiated a suspect arrest procedure, during which they fired into the air for distancing purposes, and after the suspects did not distance themselves, forces fired at the lower body of two central instigators, and the disturbance dispersed.

Meanwhile, footage circulated on social media in recent days illustrates how significant the friction between the IDF and armed forces in Syria has become. A convoy of vehicles filled with armed fighters loyal to al-Sharaa was seen passing by an IDF vehicle, with soldiers watching the passing convoy.

About two weeks ago, an IDF force from the reserve brigade "Tip of the Spear" encountered intense exchanges of fire with terrorists in the village of Beit Jinn in southern Syria, during an operation to arrest suspects from the "Al-Jama'a Al-Islamiyya" organization who promoted terror plans against Israel. In the battle, during which air support was provided to the forces, six fighters were wounded – three seriously, one moderately, and two lightly. The IDF completed the operation successfully, all suspects were arrested, and several terrorists were eliminated.

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The soldiers initiated standard arrest protocols, firing warning shots in the air to force the suspects to withdraw. When they refused, the soldiers shot two central instigators in the lower body and the disturbance dispersed.

At the same time, footage circulating on social media in recent days illustrates the extent of the friction between the IDF and armed groups in Syria. A convoy of vehicles carrying A-Sharaa gunmen was seen driving past an IDF vehicle as Israeli soldiers watched the convoy pass.

Syrian General Security forces entered Khan Arnabeh in the Quneitra countryside shortly after the shooting incident in which two Syrians were wounded by Israeli forces. A Syrian source tells me that the General Security convoy entered the area in coordination with the IDF. https://t.co/8yIEO80bd4 pic.twitter.com/mGZmuYsHOh

— Ariel Oseran أريئل أوسيران (@ariel_oseran) December 9, 2025

About two weeks ago, an IDF reserve unit from the H spearhead brigade, the 55th Reserve Paratroopers Brigade, was caught in heavy exchanges of fire with armed militants in the village of Beit Jinn in southern Syria. The clash took place during an operation to arrest suspects from the Islamic Group, a Syrian organization that has promoted terrorist activity against Israel. During the battle, which included aerial support for the troops, six soldiers were wounded, three seriously, one moderately and two lightly. The IDF completed the operation successfully, arrested all suspects and killed several militants.

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The data reveals that female officers in the IDF have surged by nine percentage points over the past five years, with women now accounting for 36% of the officer corps.

How has the officer landscape evolved?

Female non-commissioned officers have similarly increased by five percentage points over five years, with women now representing 31% of all IDF NCOs.

Moreover, despite an acute manpower crisis and the voluntary departure of hundreds of career personnel, soldiers are returning to service. The data shows nearly half of the 1,386 career personnel who rejoined the military are women.

What patterns emerge from the data?

Statistics spanning 2019-2024 demonstrate steady growth in women's representation across mid-level officer ranks, though substantial gaps persist at senior levels.

Among second lieutenants and lieutenants, women's share rose from 41% in 2019 to 44% in 2024, while the captain rank saw an increase from 29% to 34%. More substantial advances occurred at the major rank, from 27% in 2019 to 33% in 2024, with the lieutenant colonel rank experiencing the sharpest jump, from 18% to 23%.

Senior ranks tell a different story: Women's representation in the colonel rank climbed from nine percent to 14%, yet at the brigadier general level, it declined from eight percent in 2019 to merely five percent in 2024. At the major general rank, after one woman held this position in 2021 (7%), the number has remained negligible, hovering between 7 and 8% in recent years.

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Despite the dramatic surprise surrounding the fall of the Assad regime, the Israeli government accurately read the situation and swiftly instructed the IDF to seize control of the buffer zone on the Syrian Golan Heights. Since then, Israeli forces have been operating in Syrian territory from roughly 10 outposts stretching from Mount Hermon to the southern Golan near the Yarmouk slopes.

Hostility to Israeli presence

Within this framework, the forces carry out intelligence-driven raids to foil terrorist activity in villages within their sector, including beyond the buffer zone. This activity, which over the past year has become routine, has led to the thwarting of Hamas-directed cells, Islamic State-inspired cells and cells directed by Iranian proxies. In Sunni Muslim villages and towns, there is hostility toward the Israeli presence, and there have already been exchanges of fire that, until Friday morning, had not resulted in Israeli casualties. In this context, the encounter early Friday between a paratroop unit and armed men in Beit Jann, in which six soldiers were wounded, was not unexpected.

Beit Jann lies in a narrow valley on the slopes of Mount Hermon. Its residents, together with the adjacent town Mazraat Beit Jann, about twenty thousand Sunni Muslims in total, were considered supporters of the Assad regime during the civil war. After the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the IDF captured the area and remained there throughout the months of attrition until withdrawing under the 1974 disengagement agreement. At the time, I served as a tank commander at an outpost near Mazraat Beit Jann. In those days, the villagers were unarmed and did not serve as fertile ground for terrorist networks.

Today, the situation across Syria is entirely different. During the civil war, and especially after the fall of the Assad regime and the collapse of the Syrian army, the villages and towns became awash with weapons of all kinds, not only small arms. In this dimension, the monopoly on armed force across Syria is far from being held solely by the official government and army.

Political upheaval in Damascus

Damascus is marking one year since the fall of the Assad regime. Through astute diplomatic maneuvering, the new president, Mahmoud al-Shar'a, has secured broad international backing, including from the White House. Yet he is struggling to impose stability in the face of heavily armed separatist minorities, primarily the Druze and Kurds. At the same time, the regime itself uses armed Bedouin tribal groups for its purposes, as seen in the fighting in the Druze Mountain region, even though these groups are not fully subject to government authority.

Syria today is in a state of fluid, uncontrollable transformation, resembling streams of molten lava flowing during a volcanic eruption. Israel's activity, by this analogy, serves a dual purpose. The first and immediate goal is to prevent these streams from reaching the Israeli Golan border.

The second goal is to influence the shaping of trends unfolding in Syria that have long-term implications for Israel's strategic interests, just before these "lava streams" cool and solidify into a lasting new reality. From this perspective, the IDF's military friction, which also includes efforts to provide humanitarian aid to local residents, serves a purpose that extends beyond counterterrorism.

A global battleground

Meanwhile, Syria has become a battleground for global influence. Turkish efforts, bolstered by Qatari funding, stand out prominently. At the same time, Russia is seeking to restore its influence in and on Syria, including moves to reassert its presence on the Golan. One can assume Moscow is aiming to prevent a situation similar to the Gaza Strip, where the US has exclusive regional dominance in shaping long-term trends.

Within this system, the IDF presence in the area carries strategic significance, tied to readiness and the ability to operate east of the Golan border. This operational concept dates back to the tactics passed from Orde Wingate to Moshe Dayan and Yigal Allon in the 1938 Special Night Squads, which emphasized proactive operations beyond settlement fences and raids deep into Arab villages. This is what active defense looks like.

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Exactly two years after his children returned from Hamas captivity, Or, who was abducted from Kibbutz Be'eri to the Gaza Strip on October 7, was returned to Israel as a deceased hostage on Tuesday evening.

Or, 49, was taken from his home on October 7 by Hamas terrorists. His wife Yonat was murdered during the attack, while his two children, Noam and Alma, were kidnapped and subsequently released in the first hostage deal in 2023. An expert committee convened in May 2024 determined that Or was no longer alive.

"The Government of Israel shared in the deep sorrow of the Or family and all the families of deceased hostages. The government and all of Israel's state security apparatus were determined, committed, and working tirelessly to return the two remaining deceased hostages for proper burial in their homeland," the PM's office said in a statement, adding that "The Hamas terror organization was required to fulfill its commitments to the mediators and return them as part of implementing the agreement. The government would not compromise on this and would spare no effort until all the hostages returned home, every last one of them."

Or (49) was a deceased hostage from Kibbutz Beeri who was kidnapped from his home on October 7. His wife, Yonat Or, was murdered, and their two children, Noam Or and Alma Or, were kidnapped and later released in the first deal in November 2023. An expert committee determined in May 2024 that Or was no longer alive.

Or was a devoted father to his three children – Yahli Or (18), Noam Or (17), and Alma Or (13). He served as Kibbutz Be'eri's cheesemaker, a leading culinary professional, a yoga instructor, and a man who appreciated silence.

On October 7, terrorists reached their home in the Kerem neighborhood. The family barricaded themselves in the safe room as their house was set on fire. While inside, united and embracing, Dror and Yonat made the critical decision to get their children out through the window – an action that ultimately saved their lives. Afterward, the couple separated and attempted to escape, but both were caught and murdered. The children were kidnapped to Gaza and returned to Israel after 50 days in captivity.

IDF representatives informed the family of Dror Or that their loved one has been brought back for burial.

According to the information and intelligence available to the IDF:

Dror Or, 48, was murdered by the Islamic Jihad terrorist organization on Oct. 7th, 2023, and his body… pic.twitter.com/JDD9bWOmhx

— Israel Defense Forces (@IDF) November 26, 2025

Two other deceased hostages remain in the Gaza Strip: Ran Gvili, 24, and Sudthisak Rinthalak, 43. Gvili, an Israel Police counter-riot fighter, killed 14 terrorists before he was abducted. Rinthalak, a Thai national, was kidnapped while working in the orchards of Be'eri.

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According to the military, the operation centers on the "five villages" cluster. Forces are arresting wanted suspects based on intelligence identifying a reorganization of terror groups in the sector. Troops also conducted weapons searches in the town of Tubas.

The IDF stated the operation will span several days and concentrates on five key villages – Tubas, Tamun, Far'a, Tayasir and Aqaba. Forces will arrest wanted individuals based on precise intelligence following the identification of renewed terrorist organizations operating in the area.

In Tubas, reports confirmed a military curfew, road blockades and the deployment of army checkpoints throughout the village. Government institutions, schools and kindergartens have been ordered closed for the duration of the operation.

The operation follows activity on Monday, when an Israel Police elite counterterrorism force in Nablus eliminated terrorist Abd al-Rauf Ashtiyeh. Ashtiyeh was responsible for the ramming attack in May of last year that killed Kfir Brigade fighters Staff Sgt. Eliya Hilel (20) from Tel Zion and Staff Sgt. Diego Gabriel Harsaj (20) from Tel Aviv near the community of Itamar in Samaria.

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Video: The funeral of Ali Tabataba'i / Credit: Al-Mayadeen

Up to this point, Hezbollah's strategic decision has been to avoid skirmishing with Israel, claiming that confronting Israel is the Lebanese state's responsibility, and prioritizing its own reconstruction. The organization has demonstrated strategic patience. Concurrently with the IDF attacks over the past year, it has acted determinedly by reorganizing its arrays, collecting and attempting to upgrade the weapons that survived the war, and finding alternative routes to smuggle in new weapons and funds to increase its power. Its operatives have operated discreetly and kept a low profile. They maintain a radical religious ideology, driven by hatred for Israel and the determination to restore the organization to its former position as a threat to Israel's residents and a strong deterrent against the IDF.

While Israel's military superiority is a primary factor restraining the organization, it's not the only reason for Hezbollah's restraint. Following its wartime defeat, Hezbollah's prominent standing within the Lebanese political system also diminished. Despite still being the country's strongest military force, it must consider domestic opponents. These opponents accuse Hezbollah of severely harming Lebanon – contradicting its claim of being "Lebanon's defender" – by fighting Israel to serve the foreign interests of Iran and the Palestinians. The disarmament of Hezbollah, led by the new Lebanese leadership, President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, is the primary issue currently on the Lebanese agenda. However, the killing of Tabataba'i, along with four other Hezbollah operatives in the heart of the Dahiyeh area in Beirut, is pressuring the organization to execute a military response rather than limit itself to threats.

Hezbollah has a wide range of options , and it still possesses the capability to act. It retains military capabilities from the war , supplemented by additional weapons it has managed to smuggle in and develop over the past year, with direct assistance from Iran. Iran increased its influence over the organization following the assassination of Nasrallah and is committed to supporting its rearmament in every way possible. US diplomatic officials indicate that Iran transferred approximately $1 billion to Hezbollah for reconstruction purposes in the past year alone. Despite this support, it is unlikely that Tehran, preoccupied with its own internal issues and efforts to find an acceptable solution with the international community concerning its nuclear interests , would now push the battered Hezbollah into an adventure against Israel.

Nonetheless, the organization could adopt a broad set of options for a possible response against Israeli targets. These potential actions include attacking IDF forces in the five locations it still controls within Lebanon; firing on northern communities or infiltrating a cell into Israel; launching deeper missile fire aimed at the Israeli home front; or carrying out a terror operation against Israeli targets abroad by Hezbollah itself or its partners in the axis, such as Palestinian operatives in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen, and the Shiite militias in Iraq. Israel should also account for the possibility of an operation by rogue elements within Hezbollah that might disregard a decision to continue exercising restraint.

Considering its current difficult state, it's probable that the official Hezbollah, led by the new Secretary-General Naim Qassem – who lacks significant respect – will seek to avoid another wide-ranging round of fighting with Israel , especially since Israel has already threatened a disproportionate response. The organization will likely choose to postpone its response or, due to internal pressure, settle for a limited, symbolic action along the border or overseas, while continuing its efforts to increase its power in anticipation of the next campaign. The challenge for the IDF therefore remains. However, residents of the north can rest assured: the army has the upper hand this time and is prepared for any scenario.

Orna Mizrahi, a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies, joined INSS in December 2018, after a long career in the Israeli security establishment: 26 years in the IDF (ret. Lt. Col.) and 12 years in the National Security Council (NSC) in the Prime Minister's Office (she served under 8 heads of the NSC). 

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"The strike on Hezbollah's chief of staff was not pre-coordinated," the official told Israel Hayom, adding that in the US "we were updated only right after it happened. As I understand it, this was a target of opportunity for the Israelis and they took advantage of the chance to hit him."

The official also said, "It is clear that Hezbollah is a designated terrorist organization by the US, with a great deal of American blood on its hands, so no one is mourning the loss."

He continued, "We are working in close cooperation with the Lebanese to make sure this remains contained and to try to prevent Hezbollah from responding. I do not think eliminating the head of the terrorist organization's military wing undermines the effort to demilitarize Lebanon."

According to the IDF, the Israeli Air Force eliminated Hezbollah's number two and de facto chief of staff on Sunday afternoon in a safe house in Beirut. This was the first Israeli strike in the Dahiyeh since June and the operation was given the name "Black Friday". About four hours after the attack, the IDF confirmed that Tabataba'i had been killed and released footage of the strike. An hour later, Hezbollah also confirmed his death.

Earlier reports said that an Israeli official had confirmed the strike was coordinated with the Americans. Later, a political source clarified that Israel had updated the Americans only afterward, though "Washington knew we were planning to intensify our strikes against Hezbollah."

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Israeli officials assess that Hezbollah will not retaliate for the assassination. Washington was told that the strike fell within the terms of the ceasefire because Tabataba'i continued directing terrorist activity. As of now, there are no special instructions for the home front.

Mohammad Qamati, deputy head of Hezbollah's political council, said the terrorist organization would not respond to what Israel says but would examine the incident and make a decision. He claimed there was "coordination" with the Lebanese state to "put an end to Israeli aggression."

According to him, "this aggression in the Dahiyeh crosses a new red line and represents a green light from the US for escalation." He added that "a jihadi figure, a senior commander, was attacked, and we will announce the name later. All options are open after the strike, and the leadership will make the appropriate decision."

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ordered the strike based on the recommendation of Defense Minister Israel Katz and IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir. Fighter jets executed the attack with exceptional precision, hitting the exact floor of Tabataba'i's safe house. Security officials emphasized the air force's peak readiness, noting that the operation was launched shortly after the intelligence was received.

Tabataba'i, formerly the commander of the Radwan Force and Hezbollah's southern front, was considered one of the group's most senior military leaders. The US government previously offered a five million dollar reward for information on him and designated him an international terrorist in 2016 for his activity in Syria and Yemen alongside pro-Iranian militias.

The elimination of Hezbollah's chief of staff is part of the IDF's broader strategy to increase pressure on the terrorist organization and on the Lebanese government, which has failed to meet its obligation to disarm Hezbollah.

According to Israeli intelligence, Hezbollah is rearming and rebuilding its capabilities faster than they are being degraded. Israel is therefore preparing for a concentrated operation, expected to last at least several days, to significantly weaken the terrorist organization. The understanding in Israel is that as long as Hezbollah continues trying to restore its strength, repeated actions of this kind will be necessary.

Israel is open about its intentions: both to pressure the Lebanese government to disarm Hezbollah and to prepare the Israeli public for the possibility that this effort may fail. As of now, the Home Front Command has not changed its guidelines, though it is likely that if a broader operation begins, the IDF will also prepare for the possibility of a Hezbollah response.

A senior security official stressed that "there are currently no signs that Hezbollah is preparing a response. The assessment is that they will not retaliate."

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Whether these launchers were deployed as part of Hezbollah's broader effort to restore military capabilities or as preparation for shorter-term retaliation to potential IDF-initiated operations remains unclear. Recent weeks brought reports that Israel prepares for extensive operations in southern Lebanon, given the Lebanese Armed Forces' failure (or refusal) to secure the territory.

Yesterday, Lebanese Armed Forces chief Rodolphe Haykal stated operations advance as planned, yet Israeli sources note Hezbollah rebuilds infrastructure faster than expected, forcing Israel to act independently. Israeli activity seems designed partly to pressure Lebanon's government – via the United States and France – while threatening war renewal.

In the Gaza front, IDF forces leverage Hamas ceasefire violations to impose costs on the organization. Initial responses targeted specific violations – operatives crossing the yellow line faced elimination – but now each incident triggers broader strikes (yesterday brought elimination of mid-level Hamas military wing operatives). Palestinian accusations that Israel seeks to destroy the agreement sound exaggerated currently, as Israel apparently pushes the organization toward full agreement compliance, while three deceased hostages remain in Gaza.

Israel won't risk combat resumption without explicit American approval. President Donald Trump currently embraces the agreement – he hosted released living hostages at his office last week – and actively promotes subsequent phases, including unprecedented economic deals with Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey, some carrying significant Israeli implications. Jerusalem exploits this to pressure Hamas and its Doha and Ankara sponsors, though unlike the Lebanese model, Israeli operational latitude appears limited.

The Judea and Samaria front currently appears most volatile, amid sharply increased Palestinian terror activity and violent incidents – some constituting actual terror – by Jewish extremists. IDF and Shin Bet forces must allocate greater attention to this theater, whose impact exceeds its geographic boundaries: developments there could affect all other theaters and ignite them, carrying extensive political consequences. Last week, the prime minister and defense minister vowed forceful action against Jewish violence, yet senior officials report field measures remain "insufficient and weak." They describe this as "playing with fire" risking loss of control.

Behind activity across these three fronts, Israeli concern about Iranian developments grows. Various international media reports suggest that five months after the first Iran war concluded, parties edge toward a second Iran conflict. Israel particularly worries about accelerated Iranian missile production (reports indicate Iran already possesses missile quantities matching pre-war levels), plus continued refusal to cooperate with the Atomic Energy Committee on its nuclear program.

This intense security activity won't diminish significantly soon. Intensity levels may shift, but challenges persist, requiring defense forces to maintain extensive, complex deployments. Against this backdrop, government efforts advancing the draft evasion law become more conspicuous, directly opposing IDF requirements and Israeli society's needs while spotlighting government preference for immediate interests over long-term state and citizen welfare.

A survey by the Israel Democracy Institute, highlighted by Lilach Shoval, reflects this dynamic. Results underpin low public government trust, with officials perceived as evading October 7 accountability. This contrasts with the IDF, maintaining high public confidence despite troubling declines in commander trust and investigation credibility. The Israeli public views the IDF as a protected institution: preserving this status demands internal reform plus insisting government halt efforts weakening military strength.

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