Sources in Washington said that despite the positive atmosphere in the talks and the success in reaching agreements on Saudi investments in the US and other civil matters, security issues remain unresolved and contacts on the subject will continue. Regarding normalization with Israel, the Saudis presented a stubborn position stating they would be ready to begin talks only upon the full conclusion of the war, through the completion of Phase B of the Donald Trump plan.

The American response was that the Saudis are giving Hamas veto power, as Hamas refuses to advance to talks or disarm, partly due to Iranian pressure on several regime officials. Iran aims to torpedo or delay such normalization, which strengthens the regional alliance against it.

A second demand raised by the Saudis is the full establishment of the path to establishing a Palestinian state. Reports indicated that Israel, meaning Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, must publicly confirm his commitment regarding this clause in the Donald Trump plan and the Security Council resolution. As Israel Hayom revealed, Riyadh made clear in early contacts that it could not sign onto joining the Abraham Accords and normalization with the government in its current composition, meaning with the right-wing parties of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

This concerns not only statements by the right-wing MKs against a Palestinian state or Saudi Arabia itself, but mainly their push to expand the settlements. A Saudi diplomatic source told Israel Hayom that it is clear to the Saudi leadership that in the current government, Netanyahu will struggle to advance the basic conditions for promoting the establishment of a Palestinian state. The Saudis do not rule out talks with Israel soon, and even reaching agreements on civil and economic matters – but they rule out normalization and official accession to the Abraham Accords with the current Israeli government.

An Arab diplomatic official said the prevailing assessment is that such official talks would begin with the war's conclusion phase, but unofficial talks and contacts between the countries would continue and even accelerate before then, due to pressure from Donald Trump. "We estimate that the acceptance of Saudi security requests, or at least most of them, will be announced then," the official said. The official referred here to the supply of advanced weapons types, including F-35 stealth aircraft.

Regarding the issue of selling the advanced aircraft to Saudi Arabia, Israel did not object in principle but asked the US for two things. First, Israel asked to supply the Saudis with models that do not possess the most sophisticated systems available for the aircraft. Donald Trump said Tuesday that in his opinion it is possible to give Saudi Arabia and Israel the same systems, but the Pentagon and the State Department believe Israel's qualitative edge must be preserved in this aspect.

The president added that Israel is aware of the entire issue of the aircraft sale, and it will be very satisfied with the results of this move, meaning it will gain in other places. The second request is receiving specific security items and access to technologies that until now existed only in the hands of the US military and were not sold to Israel. There is some progress here, although the entire request was not fulfilled.

An Israeli security official criticized the diplomatic level for not sharing the management of contacts with the administration with the relevant security echelon, noting that in the past this level was involved in talks such as these. The official said the approach to the security echelon occurred only after the objection in principle to the sale had already been removed.

The IDF, incidentally, is not very concerned about the sale of F-35 aircraft to Saudi Arabia, as the Israeli qualitative edge lies in the levels of technology integration of the aircraft with other technologies and systems, as well as in the much higher skill of the Israeli pilots.

In the diplomatic bottom line, Israel has swallowed a bitter pill in the form of consent to the "path to a Palestinian state" clause. It will swallow another bitter pill or two regarding weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and other countries in the region. The first and major return, the hostages and remaining in Gaza, has been accepted. Now the diplomatic return is awaited, though its political price will be high.

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Regarding Shas's departure from the government coalition, he said he lost patience long ago with these games. He said government could complete serve out its term but there is no such thing as being in the coalition while not being in it, and the coalition failing to pass laws, there is a country that requires governance. There is no such thing as continuing to control ministries remotely through associates while actually being outside, he noted.

Video: Smotrich speaks about Saudi normalization / Credit: GoLive

He said that he told Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, "Either succeed in resolving the conscription issue with a genuine law and change the abnormal reality that Haredim do not participate in army service, or go to elections. This story must end quickly.​"

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Ofir understands the Saudis perhaps better than any other Israeli. She has facilitated numerous achievements, including bringing Israeli teams to Saudi Arabia's Dakar Rally in 2021, brokering various deals between Israeli and Saudi companies, and becoming the first Israeli to lecture at a public Saudi conference in September 2023, when normalization appeared imminent.

Here is another assessment: Within the coming year, likely before Israel's elections, substantial rapprochement between Israel and Saudi Arabia will occur – perhaps not full Abraham Accords membership, but at minimum a significant political-economic development. A senior US diplomat estimates and assures in conversation with Israel Hayom, "This isn't a matter of gambling [on it happening], it's geopolitics and economic interests – what should have happened long ago will occur shortly."

What drives Saudi interest? Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's Vision 2030 fulfillment integrates closely with business, technological, and security relationships with Israel. The vision incorporates technological development and advancement in which Israel already participates in areas including cyber defense, fintech, and additional sectors.

Furthermore, bin Salman, who favors mega-projects involving enormous monetary figures, strongly identifies with President Donald Trump's mega deal, the grand Middle East plan, and intends to integrate thoroughly into what should transpire here. The project focuses extensively on shortening commercial routes from the East, Indo-China to Europe, and potentially oil and gas pipelines en route. Regarding security, MBS seeks an agreement constituting a defense alliance with the US and through it with Israel, protecting his nation from Iran and its proxies, including the Houthis.

The security dimension was demonstrated conversely through Saudi assistance to Israel during the June war with Iran. As we revealed in our Israel Hayom report, Saudi military helicopters intercepted Iranian drones en route to Israel.

This represents exactly what Iran and its proxies, including Hamas, attempt to prevent. An intelligence-exposed document from Hamas leadership revealed this was one of Hamas' declared objectives in launching the October 7 massacre.

Among Hamas' (and Iran's) declared war objectives was torpedoing Saudi Arabia's Abraham Accords entry and normalization with Israel. This objective was essentially achieved while a Democratic administration unable to handle the situation's complexity.

Long and complicated, yet possible

With Donald Trump's re-entry as the Abraham Accords' architect into the White House, this possibility returned to consideration, though the road remains lengthy and complex. Recently, the American president reiterated hearing willingness and desire from senior Saudis to join the Abraham Accords. Trump characteristically adds, correctly, that Saudi entry will pave the way for additional Arab and Muslim nations.

Throughout 2023, direct contacts occurred between Saudi Arabia and Israel, including conversations between Prime Minister Netanyahu and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. In September, contacts reached near maturation, and Netanyahu's UN General Assembly speech discussing the vision for the developing Middle East and building alliances was broadcast initially on Saudi television.

The war delayed the process, although beneath the surface contacts have been maintained and continue at multiple levels. The Saudis expressed shock at the massacre while, consistent with Middle Eastern Arab society sentiment, sharpened discourse toward Israel during the war, and their political process demands intensified. Trump's plan addresses this and removes obstacles to progress in this direction.

"The United Arab Emirates is Israel's genuine Arab friend, demonstrated during the most difficult time, wartime," a senior Israeli official maintaining contact with the Gulf country for many years tells us.

The official recalls that the sole international companies that continued flights to Israel throughout the war were Emirati ones, and the UAE's sharp condemnation of the October 7 massacre and Hamas generally. The UAE, alongside Saudi Arabia, maintain a firm position against Hamas, arguing that Gaza rehabilitation is impossible while it exists. Nevertheless, they finance numerous aid operations to Gazans, effectively since the war's beginning.

The Emiratis leveraged positive connections in Israel to introduce aid into displaced persons camps, establishing clinics and field hospitals. Now they constitute the dominant state in establishing humanitarian spaces in IDF-controlled territories, including constructing clinic buildings, schools, and electricity, water, and sewage infrastructure. They initiated and funded establishing a water pipeline from the Egyptian side to southern Strip residents.

Like the Saudis, they also perceive the promising business horizon in a peaceful Middle East recovering from wars, the enormous commercial potential for their ports on routes from the East to Europe, and the tremendous advantages of cooperation with Israel. For instance, the Dubai diamond exchange, established merely twenty years ago, became the world's largest with Israeli assistance.

The security dimension against the Iranian and Houthi threat also matters, and the war's end will bring genuine expansion of weapons and military technology agreements with Israel.

An important aspect involving both countries is the Palestinian de-radicalization process. In both nations, such processes occurred in educational systems, media, and cultural and political discourse. Educational programs from both are already implemented in temporary Strip schools, at minimum in IDF-controlled territories.

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The sources report that Iran pressures Hamas to take a hardline stance in Doha ceasefire negotiations. Last Wednesday, Hamas appeared open to Israel's revised withdrawal maps. US envoy Steve Whitkoff was set to pack a suitcase so he could finalize details in Doha. However, diplomatic sources noted Hamas suddenly rejected the maps and reopened agreed issues, a shift attributed to Iranian influence.

Behind the collapse of negotiations in Doha

An Israeli source told Israel Hayom that Qatari mediators, who had just hours before were all smiles, reported Hamas' new demands without clarification. Hamas insisted on Israel's immediate retreat to pre-March conflict lines and the international border by the ceasefire's end. This stunned all parties, likely thwarting a ceasefire declaration by President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Washington, aligning with Iran's goals.

Gulf sources revealed that Tehran, led by Revolutionary Guards chief Ismail Qaani, held dozens of urgent calls with Hamas leaders Zahar Jabarin and Nizar Awadallah. Khalil al-Hayya, managing the talks and aligned with Qatar, supported a ceasefire due to Hamas' military wing's heavy losses and need for recovery. Iranian pressure, however, led Hamas to reject the compromise, fostering pessimism as Israel prepares a new offer.

For post-war Iran, preventing Israel's diplomatic victories and minimizing losses are paramount. Blocking Saudi Arabia's Abraham Accords entry, normalization, and security deals with Syria and Lebanon aims to keep Israel in prolonged conflict and enable Iran's allies to regroup.

Iran threatens Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (also known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani) with renewed civil war, inciting terrorist groups and ethnic factions to fight. Iranian actions are tied to hostile militias nearing the Israel border buffer zone and clashes with the Druze in Sweida and elsewhere.

When will the path to normalization resume?

Israel and the US observe Iran's efforts to arm Revolutionary Guards-linked militias. Similar attempts in Lebanon aim to bolster Hezbollah. Unlike before, Syrian and Lebanese governments now resist these efforts, achieving partial success. Saudi Arabia's complex stance is evident from Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi's recent Riyadh visit. Saudi Arabia seeks to protect its oil facilities from Iranian attacks while pursuing US and Israeli diplomatic and economic agreements.

Israel Hayom reported last week that Saudi air forces intercepted Iranian drones targeting Israel over Iraq and Jordan during the war. Saudi Arabia's non-denial underscores its role in the US-led regional coalition.

The key question is when normalization will resume, with Iran working to delay it. The Gaza war is the primary barrier. Hamas' October 7 attack halted advanced Israel-Saudi normalization talks, planned in economic and diplomatic stages, including Israeli visa access and an economic office in Jeddah. Israel was to resume Palestinian talks and take further steps.

A month before the attack, an Israeli business delegation visited Saudi Arabia, where Dr. Nirit Ofir spoke at a major conference. The war disrupted everything, freezing talks, though minimal Israel-Saudi contacts persisted. Israel's alignment with the US in the war demonstrated its value to Saudi Arabia.

Trump's role in the conflict is notable. In 2019, he refrained from harshly responding to Iran's Houthi attack on Saudi oil facilities. Israel's ability to engage US power restored deterrence against Iran. Saudi Arabia remains in a holding pattern, preparing for a potential breakthrough.

Gaza remains the central obstacle

Saudi Arabia's ambassador to Jordan, Nayef bin Bandar Al Sudairi, appointed to the Palestinian Authority in 2023 to address Palestinian concerns over Israel-Saudi rapprochement, concluded his term. Ran Ichay, a scholar from JCAP, noted Saudi Arabia's decision not to appoint a replacement to avoid straining Israel ties. However, Saudi Arabia will not pursue normalization with Israel, as heavier issues, like the indirect war with Iran's proxies threatening Saudi Arabia, take priority. With normalization talks frozen, Palestinian Authority alignment is less significant.

Gaza remains the primary obstacle, and Iran, according to diplomatic sources, has delayed the ceasefire and the war's end. Arab sources report progress in the last day, with Israel's new withdrawal maps creating a productive atmosphere. Hamas now accepts US assurances for a ceasefire beyond 60 days. Israel has not commented.

Despite Prime Minister Netanyahu's criticism of Hamas' conduct last Saturday, the Israeli delegation stayed in Doha. An Israeli source stated at the talks' start that the goal is to free half the hostages, aligning with a war objective. The source emphasized that the ultimate goals – freeing all hostages, demilitarizing Gaza, and ousting Hamas – remain. The source predicted renewed fighting after 60 days due to Hamas' refusal. Israel and the US are fully aligned.

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According to two sources who spoke with the Arab outlet Al-Joumhuriya, Syria's interim president al-Sharaa – also known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani – held a meeting with the Israel's National Security Council chief in Emirati capital. One source called the encounter a pivotal step in the ongoing Syrian-Israeli dialogue, some six months after the toppling of the Bashar Assad regime. The sources – a Syrian with knowledge of the negotiations and a regional diplomat – verified that this was not their first meeting.

Two weeks ago, Israel Hayom revealed that Hanegbi told Knesset members in a confidential Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee session that Israel maintains direct communication – beyond just indirect channels – with Syria's leadership, including al-Sharaa. On matters of security and diplomatic coordination, Hanegbi confirmed he personally manages these efforts, amid talks of possible ties between Israel and Syria. He also highlighted Syria and Lebanon as leading contenders for normalization with Israel.

In his comments about Ahmed al-Sharaa (also known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani), Hanegbi was addressing lawmakers concern about a potential Israeli withdrawal from the Syrian buffer zone currently under IDF control. Hanegbi indicated flexibility, stating, "If normalization occurs, we will consider this option."

Hanegbi identified Syria and Lebanon as prime candidates for normalization agreements with Israel, building on the Abraham Accords model. His testimony confirms recent international media reports regarding direct Israeli-Syrian communications while exposing the scope of discussions that encompass both military and political spheres.

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Lebanon responded Wednesday to statements made by an Israeli political source who expressed interest in advancing normalization between the countries. Officials in Beirut categorically denied that the indirect dialogue with Jerusalem would lead to normalization.

Sources in the Lebanese presidential office told Al-Mayadeen channel that assertions about dialogue committees between Israel and Lebanon serving as a prelude to normalization are unfounded. According to these sources, the three committees established to resolve existing issues with Israel represent a continuation of implementing UN Resolution 1701. The sources emphasized that these committees will not involve direct negotiations between Lebanon and Israel.

"The committees will address longstanding issues – specifically border disputes and points that have remained contentious since 2006," the officials stated. They also confirmed that the five points in southern Lebanon where the IDF continues to maintain control will be among the topics for dialogue. Earlier, a political source indicated that the talks are being conducted with the objective of transitioning to a diplomatic-political track.

In a separate development, sources informed the Qatari channel Al-Araby, which has close ties to the Damascus regime, that efforts are underway to organize a visit to Israel by Druze religious leaders from the town of Hader in southern Syria.

According to the report, this initiative is being coordinated by official Israeli sources. The town is located in Quneitra province near the border with Israel. The sources claim that a Druze sheikh in Israel has pressured residents of the town to participate in the visit. The report further stated that the visit would be conducted in coordination with the IDF.

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In a significant diplomatic gesture, Saudi Arabia's ambassador to the United States, Reema bint Bandar Al Saud, participated in the inaugural MEAD conference in Washington, addressing an audience that included Israeli officials. The engagement, alongside statements from MK Benny Gantz, suggests that efforts toward regional normalization may still be on the table, despite ongoing conflicts.

Al Saud joined a panel discussion with her Moroccan and Bahraini counterparts at the event held on Monday night (Israeli time). The audience, which she was aware of, included numerous Israelis, among them official representatives, as well as high-ranking Americans.

Gantz, leader of the State Party, addressed the normalization issue in his interview, "I hope we can develop regional partnerships, partly through events like MEAD. Expanding our relationship with Saudi Arabia, a key Arab nation, could yield mutual benefits in security, economy, science, and other areas."

An Israeli source recently suggested that following the US elections in approximately two months, a new opportunity might emerge for a three-way agreement involving the United States, Saudi Arabia, and Israel.

The conference, spearheaded by former US ambassadors to Israel Tom Nides and David Friedman, serves as a forum for Middle East-US dialogue. It aims to facilitate discussions between American and Middle Eastern leaders, including those from moderate Arab states and Israel. The event's primary objective is to conduct thorough examinations of US-Middle East relations and their influence on the region's evolving dynamics.

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On the surface, Israel and Saudi Arabia appear to be sworn enemies. They don't share borders, values, or culture, and for decades, Saudi officials have even made inflammatory claims about Jews. However, behind closed doors, the two countries have been secretly collaborating for years, driven by a shared pragmatism and the need to counter common threats.

Saudi involvement in the 1948 War of Independence

Even before Israel became a country, David Ben-Gurion was looking for potential allies, including Saudi Arabia. The Saudis were seen as pragmatists who didn't want other Arab countries to have too much power in the region, and the presence of a friendly state like Israel could potentially advance Saudi Arabia's interests. However, King Ibn Saud rebuffed every attempt to make contact and even sent troops to fight against Israel in its war of independence.

Yemeni Civil War

The first significant milestone in the secret relationship came in the early 1960s when civil war broke out in Yemen. Rebels had just overthrown the government, and the country was in chaos. Most of the countries in the region, including Saudi Arabia and Israel, were not fans of the rebels. Saudi Arabia quietly opened its airspace to the Israeli planes that dropped aid to the Yemeni government fighters. This was the first time that Saudi and Israeli interests aligned and it wouldn't be the last.

Khartoum Resolution, the "3 No's"

In 1967, the entire Arab League formally adopted the Khartoum Resolution, also known as the "3 No's": no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, and no negotiations with Israel. Behind the scenes, however, Israel was working overtime to build bridges with the Saudis. They passed on information about local attempts to overthrow the Saudi government and warned the Saudis about a plot to assassinate the Jordanian king.

Saudi pragmatism

The Saudis, known for their pragmatism, eventually realized that Israel was here to stay. In 1977, the Saudi king admitted that no one was trying to wipe Israel off the map anymore. The Israeli foreign ministry, however, remained silent, waiting for the Saudis to make the first move.

Failed Saudi proposal for peace

In 1981, the Saudi prince sent Israel a concrete proposal: if Israel withdrew from all the territories it acquired during the Six-Day War and handed over Jerusalem to be the capital of a Palestinian state, the region would be at peace. However, the Israeli prime minister rejected the offer immediately, citing concerns about Israel's security and the importance of Jerusalem.

The Gulf War anti-Sadam coalition

A decade later, the Saudis and the Israelis found themselves on the same side again, both being targeted by Saddam Hussein, who had invaded Kuwait. Saudi Arabia joined a coalition of more than 30 countries to pressure him to leave, and when Saddam shot at Israel, the Jewish state didn't retaliate, preventing the Arab states in the coalition from having to choose sides.

The Madrid Peace Conference

Later that year, the Saudis and the Israelis sat in the same room for the first time at the Madrid Peace Conference, a joint effort by the US and USSR to end the Arab-Israeli conflict. Though no peace came out of the conference, the relationship between Saudi and Israel was warming, and behind closed doors, they kept talking about joint projects that would bring in money if they could just nail down a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

2nd failed Saudi proposal for peace

In 2002, the Saudis repeated their offer from 1981: withdraw from all the territories won in 1967, give up Jerusalem, and the Arab world would make peace. Again, the Israeli government rejected the offer, citing concerns about security and the ongoing Second Intifada.

Anti-Iran coalition

It took another war to bring the Jewish state back to the negotiating table. When the Iran-backed terror group Hezbollah kidnapped two Israeli soldiers in 2006, Israel responded with a massive show of force. The war revealed that Hezbollah was stronger and more powerful than anyone had realized, putting both Saudi Arabia and Israel in the same precarious boat, directly threatened by the Islamic Republic of Iran. This shared threat finally brought the two countries together to discuss how to stop the Iranian regime.

The 2020 Abraham Accords

In 2020, the United States brokered a historic agreement between Israel and multiple Arab countries, two of which border Saudi Arabia: the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain. Though the Saudis weren't part of the deal, there were hints that they too might normalize relations with Israel, allowing the accords to go through and hinting that a normalization deal would come once Israel worked out its problems with the Palestinians.

Movement toward Saudi-Israeli normalization

In 2023, the Saudis openly stated that they were willing to normalize ties with Israel, indicating that the two countries were getting closer to making their relationship official. The only question was what it would take to seal the deal.

Motive behind October 7

Many analysts have suggested that Hamas's devastating attack on Israel in October 2023 was engineered to tank a potential deal between Israel and the Saudis, as the Arab world harshly criticized Israel's response to the terrorist group.

Gaza War condemnations

The war between Israel and Hamas has cost tens of thousands of lives, and the entire Arab world has harshly criticized Israel's response, with some countries condemning the "indiscriminate bombing of Palestinian innocent civilians in Gaza."

Defending Israel against Iran's attack

However, when Iran attacked Israel in April 2024, multiple Arab countries, including some with no public ties to the Jewish state, came to Israel's defense, passing on intelligence, allowing Israel to use their airspace, or even actively helping to track and intercept the Iranian missiles. This suggests that the Saudi-Israeli relationship may have deeper roots than previously known.

Is a Saudi-Israeli alliance on the horizon?

The relationship between Saudi Arabia and Israel has been an open secret for years, with both countries recognizing the mutual benefits of an alliance. As the Iranian regime continues to threaten regional stability, the incentive for the two countries to make their partnership official has never been greater. The only question is when they will finally take the plunge and go public with their long-standing cooperation.

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In a new survey conducted by the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (JCPA), 64% of the Israeli public oppose the establishment of a Palestinian state as part of the normalization process with Saudi Arabia. The full report, unveiled Monday at the 13th Annual Jerusalem Post Conference in New York, highlights a significant shift in Israeli public opinion following the Hamas attacks on Oct. 7.

The survey, conducted in collaboration with Panels Politics, examined the attitudes of Jewish and Arab Israelis on the critical political issue of establishing a Palestinian state as part of the conditions for ending the war against Hamas since October 7. The survey, carried out through an online panel of respondents in late May, included 706 Jewish and Arab participants aged 18-65, representing a cross-section of Israel's adult population.

Key findings:

Shift in opposition

The survey reveals that the massacre on October 7 led one-third of respondents, who previously believed that a Palestinian state could be established under certain conditions, to change their minds – and now completely oppose it. According to the findings, 59% of Israelis opposed the establishment of a Palestinian state along the 1967 lines even before October 7. After that event, the opposition rose to 68%. Among Jewish respondents, opposition grew from 69% to 79%, while there was no significant change among Arab respondents.

Political disparities

The opposition to a Palestinian state indicates significant political gaps: 84% of right-wing voters, 54% of centrist voters, and 24% of left-wing voters oppose the move. Interestingly, a similar percentage of left-wing voters support the establishment of a Palestinian state without conditions.

Normalization with Saudi Arabia

Some 64% oppose the establishment of a Palestinian state even in exchange for normalization with Saudi Arabia. Among Jewish respondents, the opposition rate is 74%, while 49% of Arab respondents support the idea.

Control by the Palestinian Authority

Some 68% of respondents oppose the establishment of a Palestinian state under the control of the Palestinian Authority. Among Jewish respondents, the opposition rate is 78%, compared to 49% of Arab respondents in Israel.

Lack of trust in Palestinian leadership

Additionally, there is a widespread lack of trust in the Palestinian leadership, with 60% of survey participants not viewing any current Palestinian figure, such as Mahmoud Abbas or Marwan Barghouti, as suitable to lead peace with Israel. Thus, 76% of Jewish Israelis do not see a suitable Palestinian personality, while 31% of Arab respondents share this view.

Demographic insights

Among respondents aged 60 and above, support for a demilitarized Palestinian state recognized by Israel dropped from 44% to 32%. A similar decline was recorded among those with academic education (from 29% to 20%) and high-income earners (from 33% to 20%). Opposition was particularly high among young people (70% of those aged 18-29), those with low education (72%), and traditional, religious, and Orthodox respondents (74%, 88%, and 91%, respectively). Secular respondents showed an opposition rate of 54%.

Dr. Dan Diker, President of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, emphasized, "Public opinion polls now reflect the Israeli public's understanding of the issue's significance after October 7. Considering the Biden administration's policies, it is crucial to convey this message both to Israeli public representatives and decision-makers in the White House."

Originally published by the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. 

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Although the Hamas war has slowed down normalization efforts with Saudi Arabia, sources in the kingdom say that the door to peace with Israel remains open, despite recent harsh criticism against the IDF. 

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A Saudi official told Israel Hayom that as long as the fighting in the region continues, the talks cannot progress. Nevertheless, it does not mean that Riyadh is not interested in establishing ties with Jerusalem.

According to the official, Saudi Arabia does not have specific preferences as to who should be the prime minister of Israel, meaning, they would be open to normalizing ties with Israel under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, or Minister Benny Gantz, who is gaining momentum in polls. He noted, however, that Netanyahu's unwillingness to "go easy on Palestinians" could hinder the talks. 

Just recently, Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan clarified that Riyadh expects " a real path" to establishing a Palestinian state, one that includes clear borders. In other words, it seems that Saudi Arabia is waiting for another opportunity to establish ties with Israel. 

Israel's "most right-wing government"

In related news, Mohamed Al Harbi, a former senior Saudi official said to be a close associate of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, recently addressed the political situation in Israel, saying that the country was led by its most "right-wing" government ever. 

"There is [Finance Minister Bezalel] Smotrich and [National Security Minister Itamar] Ben-Gvir, who have no military or diplomatic expertise whatsoever and are subject to criticism, and Netanyahu, with his legal process.

"Saudi Arabia's number one priority is the end of the war, then humanitarian aid, followed by dealing with the issue of hostages and addressing the subject of the displaced. But Netanyahu wants to prolong the war to get out of his crisis in the polls."

"There will be no normalization without a Palestinian state," Al Harbi said, "Saudi Arabia is interested in strategic solutions, and this government is composed of extreme right-wing parties that cannot accept it. Maybe in the elections, Gantz or Lapid will come, then the situation will change."

Meanwhile, King Salman of Saudi Arabia called ahead of Ramadan to put an end to the war. The 88-year-old leader represents the king's conservative camp, and with his passing, the official stands on normalization may change slightly. 

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