Deliberations on MK Limor Son Har-Melech's "death penalty for terrorists" bill commenced Monday morning before the National Security Committee under Chairman MK Zvika Fogel.

The Otzma Yehudit MKs' decision to come sporting noose-shaped lapel pins was supposed to show their determination to secure capital punishment for terrorists and conveying the message that "terrorists are condemned to die." The pin bears the same color as that worn over the past two years in solidarity with the Gaza hostages held by Hamas.

During the hearing, Ben-Gvir declared, "We all wore these pins, which represent one method we'll employ to carry out the terrorist death penalty statute. Naturally we have the guillotine option, the electric chair option, and lethal injection as well. Since reports emerged that physicians refused to participate in implementing the law, I've fielded 100 inquiries from doctors asking Itamar, just say when."

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Minister Amichai Eliyahu of Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) announced on Wednesday that he would vote against the legislation to adopt language of the Trump initiative – which led to the Israel-Hamas ceasefire – after it is introduced in the Knesset members for an official up-or-down vote.

Lapid (Yesh Atid) initiated the measure, stating, "I will bring a motion to the Knesset plenum for a vote on a resolution for the Knesset of Israel to accept and adopt the 20-point plan of United States President Donald Trump."

Lapid elaborated, "The entire Israeli people is grateful to President Trump for having led a courageous deal for the release of the Israeli hostages. We support President Trump and strengthen his hand in his efforts to implement the plan's stages. I expect all parties to vote in favor of the President's plan."

Minister Eliyahu told the radio station Galei Tzahal, "We will certainly vote against – if Lapid wants to embarrass the state, that's his business. A Palestinian state will not be established." The plan, however, includes a "path to the establishment of a Palestinian state."

The opposition previously embarrassed the government from the right last month when a bill to apply sovereignty was passed. Vice President JD Vance, who was visiting Israel at the time, criticized the move. Following the support of MK Yuli Edelstein (Likud) for the move, which went against the directive of the Coalition, he was removed from the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee.

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Some will say this is precisely Netanyahu's aim – to leave the IDF holding all responsibility. To hope time passes and the public grows weary or forgets, and the reality-mandated national investigation becomes unnecessary by itself because responsibility was already taken. But yesterday's military investigation of investigations demonstrates exactly why a state commission of inquiry remains reality-mandated.

The flaws discovered are extensive, but they fall short without a necessary examination of interfaces within the security establishment (between the IDF, Shin Bet and police) and between it and the political level – without which carrying out the mandated national correction preventing a similar catastrophe in the future won't be possible.

What emerged yesterday isn't an investigation in the straightforward sense. The team led by Maj. Gen. (ret.) Sami Turgeman didn't restart the process from zero, but examined what already happened across 25 main investigations. His work served two purposes – ensuring findings and conclusions are precise so the IDF has a calibrated compass forward, and stamping them with a seal that strengthens public confidence in the military as an institution that probes itself and extracts lessons.

Turgeman executed two significant moves distinguishing his work. First, a detailed examination of each investigation, while marking its professionalism – green for successful and credible; orange for needing improvements; and red for flawed investigations that can and should be redone. Second, horizontal integration across all investigations, previously examined separately, and crafting conclusions enabling for the first time examining the breakdown not just by viewing each unit alone but from an elevated perspective of the entire IDF.

The findings Turgeman unveiled yesterday to the General Staff (some triggering intense debate among the generals) aren't startling. Their essence is obvious from the outcome itself – breakdown in deterrence, breakdown in warning, breakdown in defense. One by one, every pillar of Israel's security doctrine crumbled. Even the fourth pillar, the offensive one, faltered for extended hours because the IDF wasn't ready to mount a response to a surprise assault of this scale.

One could think that a single element, in a single location, at a single instant, might have sufficed to avert the tragedy, but that's a flawed conclusion – the root of the breakdown Turgeman highlights runs exceedingly deep and wide, and paradigmatic. It cuts across branches, corps, and commands, and naturally, commanders. Even had October 7 been averted on October 7, it would have occurred at another moment, because the system didn't just doze off at a particular point during guard duty – it was engulfed in profound and years-long dormancy.

Now the IDF faces lesson-learning. Some will contend this suffices – if more intelligence sources exist in Gaza (and other theaters), more tanks line the barriers, more commanders staff headquarters – the next tragedy gets prevented. Accepting only that would likewise be a mistaken conclusion. The IDF doesn't exist in an isolated universe. Its operations extend government policy. Without it being complete – in investigation, in systemic learning, in embedding lessons – no insurance policy for national security exists.

The government, as noted, avoids this. IDF Chief Eyal Zamir handed it double ammunition yesterday – first when he assumed (rightfully) responsibility for the IDF's breakdowns; second when he stated establishing "an external, systemic, multidisciplinary, integrative commission of inquiry" is necessary. His avoidance of the phrase "state commission of inquiry" – which he backed previously – shows Zamir picks his confrontations with the political level, but might leave the State of Israel, and the IDF inside it, without adequate answers to the more crucial battle.

Zamir, more than anyone, recognizes that in numerous ways Israel absorbed the lesson, but in other vital ways it hasn't. The decision-making mechanism today functions worse than it operated on October 7's eve, the Diplomatic-Security Cabinet operates partially and the National Security Council remains present-absent. The IDF (and Shin Bet) stand as the sole entities genuinely working to extract lessons – those accountable stepped down and departed, the investigations got executed, and the conclusions will get embedded.

For this cause, the IDF chief would benefit by avoiding dismissing the Military Intelligence Directorate head, Maj. Gen. Shlomi Binder. The shortcomings in his performance as Operations Division head that Saturday were certainly substantial, but the elapsed time, his achievement in his current role and the General Staff's fragility demand stability. This might irritate certain politicians, but they're the last ones who can speak a word about it.

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This is a large-scale change in the relationship between the civil authorities and the religious establishment, sparking a fierce public debate centered on the question of who is authorized to determine who is a Jew in the State of Israel.

Currently, two separate systems exist in Israel. One is civil and managed by the Population and Immigration Authority, which includes registration of "ethnicity" and "religion." The second is halachic (Jewish law) and managed by the chief rabbinate and the rabbinical courts, which check Jewish status for marriage purposes. Until now, a clear separation was maintained between them, but the new proposal seeks to abolish it and establish that any decision by a Rabbinical Court will also be binding on the Population and Immigration Authority.

The bill, submitted by the Ministry of Religious Services and the rabbinical courts, is an official government initiative and is expected to soon reach the Knesset for deliberations and a first-reading vote. According to sources involved in shaping the proposal, its goal is to strengthen the status of the rabbinical courts and to regulate their standing in law regarding decisions related to the Jewish identity of the state's citizens.

The rabbinical courts claim this is a necessary amendment intended to prevent contradictions between state authorities and create uniformity in records. Critics of the law warn that this step could blur the line between religion and state and lead to the subordination of population registries to halachic rulings. The bill states that the director of the Jewish Status Investigations Unit or a marriage registrar will be able to initiate a Jewish status investigation on their own accord, even if the person did not request it or is not even aware of it.

This means that any person in Israel could find themselves being investigated about their Jewish status following a decision by a religious or administrative official. This is an unprecedented expansion of authority that raises concerns about violations of basic rights.

The rabbinical courts told Israel Hayom that clear rules will be established to define when such proceedings can be opened. According to the courts: "Rules will be established that will require representatives to show a concrete concern about a person's Jewish status before opening an investigation. It will not be possible to just accuse anyone. The rules will be formulated during the discussions on the law." However, these rules have not yet been included in the initial draft of the law and are expected to be determined only later within the framework of regulations.

The Itim organization was not impressed by the clarification. Attorney Ohad Weigler, director of the public policy department at the organization, said: "There are many problematic things in this. It essentially turns all of us, all citizens of Israel, into conditional Jews. So many people can come and open a Jewish status investigation process on anyone. This can lead to vengeful actions. What happens if a person doesn't want someone else to get married? A week before the wedding, they find someone authorized to open the Jewish status investigation process, and that's it, the wedding is postponed. What happens if her family gets scared and cancels the wedding? This is a dangerous situation."

Weigler added: "The bare minimum is to write in the bill, in the clause, that the regulations will specify what conditions are required to begin a Jewish status investigation process for any person, but they did not do this."

According to him, the proposal particularly harms immigrants from the former Soviet Union: "This is a huge trauma for immigrants from the Soviet Union. They came here believing they were Jews, living Jewish lives, feeling part of the people, and then they are told they are not. They enter a war to prove they are part of the people, and let's tell the truth, it's impossible to prove everything. I can't prove the Jewishness of my great-grandmother from Europe, she went through the Holocaust, they moved to Israel, there were no accurate records or records disappeared, it's impossible."

This pain is well known to Vladimir, a resident of the north, who underwent a lengthy Jewish status investigation process. He said, "The feeling is that they are looking for you, trying to show you are not Jewish, and you are fighting to show who you are. And at the end of the day, we fought for years to prove our Jewishness, we finally succeeded, and then more than a decade later, a new official arrived who didn't trust his predecessor's work, and we went through this process all over again. You feel alone, betrayed."

An additional clause in the proposal allows the court to add first-degree relatives of the person being investigated to the Jewish status investigation process. If one of the family members is declared "not Jewish," their relatives will be required to choose whether to join the process and prove their Jewishness or be registered on a "marriage-delayed" list.

This is a dramatic change compared to the current situation where such a ruling pertains only to the person themselves. Critics of the proposal claim this is a severe violation of the right to privacy and creates undue pressure on citizens to join a legal process with heavy personal consequences.

While the rabbinical courts see this move as a necessary correction that provides legal and religious certainty, civil organizations are warning of a serious violation of individual rights and public trust in state institutions.

For many immigrants and children of immigrants, the law brings up old fears and revives painful memories of constant scrutiny of their Jewish identity. The sense of trust built over years could be damaged if the state grants a religious body the authority to check the identity of citizens who never requested it at all.

If approved, the bill will grant the rabbinical courts unprecedented powers and will change the way the State of Israel defines who is a Jew and the way Jews define themselves.

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Regarding the first challenge, Netanyahu is eager to pass the conscription law. The Shas party would also greatly welcome the bill's passage. The faction emphasizes that it has never withdrawn from the coalition and that it supports Netanyahu's Government – yet, it currently seems difficult to formulate a version that will satisfy the needs of both the IDF and the ultra-Orthodox, and one that can also withstand judicial scrutiny by the Supreme Court.

On Friday, in a rarity for the Sukkot holiday, a meeting took place in the Knesset involving Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Chairman MK Boaz Bismuth, the committee's legal counsel, and Shas representatives – former Minister Ariel Attias and MK Yinon Azoulay. A source present at the meeting informed Israel Hayom: "I am not a bearer of good tidings." The other participants in the meeting responded similarly. As for  Netanyahu, those in his inner circle say he wishes to pass the bill as quickly as possible, both to remove this major issue from Israeli society and because it is obvious that without this law, the government has no real chance of survival.

With regards to the state budget, the Knesset will be dissolved if the government fails to finalize a law that passes the Knesset by March. Netanyahu, according to those around him, is determined to pass a budget and has the capability to do so, but it appears that there are currently too many opposing elements that need to be satisfied. The ultra-Orthodox will undoubtedly want a budget that meets their needs, and the defense budget will also require exceptional focus, especially following a war.

Nevertheless, the prime minister's associates have been communicating very clear signals that Netanyahu will not head to elections before he completes his objectives, which are as follows: the return of the hostages; guaranteeing that Hamas does not return to rule; and placing Gaza on a path to demilitarization. His orbit has also been mentioning cementing the achievements against Lebanon, Syria, and Iran – and even the signing of several peace agreements.

And then there is the Netanyahu trial, where he is at the start of the cross-examination in Case 1000, the gifts case. As a reminder, Netanyahu had sought to postpone the testimony scheduled on Wednesday. Israel Hayom's legal correspondent, Elinor Shirkani Kofman, reported that the prosecution consented to the delay on the condition that Netanyahu would testify on Thursday. Ultimately, the testimony proceeded on Wednesday as scheduled. The trial and Netanyahu's testimony will also affect the political process – as the trial progresses or faces delays, the prime minister will possess more leverage.

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The call-up orders will schedule mobilization for early September, approximately two weeks from now. The IDF is preparing for the possibility of lower turnout rates due to reservist fatigue.

The IDF presented the military plan for capturing Gaza City to Defense Minister Israel Katz, outlining a strategy to seize and encircle the area using three to four divisions. The plan primarily relies on regular forces but requires mobilizing 100,000–130,000 reservists to replace regular troops in other sectors across the country.

According to IDF assessments, control of the area could be achieved within two months from the operation's start, though reservists will need to remain for an extended period to clear the area of terrorists and weapons. The operation could commence in early September, pending approval from the government.

On Monday, the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee approved Defense Minister Israel Katz's request to extend emergency reservist mobilization until September 4, 2025, affecting hundreds of thousands of reservists. The decision passed by a single vote, 8 in favor and 7 against, with ultra-Orthodox Knesset members abstaining.

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The hearing, led by MK Elazar Stern, was prompted by what Stern described as "an unusual spike in suicides recently, particularly among soldiers returning from Gaza combat operations."

The session took on profound emotional weight when Neta, whose twin brother Staff Sergeant Assaf Dagan died by suicide, delivered tearful testimony about systemic failures she believes cost her sibling his life.

"I'm here to discuss those who never ask for help," Neta told the committee. "Assaf repeatedly requested meetings with mental health officers. Our mother contacted his commanders when she recognized post-traumatic symptoms. While they showed empathy, they lacked professional understanding – failing to recognize they faced a wounded soldier, psychologically injured."

The family's warnings escalated dramatically in Assaf's final month. "My mother explicitly warned a senior Air Force commander that Assaf would commit suicide," Neta revealed. "His commanders knew about his struggles, but military coordination broke down completely. His support network understood and reported concerns, yet the system failed him."

Her plea resonated throughout the chamber as she demanded institutional change. "I'm asking the system to actively identify those who don't seek help and dedicate every resource to treatment. Consciousness shifts and institutional recognition save lives. Suicide isn't predetermined fate – we can change outcomes. They served us, now we must serve them."

Lt. Col. Vadmani responded by acknowledging accessibility problems with existing support infrastructure. "Recent cases teach us that soldiers seeking treatment can't adequately reach our support centers," he admitted. Recognizing that upcoming holidays present heightened risks, military officials plan a comprehensive outreach campaign featuring anonymous contact options.

The IDF maintains these statistics require annual analysis rather than monthly scrutiny, despite the troubling recent sequence of soldier deaths. Military spokespeople have consistently declined media requests for interim data, citing policies restricting disclosure to year-end reports.

Brig. Gen. Dr. Carmel Kela, who heads the Medical Corps' Clinical Branch, outlined expanded therapeutic capabilities implemented during wartime operations. "Unique combat challenges prompted therapeutic expansion both before and during current operations, including new specialized centers and branches," she explained.

The military established round-the-clock support hotlines while expanding the Combat Response Unit serving reserve personnel between active deployments. "Our unit employs dozens of therapists, psychologists, social workers, and counselors providing psychiatric care, group therapy, and recognition process support," Kela detailed.

Treatment accessibility has improved significantly, with waiting periods reduced to one or two weeks. New resilience programs target regular service members experiencing post-traumatic symptoms, while permanent treatment centers received substantial expansion. Mental health officer deployment increased dramatically across all IDF units, with personnel entering combat zones including Gaza when necessary.

The testimony follows last week's suicide of reserve combat medic Roei Wasserstein, prompting immediate leadership response. Personnel Directorate head Maj. Gen. Dudu Bar Kalifa, coordinating with Defense Minister Israel Katz and Chief of General Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir, ordered creation of a specialized committee examining support systems for discharged soldiers and inactive reservists.

Wasserstein, 24, from Netanya, served over 300 reserve days with the 401st Armored Brigade's medical evacuation team, experiencing traumatic casualty recovery operations throughout Gaza combat zones before ending his life this week.

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Video: Netanyahu in the Knesset on May 28, 2025 / Credit: Knesset Channel

"We eliminated tens of thousands of terrorists, [Hamas military wing chief] Muhammed Deif, [Hezbollah chief ] Hassan Nasrallah, [Hamas' Gaza leader who attacked Israel on Oct. 7] Yahya Sinwar, Mohammed Sinwar, and seized the Rafah and Morag crossings. In the last two days, we've been executing a dramatic plan toward the complete defeat of Hamas. We're taking control of their food distribution and money machine. This is what destroys their governing capabilities. That's what we promised."

Member of Knesset Naama Lazimi accused him, saying, "While our people were being massacred, you went to get made up. In contrast, Yair Golan flew to the massacre site and saved people you abandoned,"" referring to Netanyahu's supposed actions on Oct. 7.  MK Ofer Cassif was removed from the plenum podium after accusing the Israeli Defense Forces of bombing children in Gaza.

The "40 signatures" debate, marked by chaos and shouting, occurred amid the ongoing war and conscription crisis. MK Avigdor Lieberman, leader of Yisrael Beytenu, fiercely attacked Netanyahu, stating, "You fought to appoint Yair Golan as chief of staff, but you failed. You're beaming with joy over his remarks because it distracts from your failures." Lieberman promised, "A state inquiry commission will be established," adding, "Read my lips – you won't succeed in delaying the elections."

Lieberman further accused Netanyahu of exploiting Yair Golan's statements, saying, "I saw you celebrating, glowing with happiness. It lets you divert attention from the hostages, the looting of humanitarian aid entering Gaza, and the direct US-Iran talks – where we're simply ignored." Recalling past meetings, Lieberman noted that in March 1996, after deadly attacks, Netanyahu rejected Shimon Peres' envoy Arieh Deri's attempt to delay elections, saying, "Look at those crooks."

Lieberman concluded by criticizing Netanyahu's past claims about the Arab public, stating, "You boasted you invested more in them than any Israeli government. So stop the incitement, stop the divisiveness. Your lust for power has driven you mad. You've lost it. Your legacy – you'll forever be the most failed, cynical, and terrible leader in the history of the Jewish people."

Netanyahu took the podium, responding, "I look at the opposition's debate title, 'Complete failure of the government to achieve war goals.' Have you lost  your minds? Are you living on Earth or another planet?" He continued, "You spoke of zero achievements. I want to tell you what many in Israel know – in Israel's wars, never have there been so many achievements on so many fronts. On the morning of October 7, many among us feared we wouldn't recover from the heavy blow. But I'll tell you exactly what I said – just two days after the attack, I told local authority heads: We're going to change the face of the Middle East. And that's exactly what we've done."

At the end of his speech, Knesset member Gilad Kariv approached the Prime Minister with an Israeli flag map, tried to attach it to Netanyahu, but security guards pushed him away.

Opposition Leader Yair Lapid responded and said: "One sentence you said caught my attention – 'Look where we were and see where we are now.' Let's ask a simple question – every Israeli citizen should ask themselves: What is my situation today? What was my situation before you began your rule? In the previous government? What is my situation now – security-wise, economically, in the country where I live?"

Lapid continued: "What did you have compared to two and a half years ago? The State of Israel was secure. The borders were secure. There were warnings – so we acted immediately. No soldier was injured. You are not the Prime Minister of Revival – you are the Prime Minister of October 7."

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The Israel Tax Authority has announced plans to re-examine Section 46 status for the Kohelet Policy Forum, which would provide tax deductions for donors, pending Knesset Finance Committee approval. The organization was recently removed from the list of tax-benefit eligible organizations following appeals from left-wing lawmakers citing concerns over politicization, but the matter is now scheduled for renewed discussion.

Israel Hayom has learned that the Israel Tax Authority has decided to restore its recommendation for Section 46 status under Israeli law, subject to Finance Committee approval. A new discussion is expected in the coming weeks after the authority finalizes its list of additional organizations approved for tax-benefit status.

The development follows a significant shift in the organization's funding landscape. In summer 2023, the forum's principal donor discontinued support to all Israeli institutions, including the Kohelet Policy Forum. By April 2024, the organization faced budget cuts due to both the war and the loss of primary funding, leading to a successful crowdfunding initiative that raised 4 million shekels from over 10,000 individual contributors.

The organization's pursuit of Section 46 status, which offers donors a 35% tax refund, came after completing extensive bureaucratic requirements, culminating in the Israel Tax Authority's initial approval for Finance Committee consideration.

The parliamentary debate has been marked by sharp political divisions. Opposition Finance Committee coordinator MK Vladimir Beliak has spearheaded resistance to the forum's approval, while Likud MK Amit Halevi defended the organization, arguing against what he viewed as discriminatory treatment compared to other approved organizations with clear political affiliations.

The most recent committee session saw Israel Tax Authority officials present a letter from their director requesting additional review time, resulting in a decision to approve other organizations while deferring the Kohelet Forum decision pending further investigation.

When questioned about historical precedents, the Israel Tax Authority noted that while they don't maintain specific statistics on applications requiring additional review, such cases have occurred "several times in the past for various reasons."

Addressing comparisons with other organizations, the authority acknowledged that while some concerns raised about Kohelet might apply to other approved organizations, these particular issues don't typically prevent Section 46 approval. However, they noted that other potentially disqualifying factors require further examination.

The Kohelet Policy Forum expressed optimism, stating that following the dismissal of "unfounded and hypocritical claims," they expect the Israel Tax Authority's renewed recommendation to receive parliamentary approval.

MK Vladimir Beliak issued a detailed response, highlighting his presentation of "substantial evidence of partisan political activity" during recent committee sessions. He noted the unprecedented nature of the initial removal decision and suggested that subsequent pressure from Likud members may have influenced the authority's reconsideration. Beliak emphasized his commitment to upholding regulations against approving organizations engaged in partisan political activity, stating, "I suggest Tax Authority representatives come prepared. They will need to work hard to explain their decision. I will be there – to fight and keep you updated."

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In a landmark decision, Israel has formally notified the United Nations of its withdrawal from its 1967 agreement with UNRWA, following new legislation barring cooperation with the agency. The move follows mounting evidence linking UNRWA staff to the Oct. 7 attacks and Hamas activities. 

The newly enacted Knesset legislation bars all Israeli entities from collaborating with UNRWA and withdraws the agency's authorization to operate within Israeli territory.

Following the legislation on UNRWA, the State of Israel officially notified the President of the General Assembly of the termination of cooperation with the agency. Despite the overwhelming evidence we submitted to the UN that substantiate Hamas' infiltration of UNRWA, the UN did… pic.twitter.com/UUti6zZrOT

— Danny Danon דני דנון (@dannydanon) November 4, 2024

UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini warned that the legislation represents "collective punishment" that "should be a concern to all." He emphasized, "These bills will only deepen the suffering of Palestinians. It  ⁠will deprive over 650,000 girls & boys there from education." He contends that Israel's action breaches its UN obligations.

Acting under Section 1(b) of the UNRWA Activity Termination Law, 2024, Foreign Minister Israel Katz directed ministry Director General Yaakov Blitshtein to formally notify the UN on Sunday evening of Israel's withdrawal from the 1967 Israel-UNRWA agreement. This agreement had served as the cornerstone of Israel-UNRWA relations.

"UNRWA – whose staff members participated in the Oct. 7 massacre and many of whom are Hamas operatives – represents part of Gaza's problem, not its solution," Katz stated. "We've presented the UN with extensive evidence of Hamas operatives within UNRWA and the misuse of UNRWA facilities, yet no action was taken. Furthermore, UNRWA chose to ignore even the UN's own recommendations outlined in the Colonna report.

"Claims about UNRWA being irreplaceable are unfounded: currently, 87% of humanitarian aid flows through other organizations, with UNRWA handling just 13%. Israel remains committed to international law and will continue facilitating humanitarian aid to Gaza while ensuring Israeli citizens' security," Katz added.

Evidence has repeatedly surfaced confirming UNRWA employees' involvement in the Oct. 7 attacks. Numerous additional UNRWA staff members have been identified as operatives of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. Fresh cases of UNRWA staff involvement in terrorism continue to emerge.

In July, Israel furnished the UN with comprehensive documentation, including a list of 100 Hamas military wing operatives employed by UNRWA – yet the agency took no action. A recent case involved a UNRWA employee from this list who participated in a grenade attack on a shelter. Despite Israel's intelligence sharing, UNRWA failed to act. While the employee was later killed in an IDF operation, UN Secretary-General António Guterres controversially expressed regret over his death.

Throughout the war, multiple terror operations were launched from UNRWA facilities. The agency failed to notify Israel about these violations, breaching its neutrality commitments.

The agency also neglected to implement basic measures mandated by the UN's own Colonna Report: it retained Hamas and Islamic Jihad-affiliated employees, failed to address facility neutrality violations, and continued using contentious textbooks and materials in UNRWA schools, despite promises to donor countries and Israel to remove such content.

The legislation takes effect in approximately three months, allowing time to expand existing partnerships with other international humanitarian organizations and establish alternative aid mechanisms, all within international law parameters.

Despite the overwhelming evidence we submitted to the UN that substantiates Hamas' infiltration of UNRWA, the UN did nothing to rectify the situation," Israeli Ambassador to the UN Danny Danon stated on X. "The State of Israel will continue to cooperate with humanitarian organizations but not with organizations that promote terrorism against us."

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