Last week, Jason Greenblatt, who served as President Donald Trump's special envoy to the region, was invited to the Saudi Embassy in Washington to celebrate the kingdom's national day.

"I wore my kippah proudly, and I was warmly welcomed and greeted. And I think it's so dramatic the changes that have happened that I feel very optimistic and hopeful about it," he says. 

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Greenblatt, who is now a businessman in the private sector and frequently visits Saudi Arabia, is probably the ultimate authority when it comes to analyzing the historic shift in the region when it comes to the peace process, which could bring about a seismic change.

Greenblatt played a role in the early stages of this process, living and breathing this dynamic under the Trump administration for almost three years. He recalls that in 2017, as an observant Jew, he had to bring kosher food with him to the home of Islam, where at that time, even non-Israeli Jews were not warmly embraced. "I went ahead of President Trump because he was flying on Shabbat to Saudi Arabia. There was no reason for me to fly on Shabbat, so I had a very lonely Friday night with rice cakes and peanut butter that I had brought from New Jersey or from Washington and the US Embassy had brought over some kosher frozen macaroni and cheese from a US army base in Saudi Arabia. I did not wear my kippah at the time. I didn't wear it in the White House, although I wore it always in my personal life. Now, I wear my kippah in the whole region. It's no big deal, right?"

Q: What has changed over the past six years in how people react to the word Israel?

"I would say initially when I raised the word Israel, there was a sense of discomfort. That's not to say that I noticed any form of bad feelings about it. But it wasn't something that would naturally roll off the tongue of those in the room in conversation. And by the way that was even true in the United States. I remember when President Trump went on that first trip, the one that I had that Friday night dinner in Saudi Arabia, and I remember seeing his speech before he made it and seeing the word Israel there a couple of times. And I remember the State Department, you know, wondering whether he should use the word Israel or be a little bit more subtle. about it. Now, of course, Trump would never be subtle about anything. And I was very proud that he used the word Israel multiple times. And it wasn't an issue but I would say it was new, right? Today. You don't have to be uncomfortable or embarrassed using the word 'Israel'. If you watch the crown prince's interview on Fox he wasn't uncomfortable. He used the word 'Israel'."

Q: How does the kingdom view Israel currently?

" I can only speak about my own experiences, walking through malls, walking through the streets, sitting in restaurants, attending their public spaces. I have yet to see any negative reaction to me, we think all right, I think Keepa I have yet to see any negative reaction to me or my family members who are there... I think there's there is a realization that we are very similar in terms of our religious needs, our religious requirements, our religious feelings, they respect it. I would say they're respected far more than many of the Europeans I deal with. Most of my businesses are done in the region, in particular Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Qatar. There's lots of Shabbat Shalom is going around.  The number of Shana Tova messages that I got, both in English and even some in Hebrew is remarkable.

Greenblatt, who wrote the book "In the Path of Abraham: How Donald Trump Made Peace in the Middle East–and How to Stop Joe Biden from Unmaking It" on his time in the White House, has kept in touch with senior figures in the kingdom and has a good feel for their thinking. Nevertheless, he has refused to divulge details on the behind-the-scenes aspects of the normalization process currently in the making. "The people that know don't talk, especially on something so sensitive," he says, but notes that Saudi Arabia is undergoing an "unbelievable transformation." He says the changes are part of the overall effort to sideline the radicals while preserving the values guiding the kingdom. 

"It still remains a very religiously conservative country and I don't think that's going to change in the near future. I'm not sure it's the desire of the country or its leadership to change it. But I do think and the crown prince has said this publicly, they are trying to move away from some of the extreme that happened many years ago and bring it back to how they view Islam as a religion.

"We have to look at today's Saudi Arabia, today's Gulf Cooperation Council countries, and understand that they are going through an unbelievable transformation, and that includes opening up their societies to others, including Jews, figuring out how to navigate a very tricky region, which of course would include Israel, figuring out how to support Palestinians, but also move forward with their own plans. And I think we should warmly welcome it and help them with this process."

Q: How close are Israel and Saudi Arabia to signing a deal? 

"I think that most people should be guided by the public comments of the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, that he made to Bret Bair on Fox News. That, to me, is the most telling of what's available... I think that what the crown prince said is, is very, very remarkable. The fact that he said things like what 'each day we're getting closer,' – I don't know if that's the exact quote, how he phrased – what he wanted to do for the Palestinians, which, of course, everybody knows is so different than most people always say – including the Palestinian leadership. I read somewhere that they're still saying all the demands that they want, which isn't what the crown prince said, but I think that is the most up-to-date information."

Video: PM Netanyahu meets with President Biden in New York, Sept. 20, 2023 / Credit: Ariel Kahana

Q: Is it surprising that in the interview, he said that regarding the Palestinians he just wanted to see their economic conditions improve?

"I don't think it's surprising because while they were very supportive of the Palestinian people – I believe that they're frustrated by Palestinian leadership – they also are embarking on this incredible vision 2030 That here, they're now already starting to prepare beyond 2030. And they realized that the world has changed so dramatically in the last number of years, they have to put Saudi Arabia before anything else. So, by no means will they abandon the Palestinians. But I think they also realized that they can help the Palestinians while taking care of their own country first. And I think that's a very smart and pragmatic way to do things."

Q: Will Saudi Arabia be ready to have direct flights from Israel in six months? Are they ready to accept Israelis, with all of what that means? 

"Is all of Saudi Arabia ready to have a million Israelis [visiting] the way the UAE has? I don't know if they're ready today. I think it takes time. It's a very big country. There are decades of a certain type of education that was given to the Saudis, about Israel, and about others, – including Jews – that there's a transformation period that needs to happen. I think they've been undergoing that transformation period.... does that mean they're ready to hug a million Israelis tomorrow? Probably not. But I would say that over time – and not a particularly long period of time – I think it will work. I do think Israelis and anybody who goes there need to respect the norms of Saudi Arabia.

"I think, for example, what happened in Qatar for the World Cup, where people were complaining that some Israeli journalists were shouted at and treated disrespectfully. I wasn't there. I only saw the news clips, but I would first of all say those were probably not people from Qatar. I think some of those Israelis were quite aggressive in sticking microphones in people's faces and saying, you know, 'What do you think about Israel?' I think steps like that are unhelpful and actually set the stage backward. I think that when you go – and this is true, really for any country – be respectful of the society. Don't jump all over people and try to get them to comment about Israel. Their culture is very different. They're generally more shy, they're more quiet. They're less willing to speak publicly about how they feel. And I think we should find that right rhythm, where each culture and each religion respects each other. And not go there in a very aggressive way."

Greenblatt also warns that some in the region have begun to question whether Israel is as stable as before in light of the ongoing judicial reform protests that have rocked the country since early 2023. This, he says, could impact the pace of the normalization with Saudi Arabia.

"I think what's important is for Israel to show despite these things, whether it's the protests against judicial reform or ugly events that happened on Yom Kippur, I think that people the government, and the prime minister need to reassure the region that is or remains a very strong stable and secure democracy. I do think he will have to reassure not just the Saudis, by the way, but the region – including the countries that signed the Abraham Accords – that Israel still is this remarkable, miraculous, amazing country. I think the world – especially the GCC – is watching what's happening in Israel, beyond the protests, but let's not pretend that the Yom Kippur events in Tel Aviv, they're not paying attention to that – they are. I think that the prime minister needs to reassure them, that Israel remains strong and a full democracy and stable and reliable despite these moments of uncomfortable television clips. One of the things that's attractive about Israel to the region is its stability, is its strength is its cohesive, generally cohesive society, including the military... I was watching a rabbi's speech, not by an Orthodox rabbi, in which he cited a poll that one in every four Israelis wants to leave Israel. That means something to these countries; it means something to anybody in the world. So, I think it's important for the prime minister and the government of Israel generally, to show that what's happening in Israel as a result of – let's call it a robust democracy."

Q: So, these are not just domestic Israeli issues; they have regional implications?

"I believe so. Yes. Think about the implication it has on the United States – both Jewish and non-Jewish. Think about all the press that's written about the protests over the last number of months and the negative effect that has had on Israel's reputation in the United States. The Arab countries are watching it with an equal measure. And I'm not saying it will deter Saudi Arabia or any country from making peace with Israel. That's not high on the list, but it's not a plus. It's not a positive thing in the process. And I think what's important is for Israel to show that despite these things – whether it's the protests against judicial reform, or ugly events that happened on Yom Kippur – I think that people the government, and the prime minister need to reassure the region that is or remains a very strong stable and secure democracy."

Q: As someone who served as the peace envoy under the previous president, do you have any advice for President Biden?

"So, by all accounts, President Biden is serious and dedicated to doing this [the normalization]. In fact, I probably would go so far as to say that if he doesn't succeed, it's more likely to be the fault of Congress or Israel than it will be President Biden's. The one error I think President Biden is making is constantly bringing the Palestinian issue into the equation.  It'll be enough for the Saudis to press the Israelis as to what they want to do with the Palestinians. It's the right of the Saudis to do that. I don't think the United States needs to put their finger on the scale when it comes to the Palestinians. I think it's possible that President Biden now understands that – because his remarks to the prime minister at the United Nations, and were very different than they were a week or three weeks ago. He also used kind of soft language when it comes to the past when it comes to the Palestinians about preserving the two-state solution, I don't remember the exact quote. If he does anything beyond that and makes demands out of the prime minister to let go beyond what the Saudis want, or the Saudis need, I think he's jeopardizing the deal.

"If I were still in the White House, if I were in the role that I once had and working for President Biden, I would say the best thing the United States could do, even if it's not realistic, is encourage the crown prince and Prime Minister Netanyahu to talk directly without the United States in the room, frankly.  I don't think it's a realistic approach, but I do think it will, it could lead to something more positive than the United States being a middleman, or worse – the United States pressuring Israel for things that the United States wants for the Palestinians."

Q: What are the chances of the normalization happening? 

"I can't give percentages. I never would do that. I think no, it's proceeding. What seems to be in a good way. But there are so many critical things being discussed. Mutual defense from the United States...what, if anything is being asked of Israel for the Palestinians and recognizing, you know, how the coalition is made up in the current Israeli government. It's too hard to assign any kind of percentage. But I would say that even if it doesn't happen immediately, and it takes time, we are certainly as good a spot as we've ever been and proceeding in a path as good a path as we've ever been and we should applaud that."

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Speaking to Israel Hayom, Greenblatt, one of the architects of US President Donald Trump's Middle East peace plan, didn't specify who he was referencing, although his comments appeared to be aimed at certain right-wing circles in Israel whose vehement criticism of Trump's peace plan led to the delay of its implementation in the first place.

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Reiterating comments he made on Tuesday to Army Radio, Greenblatt told Israel Hayom he that he hopes Israeli sovereignty "isn't a matter of if, but when."

Q: Why was the sovereignty bid essentially taken off the table? After all, President Trump declared that "Israel can apply [its] law in the areas in question."

"I don't believe sovereignty has been 'taken off the table' indefinitely. And I certainly hope this isn't the case. I think there was a reason the sides chose the word 'suspend.' With that, I think Prime Minister [Benjamin] Netanyahu made the right decision, which is to seek a peace deal with the United Arab Emirates and work on the Judea and Samaria issue in the right context at a later date. The approach adopted by the prime minister to work closely with President Trump and the White House – in my opinion, this White House is the greatest supporter of Israel ever – allows Israel to progress methodically with the UAE, hopefully with other Arab neighbors as well, without conceding what I consider justifiable Israeli claims."

Q: Is there a chance the sovereignty initiative will be implemented? What has to happen for that to occur?  

"I certainly hope so. I hope it's not a question of if, but when. I think that whoever is against [the suspension of sovereignty] needs to reconsider their approach. It's difficult to say with certainty what needs to happen for sovereignty to be implemented. I think the Israelis should give Prime Minister Netanyahu the freedom of action he needs to do the best thing possible for the State of Israel in the broadest sense. In my view, the sovereignty issue is indeed very important, but is not the only issue that should matter."

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OurCrowd said the former attorney for Donald Trump will be acting as a partner responsible for "building ties with the Middle East region."

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Greenblatt was the architect of Trump's recently unveiled Mideast plan that largely favored Israel. He worked as the White House's special representative for international negotiations until resigning in October 2019.

Greenblatt told The Associated Press his focus would be on cultivating investment from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Bahrain – all countries that have developed behind-the-scenes relations with Israel in recent years, and who were to be key investors in the economic development side of the Trump administration's Mideast plan.

"I'm hoping to be able to utilize the platform that I have and connect Israel and the Gulf in a way to continue the momentum that we've seen over the last three years," Greenblatt said. "They work together on security to a degree. And, you know, there's enough commerce going on in a small way that leads me to believe we're going to see a bigger impact."

OurCrowd is an Israeli platform that allows affluent individuals to invest smaller sums in start-ups that are pooled together with other smaller investors, akin to crowdfunding for venture capital. Since its launch in 2013, the company says it has raised $1.4 billion in assets for 200 companies and 20 funds, most of them Israeli.

OurCrowd's founder Jon Medved said in a statement that he expects Greenblatt's addition "to open up a new world of opportunities for our growing portfolio of 200+ companies and 20 funds."

Greenblatt spoke at OurCrowd's annual conference in Jerusalem earlier this month. OurCrowd said its February 2020 summit included participants from around the Arab world.

Greenblatt said he would be based out of New York, but his job "will undoubtedly involve a great deal of travel to the region."

Trump unveiled his long-awaited "deal of the century" last month in Washington. It sided with Israel on most of the conflict's main sticking points, and the Palestinians rejected it outright.

The plan grants Israel sovereignty over large parts of the West Bank, and falls far short of the Palestinian dream of an independent state. Instead, it calls for giving them limited autonomy over disjointed stretches of land, and only if they meet a stringent set of demands.

Greenblatt said that peace between Israel and the Palestinians and the broader Arab world "have always gone hand-in-hand, but they're not necessarily always going to go hand in hand."

"If the Palestinians don't engage on President Trump's peace vision, I still think we're going to see movement between Israel and the region," he said.

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His comments came after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Tuesday renewed his vow to "impose Israeli sovereignty on the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea." Netanyahu's pledge was later echoed by Blue and White leader Benny Gantz.

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Greenblatt took to Twitter and said there was a need to change some of the basic assumptions about the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.

The former US envoy was responding to a previous tweet by United Nations Middle East envoy Nickolay Mladenov, who said such an annexation "of some or all of Area C in the West Bank, if implemented, would deal a devastating blow to the potential of reviving negotiations, advancing regional peace, and the essence of the two-state solution."

"Nickolay, I respect you," Greenblatt wrote, acknowledging the two don't "see eye to eye" on the issue. "For any peace [agreement] to actually happen, there must be a reality check about Judea and Samaria/West Bank."

Nickolay, I respect you, appreciate your statements aren't typically the usual diplomatic speak & know we don't see eye to eye on some issues. On this you & I very much disagree. For any peace agmt to actually happen, there must be a reality check about Judea & Samaria/West Bank. https://t.co/uYElG6Gtg7

— Jason D. Greenblatt (@GreenblattJD) January 22, 2020

It should be noted that Greenblatt no longer holds any official position within the Trump administration, but remains intricately familiar with its policies on the Middle East in general and Israel in particular.

Meanwhile, Netanyahu's coalition allies expressed their support for his annexation pledge.

Defense Minister Naftali Bennett said Thursday morning: "The chatter about applying sovereignty over the Jordan Valley, Samaria and Judea is welcome. But this, as I've said before, is just chatter for the time being. The real test is in action. I call on the prime minister to present an annexation bill to the cabinet this coming Sunday, and then present the bill to the Knesset on Tuesday. Only tangible actions will make a difference."

Yisrael Beytenu Chairman Avigdor Lieberman, on the other hand, attacked the prime minister in a Facebook post, accusing Netanyahu of a spin job.

"Mr. Prime Minister, it is now clearer than ever that you have no ties at all to the Right or the Left. The Jordan Valley couldn't interest you less. The only thing that interests you is immunity. But, beyond immunity and all the spins, there is a country here. You have served as prime minister consecutively since 2009, and for some reason for over a decade I never heard you talk this much about imposing sovereignty over the Jordan Valley, not to mention actually doing anything about it," Lieberman wrote.

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One of the US officials most associated with the Trump administration's Mideast peace efforts, US Special Representative for International Negotiations Jason D. Greenblatt, will leave his post at the end of October.

Greenblatt announced his departure in September and had planned to stay on the job until the administration revealed the political component of its peace plan and after a new government will have been formed in Israel.

But in the wake of the Sept. 17 Israeli election, it transpired that a new government would only be sworn in much later in the year, or even in 2020, and as a result, Greenblatt decided not to wait. He said he would continue helping the administration's peace drive even after joining the private sector.

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Most Israelis have probably heard of Greenblatt and know that he has been involved in the US peace initiative, but not many are aware of just how involved and instrumental he has been in hashing out the details of the special relationship between the Israeli government and the White House over the past three years.

Greenblatt was one of President Donald Trump's advisers for Israeli affairs on the campaign trail and also worked as his lawyer in the past. As such, the trust between them is exponentially higher than what you would expect to find between a president and his aide.

After Trump was sworn in, Greenblatt became one of the most important figures in the administration's peace team and was tasked, along with Senior Adviser Jared Kushner and US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman, with drafting the provisions of the peace plan.

Throughout his tenure at the White House, he has always made sure to engage Israel and the Palestinians in a professional and dignified way, yet not once did he shy away from speaking out the truth, even when it was uncomfortable for one of the sides to hear.

This approach was designed to create a paradigm shift among the key players in the Middle East and help generate a diplomatic breakthrough.

Greenblatt repeatedly took the Palestinian Authority to task over its duplicity, such as over its "pay-for-slay" policy of paying Palestinian terrorists and their families even as it insisted it wanted peace. He has also repeatedly defended Israel on international forums in an effort to put an end to the systematic bias against the Jewish state.

"Ours is not a journey of self-delusion. There is no magic wand that President Trump or Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, or President Mahmoud Abbas can wave to resolve this conflict," Greenblatt said at Israel Hayom Forum for US-Israel Relations in June. "There is no easy answer as to how to balance the absolute imperative of protecting Israel's security – a principle on which the United States will never compromise – with Palestinian aspirations," he continued, adding that "yesterday's peace plans have been unable to create a path to a brighter and more prosperous future while addressing the many challenges [that we need] to overcome."

The White House has described Greenblatt as "the chief architect of the peace vision," noting that he "was actively involved and strongly encouraged the many dramatic changes that occurred over the past three years in the relationship between Israel and the Arab countries in the region."

The White House statement further said that he played "an important role in many of the Trump administration's decisions regarding Israel and the conflict, including the recognition by President Trump of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, the move of the US Embassy to Jerusalem, the recognition by President Trump of Israel's sovereignty to the Golan Heights and many other decisions."

Many others have also praised his work in the wake of his decision to leave. One of his legacies will most likely be the semantical shift in the vocabulary of US negotiators. Greenblatt has refused to use the word "settlements" for Israeli communities beyond the Green Line, and has instead called them "cities" and "neighborhoods."

He has also refused to describe Palestinians living in refugee camps as "Palestinian refugees" because Arab states and humanitarian groups manipulate the numbers of actual refugees in order to cynically use them as pawns against Israel while keeping them impoverished.

In one of his famous speeches before the UN Security Council, Greenblatt rebuked the international community for letting this important forum turn Israel into a punching bag, warning that the Palestinians should not be allowed to freely use the council to shape the narrative of the conflict and make the UN an anti-Israel propaganda machine.

"It is true that the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Palestinian Authority continue to assert that east Jerusalem must be a capital for the Palestinians," he told the Security Council. "But let's remember: An aspiration is not a right. Please do not read into that statement anything about the content of the political portion of the [peace] plan. I am making a statement of fact. Aspirations belong at the negotiating table. And only direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians can resolve the issue of Jerusalem if it can be resolved. It will not be resolved in this chamber, in this institution, or in any other capital around the world."

Greenblatt also went out of his way to slam the international community over its inaction in the face of terrorist acts against Israel. "Let us not forget that day when the United Nations could not even find a way to build an international consensus behind the fact that Hamas is a terrorist organization ... Hamas, a brutal terrorist organization that causes nothing but misery and suffering for Palestinians and Israelis, an organization that continues to vow to destroy Israel," he attacked. "This failure is profoundly shameful. If we could not even find an international consensus regarding Hamas, is an international consensus really going to end this conflict?... And how is it that we can't find an international consensus that the Palestinian Authority rewarding terrorism and the murder of Israelis using public funds, some donated by countries in this very room, is abhorrent and must be stopped."

US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman told Israel Hayom that "Jason helped to re-orient the discussion of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Under his leadership, we rejected the failed path of excusing and rationalizing Palestinian misconduct and corruption and instead began finally to require accountability and results. He has helped to set the region on the proper path to peace."

Israeli Ambassador to the United States Ron Dermer sent Israel Hayom this message in praise of the US envoy: "I was witness to Jason's efforts to establish peace between Israel and its neighbors. I saw how he defended Israel in powerful speeches in the United Nations and in decisive comments on social media. I saw how his wisdom and generosity turned cynics into friends, and how his humility and humble approach won appreciation from anyone who came in contact with him. I hope that one day people will understand his crucial role in bolstering US-Israel relations and in the historic decisions made by President Trump regarding Israel."

Trump was one of the first to praise Greenblatt after he said he would be departing. "After almost 3 years in my Administration, Jason Greenblatt will be leaving to pursue work in the private sector. Jason has been a loyal and great friend and fantastic lawyer," Trump tweeted. "His dedication to Israel and to seeking peace between Israel and the Palestinians won't be forgotten. He will be missed. Thank you Jason!"

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The officials didn't expand on the specific steps the administration would currently be taking if there was a government in Israel, but the statements were made in the context of the Middle East peace deal the White House has formulated.

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"Israel could have been in a better situation. We could have done much more," said one of the officials.

The officials emphasized that US President Donald Trump, US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman and outgoing special Mideast envoy Jason Greenblatt care about Israel, have already done a great deal for the Jewish state since Trump entered the office, and would like to continue doing so. "With that," the officials said, considering the US presidential campaign next year, "we don't know if they will remain in their positions one year or five." The officials further intimated that Israeli leaders need to take into account the unique opportunity provided by the Trump presidency, but refrained from saying so explicitly.

The American officials were careful to avoid implying that the US was intervening in Israeli politics. They also said," Everything is under control, and there won't be a change to the peace plan as a result of the developments."

It appears, meanwhile, that the White House was leaning toward postponing the release of its peace plan until the political picture in Israel becomes clearer.

In discussions the administration has held on the subject, the general view was that it would be pointless to reveal the plan while the Palestinians were likely to reject it outright, and there was no government in Israel with the authority to address it.

The US Embassy in Israel declined Israel Hayom's request for a response.

Meanwhile, Greenblatt and Friedman on Monday held their first meeting with Blue and White leader Benny Gantz. The sides said they "discussed various issues, among them the importance of US-Israeli relations, the security challenges in the region and the efforts to promote the peace process."

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According to officials with knowledge of the decision, Greenblatt "intended to work in the Trump administration for two years, and so far it has been two-and-a-half years."

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The officials added that he will still be at work when the full peace plan is released by President Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner, with hopes that it will be publicized soon after Israel's September 17 election. Greenblatt has not set a specific date for his departure.

"Jason has been instrumental in helping to re-frame the discussions about the conflict, using the approach that a real peace can only be built on truth," one senior White House official told i24NEWS.

"Jason has also played an important role in encouraging and developing the relationships between Israel and its neighbors in the region," the unnamed source added.

Discussions over Greenblatt's departure began at the end of 2018, with White House officials taking several steps to ensure a smooth transition that includes ushering in Deputy Assistant to the President Avi Berkowitz into a larger role concerning the Mideast peace process.

Administration officials noted that the White House has additionally "integrated the special envoy team with the Iran team at the State Department" as it takes a more comprehensive approach towards the challenges in the region.

i24NEWS has learned that the White House does not expect that their plan will immediately lead to Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, but believe that their plan "can change the conversation in the region" and hopefully open avenues towards a solution to the conflict.

Greenblatt, 52, also cited a desire to spend more time with his wife and six children as a reason for his departure.

This article was originally published by i24NEWS.

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"Another savage attack by Palestinian terrorists kills an Israeli teenager enjoying time with her family. This isn't the path to peace, just endless suffering. May her memory be a blessing. Our prayers are with her family especially her father & brother also wounded in the attack," tweeted US special envoy to the Middle East Jason Greenblatt.

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Rina Shnerb, 17, of Lod, succumbed to her wounds after being critically wounded and treated at the scene. She was buried in her home city of Lod at 3:30 p.m., just one week after celebrating her birthday.

Her father, Eitan Shnerb, was conscious and in moderate condition, while his 19-year-old son, Dvir was out of surgery and remained in stable condition with injuries to his entire body.

The IDF called the attack "very serious," and said that an improvised explosive device was used. The police determined that the bomb had been planted there earlier and was triggered remotely when the family approached it.

Greenblatt also slammed the Palestinian terror group Hamas for praising the attack, while calling on the world to rethink aid to the Palestinian Authority, which routinely provides payments to terrorists and their families.

"Hamas praised 17 [year-old] Rina Shnerb's murder by Palestinian terrorists. The PA must unequivocally condemn this attack & the recent murder of 18 [year-old] Dvir Sorek. If they don't, donor countries should demand the PA answer for why their donor funds continue to be used to reward attacks," he tweeted.

US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman also tweeted that he was "heartbroken and outraged by the brutal terrorist attack. No words to describe the sadness of the moment as we grieve and pray for the injured to recover. May they receive God's blessings."

The attack occurred at the Danny Spring near Ein Buvin, a popular hiking spot several miles east of the city of Modiin.

Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations Chairman Arthur Stark and Executive Vice Chairman/CEO Malcolm Hoenlein issued a statement saying, "This is the latest in a series of terrorist attacks, including car-rammings, assaults, and stabbings. It is imperative that the Palestinian Authority extends its full security cooperation and provides the funding to security forces whose salaries have been cut, disincentivizing them. There must be decisive actions to stem the terrorism and the international community must be heard from, especially those who are so quick to criticize Israel for trying to protect its citizens."

The statement continued: "This vicious act, using an explosive device, comes a day after [PA President Mahmoud] Abbas once again reasserted his commitment to the 'pay to slay' program, rewarding those engaged in the kinds of terror attacks witnessed today and in recent days and inciting further outrage by providing lifetime funding for the perpetrators or their families."

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu denounced the killing as a terror attack and vowed the killers would be brought to justice. Israeli troops raided a nearby Palestinian village and the military said it was sending reinforcements to the area.

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The killing threatened to inflame tensions between Israelis and Palestinians just over a month before Israel's general election. In response to the incident, Netanyahu's political allies called to increase settlement construction and enact a heavy-handed response.

Sorek, from the community of Ofra, north of Jerusalem, was a student at a pre-military yeshiva in the Gush Etzion bloc, south of Jerusalem. His body was found on the side of a road near the yeshiva with stab wounds.

IDF spokesman Lt. Col. Jonathan Conricus said Sorek was neither armed nor in uniform when his body was found. He said that the army was investigating the circumstances of his death and searching for suspects.

As part of the searches, a column of Israeli jeeps entered the nearby Palestinian village of Beit Fajar, a mile south of where the body was found. Soldiers blocked the road and searched homes.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility, but the Islamic terrorist organization Hamas issued a statement praising Sorek's murder.

"We salute the hero fighters, sons of our people, who carried out the heroic operation which killed a soldier of the occupation army," Hamas said in a statement. The Palestinian terrorist group Islamic Jihad also hailed the killing as "heroic and bold."

US President Donald Trump's Mideast negotiator, Jason Greenblatt, attacked Hamas' statements, writing on his Twitter account that the terrorist group "chooses death & destruction over taking care of people they claim to lead."

Rabbi Shlomo Wilk, head of Sorek's yeshiva, told Israel Radio that Sorek had gone to Jerusalem to buy presents for the school's faculty. Wilk said Sorek had called a friend and said he would return on time.

"When he was late, we started to worry," Wilk said. "Fairly quickly we understood that something wasn't right and we got the police involved."

Sorek's father, Yoav, is the editor of a Hebrew language Jewish history magazine and the Shiloach Journal for Policy and Thought.

Dvir was the grandson of a prominent religious-nationalist rabbi, Benjamin Herling, one of the forerunners of the settlement movement, who was killed by a Palestinian terrorist near Nablus in 2000.

Netanyahu visited the scene of the attack on Thursday evening. Earlier, the prime minister said in a statement that security forces were "in pursuit now in order to capture the despicable terrorist and bring him to account."

Speaking at the inauguration of new homes in the community of Beit El, north of Jerusalem, Netanyahu said that Israel "will reach those who seek to harm us," and "strengthen our roots in our homeland."

President Reuven Rivlin offered his condolences and said that the security forces were "pursuing the murderers and will not rest until we find them."

"Our prayers this morning are with the family of the murdered soldier and our hearts grieve for the life cut short," Rivlin said. "We fight terrorism without compromise to ensure the security of our people."

Knesset Speaker Yuli Edelstein responded to the attack on Thursday, saying "we should move in the direction of exercising sovereignty over our settlements. To make it clear that terrorism will not drive us away," he said.

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After addressing the UN Security Council on reaching a peace deal between Israel and the Palestinians, he told reporters: "Even if I had a great peace plan, if we don't figure out [how] to make sure that Iran doesn't spoil it, how much success are we really going to have?"

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Peace between Israel and the Palestinians, he added, is Iran's "worst nightmare."

Greenblatt is convinced that both the Palestinians and Israelis want the decades of conflict to end, according to Fox News.

"In the last two-and-a-half years, I've met so many ordinary Palestinians," he said. "They want better lives. I'm not saying they don't want many of the aspirations that they have been promised. But they are just as talented as Israelis, just as eager to have successful lives like Israelis, and I believe that when they see the plan they will realize what lies ahead, what many benefits they can get from the plan. The Israeli side is the same. They just want to live safely and securely. They already have a great economy. They are frustrated, [and] they are skeptical just like the Palestinians."

He added that he is confident the Palestinian leadership will eventually be more supportive of the peace process and see that the US administration's plans are in their interest.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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