Video: Youths in Istanbul dress up as Nazis / Credit: Social Media

The uproar began when a video circulated on the social media platform X showing two young Turkish men walking around the popular Istiklal Avenue in Istanbul, the country's largest city, dressed in SS officer uniforms. Users estimated this was a particularly shocking choice for a Halloween costume, celebrated mainly among liberal young people in the city.

What's no less shocking than the young men's attire is the fact that other young people passing by on the street approached them and asked to be photographed, giving Nazi salutes and smiling. A Turkish X account that posted the video published alongside it the caption, "Young people are photographed on Istiklal Avenue while they are dressed in Nazi uniforms and giving Nazi salutes. Even if you call them idiots, I still can't understand the young people who approach them and ask to be photographed."

On other accounts, the video sparked an entire debate. The user identified with the nationalist right, wrote, "I don't understand why people go crazy like rabid dogs every time they see Nazi uniforms. Was your grandfather a Jew in a concentration camp that you react like this?" A commentator responded, "Do you really have to be the victim to oppose a murderous regime?"

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The morning air in Sarachane Square carries a confusing mixture of scents. Tear gas from last night's demonstrations mingles with the aroma of simit, the Turkish bagels sold at every street corner for breakfast. The spots where protesters burned tires yesterday remain visible on the black asphalt, but the square is mostly quiet now, with passersby making their way to work.

Sarachane district, which simply translates to "saddle makers," is one of Istanbul's oldest quarters. The square where demonstrations take place is adorned with an aqueduct built during Roman Emperor Valens' reign – an ancient architectural marvel standing in stark contrast to the massive complex facing it. Istanbul's city hall and municipal services center is an enormous concrete structure inaugurated in the 1970s that once symbolized the city's march from its glorious history toward a modern future. This imposing government building has become the focal point for the massive protests filling the square.

Two protest shifts, continuing through the night hours, stand near the building where Ekrem Imamoglu worked as Istanbul's mayor before his arrest. Imamoglu is the main rival of the country's president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The first group comprises black-clad, masked teenagers – supporters of the Besiktas soccer team who have aligned themselves with protesters demanding the opposition leader's release. These young fans shout patriotic slogans at full volume, some dating back to Mustafa Kemal, Turkey's legendary leader who transformed the country from a defeated religious empire into a proud, secular nation-state.

The black-clad patriots' chants gladden another group of protesters – middle-aged women wearing expensive clothes who have also remained at the site overnight, trying to keep the protest spirit alive. One approaches the young people and offers them and me warm pastries – a peculiar fellowship of protesters at odd hours. Selen, a protest activist among these women, explains why they stood in the cold night calling for Imamoglu's release: "It's not just him behind bars; we're all in a kind of prison because of the government's conduct." Minutes later, she and the other women depart for their workplaces, promising to return to the square in the evening with the masses.

Ekrem Imamoglu, whose arrest has become the rallying cry of the Turkish opposition and whose portrait now adorns the square, resembles a polite, smiling bank clerk more than an opposition leader who fills the government with fear. Yet, with his conciliatory approach, traditional background, and dedication to transparency and rule of law, Imamoglu has managed to defeat Erdogan's candidates in three consecutive mayoral elections. According to some national polls, he stands a chance of defeating the Turkish president in a head-to-head contest. That's precisely why the ruler in Ankara understands that the battle for Sarachane Square could easily transform into a battle for his very rule, and his loyalists are responding accordingly.

Turkey's interior minister, Ali Yerlikaya, announced earlier this week that 1,418 protesters have been arrested since the protests began. Some were detained in their homes after facial recognition cameras identified them at demonstrations. Others were arrested merely for criticizing the Erdogan regime on social media. It's no wonder that protesters repeatedly express their fear of living in what they describe as a "prison of thoughts." The prospect of being arrested in one's home simply for participating in protests – or even expressing support for the movement – dominates the fears of young demonstrators while simultaneously spurring them to action.

On the other side of this divide, in a small café meters from the square, a group of young police officers sit in late morning, smoking cigarettes, drinking tea, and eating breakfast, ignoring accepted Ramadan customs. One officer named Osman invites me to join them. He seems eager to defend the honor of those in uniform: "We would never attack our own people; you'll see for yourself. People are free to protest and be angry and speak, but there are a few who choose violence, and we have no choice but to deal with them." Osman is a municipal police officer whose regular duties involve maintaining public order, not riot control. "I have quite a few friends and family members who go out to protest; these aren't strangers to me," he insists while holding his small tea glass.

Echoing familiar voices

The further one moves from the protest epicenter, the more Istanbul – that mighty, cosmopolitan, tourist-friendly metropolis – seems to continue its normal rhythms, at least on the surface. Near the Hagia Sophia mosque, tourists gather to marvel at the historical wonders of the ancient city, while shops and food stalls overflow with goods.

"Don't be fooled; it's a beautiful day outside, so the street looks nice, but we've taken a hard hit here," says Ferhat, who owns a small restaurant not far from the historical heart of the city. "First the inflation, then the lira crash two years ago – I lost a lot of savings. And now the number of tourists has dropped to almost zero; it breaks my heart," he laments. When I ask if he supports the protests, his eyes immediately light up. "Of course, there's something so basic here – defending the rules of the game. If someone who was democratically elected can be arrested, then we can all be arrested. We cannot allow that," he says passionately.

On Istanbul University's campus, just hundreds of meters from the protest epicenter, classes continue normally. Students in the nearby café hesitate to speak with a foreign journalist – they've learned that even small comments in the wrong place could lead to arrest. Eventually, the reporter is invited to join a table where students discuss the political situation in English.

Zeynep, a young marine biology student wearing a hijab who came to Istanbul from Anatolia, expresses frustration with the government. "They don't care about us in any way. I saw the neglect in my hometown. While Erdogan built himself a palace, my parents struggled with inflation and wage erosion. Every time something inconveniences them, they change the rules – this arrest exemplifies that," she says.

Elin, sitting nearby, defends the government: "I don't understand the fuss. There were elections recently, and this is what people chose." The discussion echoes familiar political debates. "People also voted for Istanbul's mayor – that's exactly the point," counters Johnny, who willingly identifies himself. "When convenient, it's democracy, when it's not – everyone should be quiet." Minutes later, the group shifts to discussing "The White Lotus," and the amused reporter continues on his way.

Rights, law, justice

As twilight falls on Sarachane Square, protesters begin streaming in. Religious demonstrators hold their Ramadan iftar meal on the grass in the adjacent park, while secular protesters smoke cigarettes and buy souvenirs from omnipresent vendors who've quickly adapted their merchandise to the movement. Near the local government building's entrance, protesters have already gathered.

The reporter meets Asla, Tuba, and Jiran – three young female students who traveled from the suburbs for their first-ever protest. "You'll see all shades of Turkey here – secular, religious, elderly, students. We can't allow this to become our country's future. We must win this struggle."

Near the stage where the Republican People's Party leader will soon speak, older protesters have gathered. Some wear party pins, appearing more like retirees on an outing than participants in an existential struggle for their nation's future. When one hears English being spoken, he approaches with a serious expression. Though he knows no English, Ahmet Akci, an Istanbul pensioner, uses Google Translate on his smartphone to communicate. "I don't like what this country has become in recent years," he types.

Unlike younger protesters, Akci freely shares his full name. "Erdogan just quarrels with everyone – the opposition, the world – meanwhile, our cities are dirty, everything is expensive, and our best young people, like my grandchildren, seek jobs abroad," he writes. As our unusual digital conversation continues in the bustling square, he touches on foreign relations: "I don't understand why we must quarrel with Israel. Want to help Palestinians? Fine. But we'd have more influence with Israel if we weren't constantly arguing with them," he notes through the translation app.

During this conversation, the square has filled dramatically as waves of people emerge from the nearby metro station, which reopened after days of closure imposed by the governor, a staunch Erdogan supporter. The atmosphere transforms with these fresh arrivals, taking on a carnival-like quality. Thousands of young people arrive wearing various masks – evidence of their fear of police surveillance cameras. The rallying cry "Law, rights, and justice" dominates, appearing on numerous creative signs.

"Yes, sex is great, but rights, law, and justice are the best," reads a sign carried by Inara, a young protester attending one of her first demonstrations, with surprising seriousness. "A good slogan attracts attention, and it's nice to get looks from guys for being bold, but our situation is so difficult that no joke really helps," she explains.

Dinosaur in the square

The protesters have embraced another satirical theme: an abandoned dinosaur-themed amusement park where financial irregularities were discovered during construction. The park was built by an Erdogan associate, and the president himself attended its grand opening in Ankara. Beside a sign reading "I also escaped from Erdogan's park" stands Ana, a 23-year-old student in a dinosaur costume that draws chuckles from passersby.

Atas, Ana's partner, expresses grave concern for his fellow protesters. "I've been here daily since the protests began. From the start, they tried to suppress this movement, but so many people came that the police adopted new tactics. They let people 'blow off steam,' gather and give speeches, and then they charge, beat, and arrest. My friend was arrested and beaten until he nearly lost consciousness," he says, visibly worried. Looking directly at the reporter, he pleads: "Promise me when the speeches end, you'll get out of here. The police are coming to kill us; they don't care if we die." His words land with shocking force, impossible to reconcile with the friendly policeman's morning assurances.

The paranoia among some protesters is palpable. On the demonstration's edges, young people don protective vests and face coverings, preparing for confrontation. The reporter photographs a young man wearing a "Grey Wolves" armband – a nationalist, antisemitic movement that previously supported Erdogan but has splintered, with some violent supporters joining the protests.

This proves to be a mistake. Within moments, several large men surround the journalist, demanding in broken English that the photo be deleted. Though the reporter complies, one man grabs the phone. "What the hell, brother," he says, noticing unfamiliar text. Thinking quickly, the reporter claims, "It's Navajo, a Native American language." The men look confused. "You Indian?" one asks clumsily. "Brother! We're not called that anymore. It's not cool. It's not right," the reporter responds, leaping to defend his invented heritage.

The men nod in agreement, and the phone is returned with an apologetic look. As the reporter begins walking back toward his hotel, stun grenade explosions sound from the square's northern edge. Families with children, elderly people, and casual protesters head toward the metro station while masked youths continue arriving, beating drums and shouting battle cries. The reporter decides against witnessing the imminent clash – an Israeli journalist's arrest in Turkey would be problematic even for someone accustomed to conflict zones.

Power is still with Erdogan

"I really hope you're not eating at Burger King or something like that," says Anwar (pseudonym), an Istanbul-born businessman, in a reproachful tone as the reporter joins him at a café overlooking the Bosphorus Strait. The culinary patriot seats his guest at a table loaded with traditional Turkish breakfast delicacies after thoroughly interrogating him about every meal consumed during the Istanbul visit.

They last met in the border town of Silopi in 2015, after the reporter's return from Iraq during the final stages of the anti-ISIS campaign. Anwar remains sharp, energetic, and patriotic, but one thing has changed dramatically: once a prominent member of Erdogan's Justice and Development Party who prospered in eastern Turkey through government connections, recent years have completely transformed his political outlook.

The serene waterfront café atmosphere contrasts starkly with the previous night's protest scenes, yet Anwar's words echo the same frustrations: "You can't prosper without a functioning legal framework. Turkey's legal framework has become a hollow shell. Corruption and nepotism have always existed here, but slowly everything else that worked has disappeared," he explains with evident concern.

The businessman recalls his years supporting Erdogan: "This man transformed Turkey from a poor country into a regional power, especially economically. My children were born into a hopeless Turkey where the military interfered in politics, and national pride was at rock bottom. The Justice and Development Party brought industry, infrastructure, and a world-class airline. I live secularly, but their religiosity didn't bother me because I saw people committed to Turkey's success."

When asked what changed, Anwar sighs: "Remember when we met in the east and you asked if I feared ISIS? I told you they had no chance against Turkey. Indeed, ISIS collapsed, and internationally, Turkey is stronger than ever. But internally, Erdogan fragmented our society. The gaps between secular and religious, rich and poor, have never been wider. The government pushed religious institutions everywhere, and if you were not in those circles, you no longer mattered. No wonder both left and right are dissatisfied," says the formerly optimistic man, now visibly disheartened.

"Three days ago, I did something unprecedented in my life," Anwar confesses. "I joined a protest. I left my family at home and went alone to Sarachane Square. I never imagined protesting alongside Republican People's Party members, but it was the first time I'd breathed freely in three years. Seeing young people with that determination in their eyes, knowing our country has a new generation willing to fight for it – it gave me hope."

Despite his emotional connection to the movement, Anwar's political analysis remains coolly pragmatic: "These protests are merely a show of force; they won't topple the government alone. The scales haven't decisively tipped toward the opposition, but Imamoglu's figure could unite them in a way that brings Erdogan's defeat in future elections, even if Ekrem remains imprisoned."

Having met Imamoglu several times, Anwar explains the opposition leader's appeal: "True, he resembles Harry Potter – this good boy image – but his charisma is undeniable. He's honest, hardworking, and accessible. His determination is extraordinary. I'm certain that despite his imprisonment, he's already planning a hundred moves ahead," he says with a knowing smile.

Returning to Sarachane for another evening of protests, the reporter contemplates Imamoglu's portrait. One can't help wondering if Turkey has finally found its hero who will free it from the Justice and Development Party's grip and lead it toward a better future – one distinct from Erdogan's Ottoman imperial dreams. Or whether, like the Gezi Park protests and subsequent opposition movements, this revolution too will fail to achieve meaningful change.

The post 'The police are coming to kill us': Inside Turkey's uprising against Erdogan appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Artist Lea Gol's living room in her Jerusalem home is also her studio. The evidence is scattered all over: brushes, paints, and artwork from all periods of her life. The ZOA House (Beit Ziyonei America) in Tel Aviv is currently displaying an exhibition of her paintings "Exposed to the Forces of Nature": 23 large canvases, full of emotions, reflecting the spiritual journey she encountered, documenting her life history and femininity, and also magically touching stories of Jewish tradition. Two men, one with wings, struggle in a surrealistic landscape full of color – a symbol of the struggle between Jacob and the angel, between good and evil; or the painting of "Eshet Chayil" – "I drew the seven Sefirot, and it is quite clear," Gol claims, mentioning the Kabbalistic term in passing. "There are also many different codes in the colors I chose: crimson and light blue are the colors of the Temple. I generally do not need to explain the painting; people understand on their own, but I enjoy hearing what they have to say about my paintings. Sometimes we see the same things, and sometimes I discover new things through what I hear from them."

This is her first exhibition in Israel, but certainly not the first in her life – she has held dozens of exhibitions in Turkey. "Painting and art are an inseparable part of who I am. This is the world I was born into. My mother studied art at the Academy of Art in Istanbul, and I grew up in a house of artists. My mother's uncle was a famous director who won international awards, and after spending a long time in the United States, he returned to Turkey and moved in with us, so I got to know this world from a close-up. When I was young, I wanted to be a ballerina, but pursuing this career wasn't possible in Turkey. I started drawing, and I was good at it, so my parents took it seriously and I became an artist.

"I became very attached to surrealism. I had the privilege of studying with Erol Denec, a well-known Turkish artist who studied in Vienna with Ernst Fuchs, one of the founders of fantastic realism. When I first encountered Judaism, I combined it with this artistic style. You can see this in my paintings in the exhibition, the expression of my understanding of the Jewish texts through the paintbrush. I read amazing ideas in the Torah, in commentaries, and in Kabbalah (mysticism) and I wanted to share my excitement. What was the best way to do this? What was the best way to express myself? Through my canvas."

From India to Judaism

Gol, 51 years old, beautiful, and tall, smiles brightly. She was born in Istanbul to Muslim parents. Although she had been drawing since childhood, after graduating high school she enrolled in a business administration course at a university in Istanbul. A few days after starting her studies, she realized it was not for her, and returned to art.

Already at a young age, Gol became a well-known personality among the city's artists. She opened her own studio and was invited to all important events of Turkish artists. Then, following a serious accident, she began her journey to Judaism. It happened in 2000 when she was 27 years old. "I went with a friend to the opening event of an exhibition in Istanbul," she says. "A huge truck drove into us, and our car overturned and rolled several times. We miraculously got out safe and uninjured. I started asking myself a lot of questions: Who saved me? Why was I saved?".

Gol's first step in her search for answers was reading spiritual writings. She then participated in a variety of workshops and classes, as well as extended meditation "retreats." Next, Gol and her boyfriend decided to go to India. "There I felt something very strong," she says. "In India, there is a strong energy that can be felt everywhere. Today I can say that it is impure energy, the exact opposite of the holy energy that can be felt here in Israel. But at the time I did not know this, because I had not yet met Judaism."

Turkey is a Muslim country with a population exceeding 85 million people, and its Jewish community is small, with fewer than 15,000 people. Even so, Jews were not strangers to Gol. "The truth is that I grew up among Jews. I studied at a prestigious private school on the European side of Istanbul, and half of the students there were Jews. But they were Jews like I was a Muslim; slightly traditional, but also very secular.

"My birthday is on April 16 and often falls on Passover. My Jewish friends would come to the party, and apologize that they couldn't eat the cake, but in the end, they couldn't resist and took a bite. In any case, this is the community I knew. My friend at the time of the accident was also Jewish. But again, these are Jews who do not know the treasure of their Judaism."

Q: So how did you end up with us?

"It all happened because of India. After my trip, I decided that if this is the center, the root of spirituality, I must live there. When I know what I want, I go for it all the way. I told my mother that I wanted to leave everything and live in India, and she said that she understood that I was looking for the root, but suggested that before that, I sit down and read the holy books that we had at home."

Gol's mother kept books of the three fundamental monotheistic religions on a high shelf in their home: the Bible, the New Testament, and the Quran. She asked her daughter to read them before going on her adventure to India. Gol did as she asked, and this is how she discovered what she calls "the philosophy of Judaism." "In those days I thought about Judaism, but had no idea how to lead a Jewish lifestyle, let alone a religious one," she says with laughing eyes.

After reading Jewish texts, she found interest, began to study, understood more, and finally decided to convert. Fate took her to start in a very symbolic place: the Anne Frank House, which she had visited during a vacation in Amsterdam. A special feeling gripped her during the visit, and before leaving she signed the visitor's book, where she wrote that she had finally decided to join the Jewish people.

"Me too, like Leah"

Conversion is impossible in Turkey. According to an old, but valid, Ottoman agreement between the Turkish state and the Jewish community, a Jewish court in Turkey is not allowed to convert to Judaism. The agreement is rooted in the sources of Judaism in the Ottoman Empire: in 1492, after the expulsion from Spain, Sultan Bayezid II invited the Jewish refugees to come to his country, and about 40,000 people responded to his call, settling mainly in Istanbul and Thessaloniki. According to Islam, a Muslim is, of course, forbidden to convert his religion, so already at the time of establishing the institutions of the Jewish community, the Ottomans strictly forbade the courts from holding any conversions. What does a Muslim woman who wants to convert do? She must travel to another country and find a court that is willing to accept her.

A Jewish friend of Gol told her about a court in Amsterdam that might convert her after she studied Judaism in that community for six months. Gol was in the middle of working on a collection of paintings, and decided to finish it, put it in an exhibition, and then go to the Netherlands. Her parents did not object to the idea, and she prepared for the trip.

At the end of March 2005, the exhibition opened, and Gol was about to leave, but then her plans changed after a meeting with Leon, a Turkish Jew she had already met earlier. After his father's death, Leon began to "strengthen his own religious convictions," and she could ask him all her questions about Judaism. He was very impressed by the girl who was craving the Torah and decided to propose. His rabbi, the Chabad emissary in Istanbul, Rabbi Mendy Hitrik, connected her with Chabad Rabbi Michael Brody, who ran a conversion center in Atlanta, Georgia. Gol went there and converted in a relatively short process since she had already begun her studies long before that.

On her return to Istanbul, she married Leon, and almost immediately became a prominent figure in the city's Jewish community. She gave lessons on the Parasha (the weekly Torah reading), studied the laws of family purity, and taught new brides. She and Leon had four children – twins Vanessa and Allegra, daughter Daniella, and son Avraham. The couple's home was open to everyone, and they invited many to their Shabbat meals, including a Jewish tourist who missed his flight, an assimilating Turkish Jew, and curious non-Jews who wanted to experience a Jewish Sabbath. About a year ago, she says, she started hosting tourists, and not necessarily Jews, at Shabbat dinners in her current apartment, in Jerusalem.

Q: Your life in Istanbul was full: of family, friends, and community. What made you leave everything and come to Israel?

"When I converted, there was a good reason for choosing the name 'Leah.' She is a biblical character that I admire. A strong, noble woman, her life was not easy at all, but she managed to raise her head and live through it all with faith. When I took her name, I felt like I got a part of her inside me as well. I also see myself as a woman who follows through with all her decisions."

"When I lived in Turkey, I felt at some stage that everything was good and beautiful on the outside, but everything was stuck on the inside. I had difficulties in my personal relationship, and I no longer enjoyed the classes I taught, because I saw that their impact was more intellectual than practical. I also realized that our children were missing out on a social life because they were religious. The community was secular, and all events took place on Saturdays. I asked God to show me the way. That's how I realized that the truth is here in Israel. I felt the strong holiness of the Land of Israel, especially in Jerusalem. There is a strong force that draws me here. Immigrants from Turkey who have come to Israel in the last 15 years generally live in Ra'anana, Tel Aviv, or Ashkelon. I was drawn to Jerusalem." In the next sentence, her face lights up, and suddenly the artist in her is speaking: "I am in love with the light of Jerusalem, reflected on the stone buildings."

The rose beyond the thorns

In 2018, they applied to the Jewish Agency for immigration. "I came to visit, checking out schools, seeing apartments. I sent the children to a summer camp in Israel, so they could get to know Israel close up."

Gol initially hoped that she and Leon would be able to overcome the difficulties in their relationship, but during their preparations for Aliyah, things got even worse, and they divorced. This only strengthened her desire to come to Israel and start a new life. Leon decided to stay in Turkey, and after two years of attempted persuasion, he agreed that his children immigrate to Israel without him. During this time, both of Gol's parents passed away.

Gol and her children arrived in Israel in August 2021. They received their Israeli identity cards (te'udot zehut) and settled in Jerusalem. When she came here, Gol was ready to start from scratch. "Aliyah (immigration) is a unique challenge, a tortuous path. It's no coincidence that we are talking in English right now. It is not easy to learn a foreign language, and learning Hebrew was, in any case, a secondary task on my to-do list. First of all, I had to take care of all my children's urgent needs and make sure they acclimated well. I am glad that they were welcomed in their schools, Horev and Dugma. I'm lucky that Sarah and Yosef Cohen, who moved to Jerusalem a few years ago, were here for me. They helped me with everything. They even found this apartment for me. The difficulties are real, but I say that if we want to pick a rose, there is a high chance that on the way we will also prick our fingers on thorns. Doesn't the rose justify the thorns?

"I will add an anecdote that shows how challenging it is to be an immigrant. On Oct. 7, it took me a long time to comprehend what was happening. There were sirens, but we went to the synagogue to celebrate Simchat Torah. I did not understand how serious the situation was. A few weeks ago, we went on vacation to the southern city of Eilat, and we were at the marina when they intercepted a hostile aircraft. We saw the interception, and I was sure that these were fireworks. It was difficult to get used to the Israeli reality without having any family history of serving in the Israel Defense Forces. I never heard my father, or my grandfather, talk about Israeli wars. So, I am learning something new every day."

The exhibition "Exposed to the Forces of Nature", which is being held at ZOA House (Beit Ziyonei America) in Tel Aviv from May 6 to June 16, came to life by chance, or as Gol prefers to describe it: Yad Hashem (the Hand of God). "Life in general, and aliyah in particular, is a game of confidence: to what extent am I willing to let go and see that God's Hand is helping me. Over the years my friends gave me many telephone numbers, and contacts that could help me to present myself as an artist. I couldn't use them at the time, but I continued to paint and put together this whole exhibition. One day the apartment owner's cousin came here, saw the paintings, and sent photographs of them to her neighbor, who runs the ZOA House. This is how the idea of the exhibition came about. It was supposed to be short and open immediately after the Jewish High Holidays but was postponed several times because of the war in Gaza. It has only now been opened, for a period of six weeks."

An impressive painting of the Istanbul shores looking from the sea, the Bosphorus straits, and the mosques behind them, their columns and domes hanging on the wall of her home. She did not paint this picture, Gol reveals, but rather her mother. In her voice, you can hear her longing for her native surroundings. If you ask her, she has not cut her ties with the life and culture in Turkey, and her "blood" is still Turkish.

But, she explains to me and her face expresses deep pain, the beautiful, good country she grew up in no longer exists. She believes that the Atatürk Reforms, initiated by the founder of modern Turkey, are going to disappear. Turkey is moving away from the progressive and secular country it used to be. Most of Gol's non-Jewish friends, who are not Erdoğan supporters, have already purchased homes for themselves outside of Turkey, ready for the day when the situation becomes unbearable.

As strange as it may sound, Leah's Jewish friends actually believe that the situation will improve. But she doesn't think like them. "I am happy that my parents did not live long enough to see what Turkey has become today," says Gol. "I am very proud that my children, despite the fear they experienced when the war broke out, never asked to return to Turkey. This is my greatest success."

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A three-story commercial building collapsed on Sunday in Istanbul, Turkey's largest city, killing at least one person in a daytime incident on a bustling street.

Video: Dramatic footage of the building collapsing in Istanbul, Turkey

Hundreds of emergency responders rushed to the scene in an effort to locate and rescue any individuals trapped beneath the rubble. The Haberler news site reported that at least seven people were trapped under the debris.

The catastrophe occurred in the Kucukcekme neighborhood of Istanbul's western districts, far from its historic and tourist center. As rescue operations continued, the cause of the building's collapse remained unknown.

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Foreign Ministry officials expressed hope the Israeli couple arrested for photographing Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's home, would soon be released from prison.

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Natalie and Mordy Oknin's attorney, Nir Yaslovitzh, met with Mordy in prison Monday. He was set to meet with his wife Natalie Tuesday.

Following the meeting, Yaslovitzh said the appeal against their extended remand would be summited by Friday. Meanwhile, Foreign Ministry officials said efforts to free the couple were ongoing, and that talks were held between high-ranking Israeli and Turkish officials and diplomats.

Yaslovitzh said it was thanks to the many efforts of the Prime Minister's Office, the Foreign Ministry, and the local consul that he had been able to meet with Mordy in prison.

Mordy "was very excited to see me, someone who spoke Hebrew. I gave him strength and explained his situation to him. I explained to him that an entire country is following his story and he wasn't even aware of what is going on in our country."

He said, "I explained to him the future steps I intend to take. I tried to instill in him a spirit of hope and faith that he would succeed in getting out of the place he is now in. He asked me a lot of not-so-simple questions like how long will this go on, how the Turkish system works, why he is under arrest in the first place, and why they [the Turks] don't understand I'm not a man who engages in espionage."

According to the attorney, "Mordy is staying in a separate room from the other prisoners, and I understand the rationale behind that and that is why I am happy they separated him so that they don't hurt him.

"Mordy was investigated once, laconically and briefly," Yaslovitzh said, noting he would ask for better conditions for Oknin while he in prison.

"I can say the meeting included quite a few tears, both his and my own. I promised him I would bring him back to Israel, and I intend to do just that," he said.

Following talks with the Turks, a consular visit with the couple was approved. While Israel is pressing for that meeting to be held as soon as possible, a date has yet to be set.

"The visit is a step in the right direction, but the goal is to bring them home," an official with knowledge of Israeli efforts to free the couple said.

Foreign Minister Yair Lapid is also personally involved in the issue, the official said.

Sima Duvdevani, the head of the Foreign Ministry's department for Israelis overseas, met with the couple's relatives in Modiin Monday to update them on recent developments in the case and the steps the ministry intended to take.

Prior to their arrest in Istanbul, the Oknins had shared a video to an Israeli friend of theirs who had expressed trepidation about traveling to Turkey. In the video, Natalie is heard saying: "You have nothing to fear. It's fun in Turkey, safe in Turkey. You speak Hebrew freely, travel and walk around, and they love us Israelis." Mordy said: "There are a lot of Israelis and a lot of delicious food and there are fun places to visit. Come and have fun. Everything is safe."

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Israel on Sunday night continued its intensive diplomatic efforts to secure the release of an Israeli couple being held in Turkey, denying allegations from Turkish state media that the two are spies.

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Mordy and Natalie Oknin were arrested late last Thursday night after taking photographs of Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan's residence in Istanbul from the Camlica Tower, a telecommunications tower with observation decks. According to Turkey's state news agency Anadolu, a Turkish national was also arrested.

Israeli officials have expressed concern that Turkey will try to leverage the recent arrest of an Israeli couple touring the country for political gain.

Although the Turkish press is paying only scant attention to the story, the Erdogan government's history of politically motivated detentions has raised concerns in Israel and elsewhere that the couple could be detained in Turkey for a long period of time, perhaps even years.

"Considering the history of the Erdogan government, which throughout the years has held dozens of citizens of Western countries under false allegations, with the aim of using them as bargaining chips against their governments, the Israeli couple could also become a victim of Turkey's politicized legal system," said Dr. Aykan Erdemir, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies who served in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey between 2011 and 2015 as a representative from the pro-secular Republican People's Party.

According to Erdemir, "If Ankara is again pursuing a policy of hostage diplomacy, it won't only harm Israeli-Turkish relations, rather the entire tourism industry in Turkey. The idea that taking photographs of tourist attractions could lead to tourists being put behind bars is frightening for any potential visitor to Turkey."

Asked by Israel Hayom what he believed to be the motivation behind the arrest of the Israeli couple, Erdemir replied: "Similar to anti-Americanism and anti-Christian sentiments [in previous cases], anti-Israel and antisemitic sentiments appear to be behind the arrest of Natalie and Mordy Oknin."

An Israeli diplomatic official said the Turkish authorities have not yet allowed an Israeli consular representative to meet the detained couple. Israeli authorities, meanwhile, were considering issuing a travel warning to Turkey.

Prime Minister Naftali Bennett said in a statement that he had spoken with the family of the two Israelis and updated them on the efforts being made to bring them back to Israel.

The couple, Bennett said, "as has already been emphasized by officials, do not work for any Israeli agency."

"The most senior echelons in Israel dealt with this issue throughout the weekend, led by the Foreign Ministry, and will continue to work tirelessly with the aim of finding a solution as soon as possible," he said.

While it was first believed that the two would be swiftly expelled from Turkey, an Istanbul court on Friday ordered they be remanded for an additional 20 days, pending trial for "political and military espionage."

Bennett on Sunday asked his cabinet ministers to avoid any statements on the matter so that the issue could be properly handled via diplomatic channels. He added that he was working to secure their release "but this is not the time to elaborate on that." He noted that Israel was doing "everything" to bring them home.

The defendants' lawyer, Nir Yaslovizh, who arrived in Istanbul on Friday, called the accusation "preposterous" and blasted the court's "bizarre and unacceptable" remand order.

"They are not spies," he stressed.

Foreign Minister Yair Lapid issued a statement over the weekend officially denying that the couple was linked to "any Israeli security agency."

Yaslovizh added that he was receiving the "full cooperation and assistance" of all relevant Israeli ministries.

"Turkish authorities clearly have a different, ludicrous, perception of this case than we do. The court remanded them to allow the Turkish prosecution the time to formulate espionage charges. They have a 20-day deadline, but they can extend it.

"I think what we have seen here is an inconceivable ruling that counters all [international] conventions regarding detention" of foreign nationals, he said.

An unnamed source familiar with the Turkish legal system told Channel 12 News that it was "clear that this was a political, rather than a legal, decision. … It is clear that elements in Erdogan's circle exerted pressure and briefed him as if these were Mossad agents on an Israeli mission."

Erdogan has not publicly commented on the affair and his government has yet to make any demands for the couple's release, but on the other hand, details on the investigation or the reason for the decision to extend the Oknins' remand have been scarce.

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Several Israeli outlets cited Jerusalem sources as saying that the Turkish security establishment was wary of Israelis at this time, given the recent exposure of an alleged Mossad spy ring operating in the country.

Perhaps within that context, Israel's Channel 13 News correspondent Ali Mograbi on Sunday was also detained by Turkish security personnel and asked to stop filming as he covered the story.

Local police asked Mograbi for his journalist's certificate and even ordered him to delete the materials he had photographed.

After he was questioned, Mograbi was released to his hotel and ordered not to leave it.

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In a packed Istanbul passenger ferry between Europe and Asia, all eyes turn to one commuter enjoying the view from his window.

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Boji, a street dog, has become a regular sight on ferries, buses, and metro trains in Europe's largest city. A devoted commuter, the dog enjoys long journeys on public transport, up to 30 kilometers (18 miles) on a regular weekday.

Istanbul municipality officials who record the dog's trips with a microchip say he drops by at least 29 metro stations a day and was even tracked at sea, taking a weekend break to the Princes' Islands off the city's coast.

With golden-brown fur, dark eyes, and floppy ears, Boji started to draw attention two months ago.

"We noticed a dog using our metros and trains and he knows where to go. He knows where to get out," said Aylin Erol, from Metro Istanbul. "It's like he has a purpose."

Data collected from his tracking device shows historic tram lines are Boji's favorite but he is also a frequent subway commuter. Erol says the dog respects public transport rules and waits for disembarking passengers before hopping on the train.

He enjoys traveling on the middle part of a subway carriage, or boji in Turkish - hence the name which officials gave him.

Erol says he brought color into the lives of 1.3 million commuters of the metropolis. Istanbulites post pictures of him on social media, and his own accounts have more than 50,000 followers.

"You take the train and, suddenly, you see Boji. And look at him. He lies, just like this. You just smile and catch the moment, really. This is what Boji evokes for Istanbulites. He also reminds us that we can still enjoy Istanbul as we rush about."

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Last week, Turkey canceled the sixth-century former cathedral-turned-mosque's 86-year status as a museum and said it would open for Muslim worship as of July 24.

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The decision sparked criticism in the United States, Greece, and other Western countries as well as from Orthodox Christian leaders. Pope Francis expressed sadness over the move.

EU foreign ministers, holding their first face-to-face meeting in months on Monday, declared that they "condemned" the decision. EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell said there was "broad support to call on the Turkish authorities to urgently consider and reverse this decision."

Asked to comment on the EU criticism, Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu told a joint news conference with his visiting Maltese counterpart: "We reject the word 'condemnation.'"

"This is a matter that concerns Turkey's sovereign rights," he said.

He argued that there were several mosques in EU-member Spain that had been converted into churches.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, meanwhile, described the 1934 decision by the Turkish Republic's secular founding leaders that converted Hagia Sofia from a mosque into a museum as a mistake.

"We are rectifying a mistake. It's as simple as that," Erdogan said in a televised address, following a weekly Cabinet meeting.

Erdogan maintained that the criticisms leveled against Turkey over Hagia Sophia's return to a mosque were a "pretext" for enmity toward Turkey and Islam. He also said his country was determined to preserve the structure's qualities as a cultural heritage.

On Tuesday, Greece again expressed dismay at Turkey's decision.

"This decision is certainly painful to us as Greek Orthodox Christians but it also hurts us as citizens of the world," said Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis. "This is not a Greek-Turkish issue, it is not even a Euro-Turkish issue, it is global. It is a universal issue."

Mitsotakis added: "With this setback, Turkey is choosing to sever ties with the Western world and its values. It abandons a cultural direction of many centuries, preferring introversion. And it wraps with an artificial mantle of strength over its weakness."

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Meanwhile, officials from Turkey's religious affairs authority, said the landmark structure can remain open to visitors outside of prayer hours, the state-run Anadolu Agency reported.

The Christian depictions inside are no obstacle to Muslim prayers, said the officials who are preparing the site for Muslim worship. They added, however, that the figures would need to be covered with curtains or through other means during the prayers, in line with Islamic traditions that prohibit such representations.

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New York, one of the most progressive cities in the world, was dressed in rainbow colors to welcome two parades in Manhattan as well as several more in the other four boroughs.

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It was also the first time the US hosted the global World Pride parade.

Some 150,000 parade marchers and an estimated 4 million spectators commemorated the 50th anniversary of the Stonewall uprising that triggered the modern LGBTQ movement, with corporate sponsorship and police protection that would have been unthinkable half a century ago.

A world away from the New York celebration, marchers in Istanbul braving the official order banning the pride parade were faced with a heavy police response.

Tear gas sent people scurrying for cover in the megalopolis bridging Europe and Asia, as security forces enforced the ban for the fifth year in a row.

Last week, Erdogan's AKP party lost Turkey's largest city in an electoral upset, with a secular progressive to now be in charge.

This article was originally published by i24NEWS.

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Ekrem Imamoglu, mayoral candidate of the secularist Republican People's Party, was leading with 54% of votes versus 45% for Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) candidate, with more than 99% of ballots opened, Turkish broadcasters said.

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The election was Istanbul's second in three months after results of an initial March vote were scrapped, setting up the do-over as a test of Turks' ability to check what many saw as their president's increasingly authoritarian power.

"Today, 16 million Istanbul residents have renewed our faith in democracy and refreshed our trust in justice," Imamoglu told supporters.

His AKP opponent, former Prime Minister Binali Yildirim, congratulated him and wished him "all the luck" in serving Istanbul, Turkey's commercial hub. Erdogan also tweeted his congratulations to the CHP candidate.

Imamoglu had won the original mayoral election on March 31 by a narrow margin, which prompted the Islamist-rooted AKP to demand a re-run, citing what it said were voting irregularities.

The High Election Board's decision to grant that request drew sharp criticism from Turkey's Western allies and Erdogan's opponents at home, stirring concerns about the rule of law and raising the stakes for the re-run.

Broadcasters put the CHP's lead on Sunday at about 800,000 votes, eclipsing the roughly 13,000-vote margin in March.

The election board said it would announce the election results as soon as possible.

"While March 31 was a mayoral election, this re-run was one to put an end to the dictatorship," said Gulcan Demirkaya, 48, from the city's AKP-leaning Kagithane district.

"God willing, I would like to see [Imamoglu] as the president in five years' time," she said. "The one-man rule should come to an end. For the first time in a long time, I am very happy and proud for my country."

Justice and love

Imamoglu, a former businessman and district mayor who waged an inclusive campaign and avoided criticizing Erdogan, said he was ready to work with the AKP to tackle Istanbul's problems, including its transport gridlock and the needs of its Syrian refugees.

"In this new page in Istanbul, there will from now on be justice, equality, love, tolerance; while misspending [of public funds], pomp, arrogance and the alienation of the other will end," he said.

The handover of power in the mayor's office could shed further light on what Imamoglu said was the misspending of billions of lira at the Istanbul municipality, which has a budget of around $4 billion.

Erdogan himself served as Istanbul's mayor in the 1990s before he embarked on a national political career, dominating Turkish politics first as prime minister, then as president. He presided over years of strong economic growth. But critics say he has become increasingly autocratic and intolerant of dissent.

The second defeat in Istanbul marked a major embarrassment for the president and could also weaken what until recently seemed to be his iron grip on power. He had campaigned hard and targeted Imamoglu directly, with accusations of lying and cheating.

"This is definitely going to have an impact on the future of Turkish politics given the margin of victory. It's an alarming sign for the AKP establishment," said Sinan Ulgen, a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe in Brussels and a former Turkish diplomat.

Analysts say the loss could set off a cabinet reshuffle in Ankara and adjustments to foreign policy. It could even trigger a national election earlier than 2023 as scheduled, although the leader of the AKP's nationalist ally played down that prospect.

"Turkey should now return to its real agenda, the election process should close," MHP party leader Devlet Bahceli said. "Talking of an early election would be among the worst things that can be done to our country."

Turkey's economy is in recession and the United States, its NATO ally, has threatened sanctions if Erdogan goes ahead with plans to install Russian missile defenses.

The uncertainty over the fate of Istanbul and potential delays in broader economic reforms have kept financial markets on edge.

Turkey's lira currency tumbled after the decision to annul the March vote and is down nearly 10% this year in part due to election jitters. It edged higher on Sunday night.

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