Following the selection of the prime minister's son, Yesh Atid and opposition parties backed away from the agreement between the parties, and the vote on Yair Netanyahu's appointment was postponed by two weeks.

"A corrupt cross-party political deal to appoint Yair Netanyahu as head of the advocacy and diaspora division in the WZO is a value collapse, corruption and nepotism," wrote Yashar! party leader and former IDF Chief Gadi Eisenkot. "A person who didn't return to Israel in its difficult hour, didn't serve in reserves throughout the period and spreads conspiracy theories against the State of Israel. Another characteristic of the government of negligence and evasion. Herzl is rolling in his grave."

Democrats chairman Yair Golan also addressed the storm and wrote, "We were shocked to discover Likud's intention to appoint Yair Netanyahu to a senior position in Zionist institutions. This is a corrupt and disgraceful appointment and another step in the destruction of Israel's national institutions. Yair Netanyahu, a person who dedicated his life to incitement and division, is not worthy of representing the Jewish people or enjoying status and public funds. We will not cooperate with the despicable appointment and will do everything to block the mafia-like takeover by the Netanyahu family."

Yesh Atid claims they were surprised by the attempt to appoint the prime minister's son and withdrew from the agreement. Yair Lapid wrote on social media, "Won't happen. Period."

 Zohar wrote a response to the firestorm on social media and tried to justify the demand to appoint Netanyahu's son. "For years, all left-wing representatives have worked to appoint family members and associates to positions in national institutions, and suddenly when it comes to Likud and Netanyahu, it becomes a storm," Zohar wrote. "This is yet another part of the personal persecution campaign by the left and the media against the prime minister and his family. Here's another repulsive display of malicious hypocrisy unlike any other against Yair Netanyahu, who simply wanted to do Zionist advocacy in the diaspora for the Jewish people."

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Machado's party, Vente Venezuela, signed a cooperation agreement with Likud in 2020, with Eli Vered Hazan, currently Israel's ambassador to Singapore, who then represented the party's foreign relations department. The document states both sides commit to "create an alliance between our two parties for cooperation on political, ideological and social issues, as well as to promote cooperation on issues related to strategy, geopolitics and security," with the goal being "to bring the people of Israel closer to the people of Venezuela while promoting the Western values to which both parties are committed: liberty, freedom and market economy."

The Norwegian Nobel Committee granted Machado the prize following her nomination last year by a coalition including then-Senator Marco Rubio, currently serving as Trump's secretary of state, with the committee recognizing Machado "for her tireless work promoting democratic rights for the people of Venezuela and for her struggle to achieve a just and peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy," LiveNOW from FOX reported. Rubio previously characterized Machado as "the personification of resilience, tenacity, and patriotism," according to LiveNOW from FOX.

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The Israeli military on Sunday announced a "tactical pause" in its offensive in the southern Gaza Strip to allow the deliveries of increased quantities of humanitarian aid.
The army said the pause would begin in the Rafah area at 8 a.m. (0500 GMT, 1 a.m. eastern) and remain in effect until 7 p.m. (1600 GMT, noon eastern). It said the pauses would take place every day until further notice.

The pause is aimed at allowing aid trucks to reach the nearby Israel-controlled Kerem Shalom crossing, the main entry point for incoming aid, and travel safely to the Salah a-Din highway, a main north-south road, to deliver supplies to other parts of Gaza, the military said. It said the pause was being coordinated with the UN and international aid agencies.

The crossing has suffered from a bottleneck since Israeli ground troops moved into Rafah in early May. Israel's eight-month military offensive against the Hamas terrorist group has plunged Gaza into a humanitarian crisis, with the UN reporting widespread hunger and hundreds of thousands of people on the brink of famine. The international community has urged Israel to do more to ease the crunch. From May 6 until June 6, the UN received an average of 68 trucks of aid a day, according to figures from the UN Humanitarian Office, known as OCHA. That was down from 168 a day in April and far below the 500 trucks a day that aid groups say are needed.

As part of our ongoing efforts to increase the volumes of humanitarian aid entering Gaza and following additional related discussions with the UN and international organizations, starting yesterday (Saturday), a local, tactical pause of military activity for humanitarian purposes… pic.twitter.com/C9UeSbwuQ7

— COGAT (@cogatonline) June 16, 2024

A spokesman for COGAT, Shimon Freedman, said it was the UN's fault that its cargos stacked up on the Gaza side of Kerem Shalom. He said the agencies have "fundamental logistical problems that they have not fixed," especially a lack of trucks. The UN denies such allegations. It says the fighting between Israel and Hamas often makes it too dangerous for UN trucks inside Gaza to travel to Kerem Shalom, which is right next to Israel's border.

It also says the pace of deliveries has been slowed because the Israeli military must authorize drivers to travel to the site, a system Israel says was designed for the drivers' safety. Due to a lack of security, aid trucks, in some cases, have also been looted by crowds as they moved along Gaza's roads. The new arrangement aims to reduce the need for coordinating deliveries by providing an 11-hour uninterrupted window each day for trucks to move in and out of the crossing. It was not immediately clear whether the army would provide security to protect the aid trucks as they move along the highway.

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1.

Dear senators and members of Congress,

Last week you received an open letter sent by former Israeli diplomats presenting their view of the controversy currently raging in Israel over reform of the judicial system. As far as they are concerned, Israel's democracy is in danger. This letter is part of a broader phenomenon in which serious people compete among themselves over who will prophesize the greatest catastrophe for the State of Israel due to what they call the "judicial coup."

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The letter paints a demonic picture of the camp represented by the current Coalition and headed by Benjamin Netanyahu, who is portrayed as a kind of anti-Christ. Incidentally, opponents of the changes fawn over the late prime minister Menachem Begin, but back in the day, he was portrayed in propaganda posters as being a Mussolini and as presenting a great danger to Israel – much in the way that Netanyahu is portrayed today, including in the letter sent by the Israeli diplomats. This is a simplistic view, which divides the world into sons of light and sons of darkness, and therefore sanctifies (almost) total war on the opposing side. This week, a jurist who once was nominated for the position of State Attorney said, "Prime Minister Netanyahu is an 'Iranian spy'" – this is just one example of the mass psychosis whose waves have reached as far as the United States.

2.

I do not believe that the truth is solely in my hands; indeed, I can only grasp its margins. Nevertheless, here are some of the arguments that until recently were also made by Opposition leaders.

In recent decades, the balance between the branches of government has been disrupted in favor of the judiciary, which took more and more powers without being authorized to do so. The process is connected to the demographic and social changes that have taken place in Israel since the first political upheaval in 1977. Beginning in the 1980s, when the political representatives of the camp that had, until then, ruled unchallenged, understood that this was not a glitch but a trend, they moved debates over questions of values from the political arena to the judgment of the Supreme Court.

The court did not shy away from engaging in politics; on the contrary, it went out of its way to be political. The court stretched the locus standi – the right to bring legal action before a court – enabling anyone who disagreed with the government's policy to appeal against it, even if that policy did not directly affect the party bringing the action. In the 1990s, with the enactment of Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty and Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation, a green light was given (in fact: was taken) to invalidate Knesset laws, even though no one had authorized the Supreme Court to do so. The citizens of Israel go to the polls to elect their representatives, but the final word goes to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice. You will not be surprised if I say that rulings are often swayed by the social, class, and political affiliation of the Supreme Court judges, who for years cloned themselves in the Judicial Selection Committee, where they have veto power over the appointment of new judges.

3.

Judging by the cries heard from the Holy Land, it seems that the narrowing of the reasonableness standard is tantamount to the destruction of the third Jewish commonwealth. But the grounds of reasonableness, as applied by the court, are an invention of former Supreme Court President, Justice Aharon Barak. Where an elected official has acted according to the law and there is no conflict of interest or any other legal issue – and therefore his decision cannot be invalidated – Barak, from the height of his understanding as a philosopher, adopted a position that states that the action is "unreasonable" in the eyes of the court. How is Barak's judgment, or that of any other justice, better than that of an elected official? Will he be held accountable for the consequences of his decision? By the way, there are other grounds on which the legality of appointments can be examined, only they are anchored in law and reality and not in a judge's worldview.

One argument is that the judicial reform – even after its wings have been clipped – lays the infrastructure for dictatorship. In practice, the opposite is true: the Supreme Court is about to decide whether to incapacitate Prime Minister Netanyahu due to his supposed "conflict of interest." What we are seeing is the possibility that the democratic choice of the Israeli majority may be overruled by the court. What should we call the rule of unelected judges over elected officials? Plato's "The Republic" comes to mind; in it, the ideal leader is the philosopher king. But democracy did not interest the great Greek philosopher, and it is not for nothing that some thinkers have seen Plato's ideas as creating an opening for totalitarianism.

4.

The letter's authors speak of a "judicial coup," but if indeed a coup has taken place, it did so in the 1990s with the adoption of the Basic Laws – Human Dignity and Liberty and Freedom of Occupation. Barak, the Supreme Court President at the time called it a "constitutional revolution." The laws were passed in the middle of the night, without the parliamentarians realizing that from now on the court would be able to invalidate their laws. In Knesset debates prior to the vote, whenever the possibility arose that these Basic Laws would be used to invalidate laws, the answer was that it would not happen. Dan Meridor, who was justice minister at the time and is now a staunch opponent of the government's judicial reform, recently said that "the idiots didn't understand." But you understand! The constitutional revolution that fundamentally changed Israel's constitutional structure was passed by a chance majority of about a quarter of the Knesset and the Basic Laws were elevated by Aharon Barak to the level of constitutional clauses! Imagine that the United States Constitution had been adopted in this way by the Constitutional Convention. Now, as the government tries to repair at least some of the damage, they are calling it a coup.

Last week, the Supreme Court held a hearing that distilled the argument into one statement by Justice Uzi Vogelman.  Where does the source of the court's authority to invalidate Basic Laws come from, given that the court determines that the Basic Laws are constitutional chapters, and the court itself derives its power from Basic Law: The Judiciary? Can the court place itself above its source of authority? Vogelman explained: "The court is authorized to review Basic Laws on the basis of doctrines set forth in our rulings in an expanded panel." Note, Vogelman states that the court derives this authority not by virtue of Basic Law: The Judiciary, not by virtue of the sovereign (the people) who give the Knesset its authority, not even from any divine source of authority (assuming that the Supreme Court justices are prophets) – but simply by virtue of the authority of Supreme Court rulings! In popular parlance, Vogelman said: It is so because we said it is.

Video: PM Netanyahu speaks about judicial reform / Credit: Twitter/Prime Minister's Office

When I heard Vogelman's statement, I recalled from my childhood the exploits of Baron Münchausen. In a story concocted by Rudolf Erich Raspe in the 18th century, the famous baron wishes to leap over a swamp but misses the other bank, and thus begins to sink along with his horse into the mud. Who will save them? The Baron himself: he grabs his own ponytail and pulls, until he manages to lift himself and his horse out of the mud and thus survives.

5.

And we haven't even talked about the economic threat through which they try to impose their will on political opinion (fortunately, Israel's economy is strong), and the attempt by army reservists to impose their political opinion on the government, and in fact on the people's choice by threatening that if we don't accept, they will refuse to defend us. This is an attempt at a silent military coup. If only for that reason, it was crucial to pass the law and preserve democracy.

We all agree on the necessity of judicial review of the legislative and executive branches, but what creates a counterbalance to the court? Today, the court can rule as it pleases, cancel basic laws, and incapacitate a duly elected prime minister. Moreover, Israel was established as a Jewish and democratic state. There is no external mechanism that can prevent the Supreme Court from invalidating the Law of Return, on the grounds that it contradicts the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. Such a case would nullify the Zionist idea underlying the establishment of Israel. For now, we have to rely on the justices' judgment not to do so. Is that enough?

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An Israel Hayom exclusive on the efforts undertaken by the National Religious Party and United Torah Judaism parties to roll back gender equality reforms after a new right-wing government takes office caused a political firestorm on Sunday.

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Israel Hayom had reported that the two parties, which are in the midst of intense coalition talks aimed at swearing in a Likud-led government, have indicated that any government they join would have to legislate rules that undo the rules, including those set by the attorney general and Supreme Court, that prohibit gender segregation at public venues in almost all cases that are considered to be affiliated with the state or its resources.

Prime Minister Yair Lapid took to Twitter to warn that this would be tantamount to state-led discrimination. "While the brave women of Iran fight for their rights, in Israel the national Haredim and Bezalel Smotrich [who heads the National Religious Party] are trying to send women behind barriers and to legislation segregation." He then continued and asked rhetorically, "Where is the Likud? Why is it silent? Israel is not Iran."

A whole host of politicians on the Left also joined Lapid in condemning this. "There is no such thing as separate but equal," Labor leader Merav Michaeli wrote on Twitter, adding, "We warned that a coalition without women would hurt women, and now they want a law that would put women in the back; but women are not worth less, we are equal. No one has any right to tell us where to sit, what to wear, and whether to carry out an abortion or not. This is a struggle over our democracy."

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After exit polls in Israel indicated Tuesday that former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his allies may have won enough seats to return to power in a nationalist religious government after 3 1/2 years of political gridlock, the Likud leader voiced cautioned optimism about the prospets of securing another term in office.

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"It's a good start, that's all I can say right now," Netanyahu said after the exit polls came out. He warned that "this is not the official tally, the final count must have zero fraud because some are trying to create fake results now." His warning came just as Likud voiced concern that Arab polling stations were not properly monitored because right-wing observers had come under threat from the locals. The Central Elections Committee dismissed reports of fraud being carrying out systematically in "any sector."

The Arab vote could ultimately determine the outcome of the election. Israeli media reported that the small Arab nationalist party Balad was approaching the electoral threshold, which would give it four seats and erase Netanyahu's narrow projected margin.

It was the fifth election in less than four years in Israel, and all of them turned largely on Netanyahu's fitness to govern. Polls by three major Israeli TV stations indicated that Netanyahu and his allies would capture the 61-seat majority in parliament required to form a new government.

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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu may not have changed, but he sounds different in both tenor and tone compared to the four previous election campaigns Israel has had since 2019.

Just over a year has gone by since he was unseated and became head of the opposition, but it looks like he is not the same candidate as before. During his time out of government, he has managed to complete writing his autobiography (coming out in a few weeks), he had a lot of free time to meet with people he could barely see during his busy 13-year premiership as prime minister – and he has also gotten a better feel for the public sentiment; this year has made him listen to wishes of the electorate that lie beyond his lineup of advisers and heavy security detail.

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Netanyahu continues to point out his accomplishments as prime minister everywhere he goes and attacks his rivals nonstop. But unlike previous campaigns, he is now much more willing to share the success with others; his criticism of people is also much less inflammatory, and more professional.

Cynics will be quick to say that nothing has really changed. Netanyahu, they would claim, has realized that the only thing keeping him from returning to power is the "soft-Right" voters who disavow his radical statements and the mob of foul-mouthed supporters who stick with him and often use vile rhetoric. The cynics would say that Netanyahu has remained the same cynical political figure who panders to voters. They would argue that Netanyahu has realized that what he once considered to be a recipe for success – attacking the Left with harsh soundbites – had simply run its course and that now it is better for him to stick to a clean campaign and stay above the fray. Whatever you think of this, it is a valid course of action, especially when it comes to the slickest politician in Israel who will stop at nothing to win back the premiership. 

Regardless of what prompted this shift, everyone was shocked when Netanyahu was so contrite and introspective when he met supporters in a small meeting. Whether or not this was a true effort to atone as part of the holiday spirit or just an electoral gimmick, no one could imagine him saying these words; even those closest to him such as MK Yariv Levin who was just next to him, who could not hide surprise upon hearing Netanyahu's comments, especially on the mistakes he admitted he made as prime minister. 

It all started when someone in the crowd asked Netanyahu whether he has learned something new in his time out of office and whether he would act differently if he got another shot at the helm. "Of course," Netanyahu responded. "I would come back as prime minister with many more insights; with more patience and humility." Netanyahu added, "This period [away from the job] taught me to consult with people and learn from them; to listen even to those whom I do not appreciate but can still glean some insights from. I became more humble, more open, and accepting." 

Netanyahu also added, "This past year has given me time, time to look inwards; you learn about yourself and there are always conclusions. You learn about the mistakes you made, and perhaps on how to be more accepting of people." Netanyahu explained that this was "also evident in the work I did together with my friends Yariv, Idit, and Amichai (referring to candidates aligned with or in Likud who were also present in the event). Our work together had us listen to one another and consult each together all the time, not just for show but with real intent, to learn. And this is perhaps the most important thing: Listen to others; you can learn from that. Even people that you do not hold in high regard, everyone has something – some hidden gem – that you can learn from." 

The event where Netanyahu made those comments was a conference of religious Zionists in Modi'in, the first time he has participated in such a gathering during this campaign. Some 250 people were inside the venue, with another 150 at the gate because of a lack of space. There were many Netanyahu detractors in the crowd –those who see themselves as part of the Right but prefer to vote for Ayelet Shaked's merged Habayit Hayehudi list and even for Defense Minister Benny Gantz's party.

Netanyahu's moderate posture was also evident when he was asked on national security matters. "My conservatism applies to the pointless sacrifice of our soldiers' lives; I have seen bereaved mothers over the years, and while this doesn't mean we should shy away from making a sacrifice when necessary, when it's not you don't. My brother [Yoni Netanyahu, who died in the 1976 Entebbe raid] told me that a good commander completes missions with minimum casualties; a bad commander does not complete the mission and sacrifices many soldiers." 

Netanyahu offered some advice: "The first test is 'Don't just have people killed or get dragged into pointless wars. Don't enter traps that would cost you a heavy price in human lives.".

Netanyahu's newly found posture and the quest to win over this crowd will be part of the final weeks of the campaign as he meets religious Zionists in Petah Tikva, Givat Shmuel, Ra'anana, Rehovot and other bastions of that sector. Netanyahu is not going to let Shaked rise in the polls, hoping she will eventually drop out or at the very least not get a meaningful share of this constituency. 

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This week's events have offered further proof that the Israeli political system rotates around one axis: Opposition Leader Benjamin Netanyahu.

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Ostensibly, coalition members were focused on their own matters. They made decisions, held discussions, and fought the coronavirus. In practice, however, they had only one thing on their minds and that was whether or not Netanyahu would sign a plea deal.

Early in the week, a few Likud lawmakers tried to initiate a move that would allow Netanyahu to continue to serve as party chair following his retirement from the Knesset. There were several reasons for the move, which succeeded in garnering support from those who could not exactly be called Netanyahu loyalists. By keeping Netanyahu in his current role, they reasoned, the party would buy time to reorganize and select a new chairman. This, they thought, would allow them to avoid the chaos of having to select a temporary chairman after which party members would then need to vote in primary elections.

The move was torpedoed. A few candidates for party leader made it clear that as soon as he signs a plea deal, Netanyahu must go. A party member who cannot serve as a Knesset lawmaker cannot serve as party head, they argued. That's because according to the party's constitution, the party chairman is the party's candidate for prime minister. If Netanyahu can't be prime minister, they explained, then he can't serve as the head of the party either. 

One of the candidates who refused to bend the rules is influential Likud party figure Israel Katz. As temporary chairman, he could be elected. The only other Likud member that could possibly challenge him is Yuli Edelstein. It certainly won't be Nir Barkat. If elected, Katz could try to break up the government and establish an alternative government under his leadership. This would give him an advantage in the Likud party primaries. However, the other candidates do not intend to sit idly by as Katz takes over the movement. In recent days, several of them have tried to convince current Likud Central Committee chairman Likud MK Haim Katz to demand the role of temporary party chairman. According to the party's constitution, the central committee chairman serves as temporary chairman until party elections are held. Haim Katz, however, is not necessarily interested in going up against Israel Katz as they both previously served as central axes in the central committee.

While the remaining candidates for party head have made clear they will refuse to allow Netanyahu to remain in the role of party chair until elections are held, they have also refused to allow whoever serves as temporary chairman to run for permanent office. 

The candidates informed Israel Katz that they oppose his running for temporary and then permanent party chairman. They threatened Katz that by doing so, he could break up the Likud. Katz, however, was unconvinced. If elected, the other senior Likud members plan to reject the outcome of any political negotiations he engages in. From here, the path to chaos and possible division is a short one. 

Netanyahu, meanwhile, spoke with his defense team about a plea deal on Wednesday. In recent days, Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit has demanded the threshold for community service be raised to between six and nine months. At the end of the meeting, the defense team concluded the chances of reaching a plea deal under Mendelblit were "very slim." Officials at the State Attorney's Office have also said that the slim chances that once existed for signing a deal are already slipping away.

Nevertheless, the prosecution team is now preparing to amend the indictment, and Netanyahu's defense team is working to convince him he won't get a better deal.

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"If Iran gives an order to launch missiles [into Israel] from Lebanon, we must attack Tehran," former Jerusalem mayor and current Likud MK Nir Barkat told Israel Hayom's Editor-in-Chief Boaz Bismuth, at the Israeli-American Council conference in Florida on Saturday. 

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Barkat, who is currently in the United States on a public diplomacy tour, stressed that "when we talk about the Iranian threat, we are all one people – the opposition and the coalition in Israel as well as the US. Iran is governed by a radical Islamic regime that wants to obtain nuclear weapons in order to use them, that is their goal. There's no point in talking to people who want to push you into the sea."

Barkat added, "We also need to be aware of the existing threat. There are about 250,000 missiles around our borders. We need to tell the Iranian regime that for every missile fired at Israel from one of its proxies, our target will be Tehran. We need to be prepared for the first war with Iran, and the only way to prevent a war is to prepare for it seriously. The Iranians need to understand that we will attack forcefully. I want them to be afraid before they press the button to attack Israel."

In the last few months, Barkat led the efforts to prevent the reopening of the United States' Palestinian consulate in Jerusalem. He garnered the support of 200 members of Congress who sent a letter to President Joe Biden opposing the move. In addition, 36 senators submitted a bill to block the reopening.

"Opening the consulate would divide Jerusalem, and that is why we will never let that happen," Barkat said.

With regard to internal Israeli politics, the lawmaker said, "When we [Likud] return to power, we will promote Israel much faster, because the [current] government has no vision. There are elements from the Left, the Right, Arabs, they have completely different angles. We need a government with a clear vision to promote the Golan, the Negev, the Galilee and Judea and Samaria."

When asked about the polls that predict his victory in the Likud leadership race after Opposition Leader Benjamin Netanyahu, Barkat said, "I am part of the Likud, and we are a democratic party in a democratic state. For me, the day Netanyahu decides to leave, primaries will open and I will run and win."

Barkat was also asked whether Netanyahu constitutes an asset or a burden for the Likud now, to which he replied, "I said before that we are a democratic party and we are a democratic state, so the people who need to determine assets or burdens are the Likudniks and the people of Israel – they will decide. They are the ones who decide at every election, as they did last time, and whatever they decide, we will accept."

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