Jebelli made the remarks after a female student, from an audience of conservative students supporting the regime, held up a sign stating that Iranian citizens learned what was happening in the war through the Qatari television channel Al Jazeera and not through the local broadcasting authority. The act prompted the senior official to address the loss of credibility by his organization.

"One thing damaged our credibility, and I wish this issue hadn't come up now so I wouldn't have to mention it," Jebelli said. He added, "One thing damaged our credibility, and that was the shooting down of the F-35 aircraft. Were we in the sky to witness the crash of the fighter jet? Were we behind the defense system? Someone from military sources informed us, and then in the end they understood for some reason that the information was not reliable and gave us another update. Media sources should not stake their credibility on the reliability of other institutions and organizations," Jebelli said.

The reports about shooting down Israeli fighter jets over Iranian skies repeated themselves in Iranian media and were accompanied by bizarre images of crashed aircraft that were distributed on social networks. The images themselves were quickly revealed to be particularly sloppy fakes and the reports about shooting down the stealth aircraft were usually shelved and deleted just hours after they appeared.

Despite the admission of damage to broadcasting credibility, Jebelli continued to claim during his speech that his country succeeded in striking Israel's "computer system" and essentially caused it to cease functioning. Jebelli claimed that "we stunned the world through resistance" and continued to hold the regime's accepted line that the confrontation with Israel in June, which had devastating results for the Iranian leadership, was actually a victory for the Tehran regime.

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According to the official, Tehran faces only difficult choices because it risks a harsh Israeli counterattack and simply cannot absorb more military losses like those sustained during the 12-Day War. The official noted that despite this restraint, some voices within Iran still believe a response to Israel's actions is necessary, perhaps executed by the Houthis or through a terrorist attack targeting Jewish or Israeli interests in Europe or Latin America.

This cautious assessment stands in contrast to the combative statements coming from Tehran, even before the death of Hezbollah Chief of Staff Haytham 'Ali Tabataba'i, and earlier reports that Iran had largely replenished the surface-to-surface missile stockpile lost during Operation Rising Lion. For example, a report in The New York Times disclosed that Iran is enhancing its air defense network and planning for a massive launch capability of up to 2,000 simultaneous missiles should another conflict erupt. The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps previously published a statement declaring, "The Axis of Resistance and Hezbollah have the right to respond at the appropriate time, and it will be a painful blow".

Esmaeil Baghaei, the Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman, stated that Israel's behavior is worsening regional security and will result in serious consequences. Though Iran is working to rebuild its air defense capabilities – which were nearly destroyed in the war – and reportedly received aid from China, Israeli estimates suggest this will not significantly challenge Israel's absolute control of Iranian airspace.

The critical decision regarding a Hezbollah response rests with the ayatollahs in Tehran, not Beirut. Hezbollah's standing has suffered significantly following the losses incurred during the pager operation and the elimination of its leadership, including Hassan Nasrallah, who ranks second only to Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Iran's hesitation is driven by multiple factors : First, since Israel delivered severe blows to Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iran itself, another conflict of that magnitude is unacceptable. Second, the international environment, marked by full US support and partial European support for Israel, eliminates the possibility of helpful diplomatic maneuvers. Third, Iran is experiencing a particularly dire economic and infrastructural crisis, characterized by rampant inflation, currency collapse, a severe fuel shortage, frequent power outages, and a water crisis. In fact, the severity of the water crisis led President Masoud Pezeshkian to propose evacuating Tehran and relocating to a temporary capital.

Tehran is currently in its sixth consecutive drought year and recorded its driest autumn of the century, reporting "zero drops of rain". After the first 55 days of the current water year, water reserves had hit a 60-year low.

Contacted via social media, S., a Tehran resident, described having running water for only a few hours each day, dangerously poor water quality causing widespread diseases and infections, and mineral water sold at exorbitant prices in stores and markets. The resident added that while authorities have discussed bringing in water tankers from the north, no substantial action has been taken.

Northern Iran is simultaneously battling a major ecological catastrophe – a fire that has been burning for weeks in the Hyrcanian Forests, a "World Heritage Site" and the world's oldest living ecosystem. Iranian forestry experts are placing blame on the government, alleging negligence and intentional, malicious damage to the forest lands. The fire has resulted in large clouds of smoke, ash, and soot, which are causing severe air pollution.

This compounding crisis has given rise to the idea of Iran's "quiet disintegration" as a functional state. Sogand Fakheri, an Iran Desk analyst at the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs, said that "quiet disintegration" is a concept frequently discussed in Iranian domestic media.

"However, it seems the disintegration is not quiet, the government is not functioning, and the repeated focus on war propaganda and the 12-Day War either ignores or at least belittles the situation in the country," she elaborated, adding, "The fires and the funds being wasted in the wrong places also hurt the citizens' standard of living and even put them in real danger." As economic, social, and environmental hardships continue to mount, internal reports of local distress and protests surface from Iran, but these are often suppressed from the wider public due to media censorship and restrictions. This raises the question of whether the institutional and social decay is happening "quietly" because it is not being fully expressed – or because parts of the system are struggling to recognize it in real-time.

Sagiv Asulin, a senior researcher at the JCFA and an Iran expert, accounted for the contrast between the aggressive rhetoric and Iran's domestic paralysis : "The Iranians are the world champions in word games, negotiation, and haggling in the Middle Eastern and global bazaar, so there is a big difference between what they say and what will materialize. They are willing to warm the atmosphere with belligerent statements, but in their current condition, they might play a game on the edge, but nothing beyond that, and therefore the answer to the question of whether they will initiate an actual attack – is almost certainly no".

Asulin confirmed that Iran is working hard to rebuild its air defense and missile stockpiles because missiles are the most effective weapons they have, especially since the nuclear project was severely damaged. The researcher added that Iran recognizes this as Israel's soft underbelly and plans to reinforce it for the next conflict.

Ultimately, both Asulin and the senior official agree that Iran intends to delay the next conflict for as long as possible to allow itself time to recover, wait for more favorable conditions, and improve its readiness.

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This week, that red line may face its biggest test in decades, with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's planned visit to Washington and the expected US approval for the F-35 deal to the kingdom.

The Americans have always viewed the Saudis as an important strategic partner, but the idea of supplying the stealth fighter – the only fifth-generation jet operated by any country in the Middle East (Israel) – was seen until recently as a line best not crossed. The reason is simple: the F-35 is no longer just a fighter jet. It is an intelligence, strike, and electronic platform that enables penetration into spaces that were previously impassable, and it is a source of security, diplomatic, and strategic power not only in the local arena but also in the broader regional balance of power.

The stealth fighter entered Israeli Air Force service as a result of a long, complex, and sometimes politically sensitive process. Although the F-35 was born as a large-scale international project led by the United States called JSF – Joint Strike Fighter, Israel was not included in the first group of countries that participated in it.

The main reason was that the Americans carefully examined the combination of industrial partnership and security sensitivity: Israel was not a producer in NATO frameworks, and it was known as a country that makes deep modifications to almost every air platform it acquires. From Washington's perspective, there was a need to carefully examine whether Israel's modification requirements would not endanger particularly sensitive technological components. Only at a later stage, after a prolonged process of secret coordinations and technological protection mechanisms, did Israel join as a special procurement partner and not as a full member in the JSF coalition.

The US president who essentially approved the sale of the stealth fighters to Israel was George W. Bush. His administration made the principled decision to allow Israel to acquire a fifth-generation jet, out of the understanding that the rise in regional threats – including Iran – requires Israel to have a significant qualitative advantage. The actual agreement was signed during the Obama administration, which continued this policy and gave the green light to the first order. Israel was indeed outside the circle of countries that contributed to the development of the tool, but it became the first customer in the world to receive Washington's approval for deep Israeli modifications in the avionics systems, electronic warfare, and connectivity.

The first Adir landed in Israel on December 12, 2016, at Nevatim Airbase, in a ceremony that made clearer than anything the significance of this acquisition for Israel. For the first time, the Air Force received a jet capable of entering almost any point in the Middle East with little warning, generating independent intelligence, and carrying out precise strikes with a level of survivability higher than that of any other tool. It gave Israel an advantage that is not only technological but also conceptual: the Air Force moved from an era where it had to "break into" enemy airspace to an era where it can operate within it with relative ease.

Since 2016, three batches of jets have arrived in Israel. Today, the Israeli Adir fleet numbers about 36 F-35 jets integrated into squadrons at Nevatim. The Israeli government has already approved the purchase of another 25 jets, which will bring the operational strength to more than 60 jets. There are also discussions about further expansion later this decade, among other things to ensure a response to new threats and the replacement of some of the veteran fourth-generation jets.

The combination of operational flexibility, stealth capability, unique Israeli electronic warfare modifications, and natural integration into national control systems created a new reality: the stealth fighter is no longer just a component in the Air Force but an overlay layer that gives Israel freedom of action that no one in the arena holds, and continues to shape Israeli combat doctrine even today.

In Israel, especially after Operation Rising Lion, the significance of this process is even clearer. In the campaign that lasted 12 days and spanned thousands of kilometers, the F-35 was the tool that changed the rules of the game. It enabled deep penetration into Iranian airspace saturated with radars, missile batteries, and electronic warfare capabilities without the need to open a route through a wave of preliminary strikes. It provided real-time intelligence, sensor fusion that creates a continuous battle picture, and surgical strike capability on targets essential to the nuclear program – and all this while maintaining almost complete stealth. Israeli pilots described how they saw Iran's defense arrays "waking up", if at all, only after the strike had already been completed. That was a moment that illustrated how much this tool changes reality, and how much the Israeli advantage on it is not only tactical but essential.

This is exactly where the Israeli concern lies. If Saudi Arabia indeed joins the select club that holds the American stealth fighter, the implication is not just another advanced jet in the region; it is a change in the basis of the balance of power. Not because Saudi Arabia is an enemy state, today it is seen as a potential strategic partner, but because the qualitative advantage is a resource that must be maintained over time, especially in a region where the balance of alliances can change in a few years, if not months.

Israel needs unique technological depth, one that cannot be closed in two or three years. And if Saudi Arabia is indeed equipped with the stealth fighter, it will be the first time an Arab country receives access to a technological generation equal to that of Israel. In the past, Saudi Arabia requested – and received AWACS and F-15 jets from the US, but Israel managed to impose certain restrictions on the Saudi jets, thereby leaving a technological advantage in its hands.

Supporters of the move argue that Israel holds an advantage of many years over any country that enters the deal now. They point to its extensive operational experience, the unique hardware and software modifications it has made, and the complementary capabilities – intelligence, communications, and logistical capability that other countries are still far from holding. The QME mechanisms (ensuring qualitative edge), they remind, do not erode in one day. But on the other hand, there are those in Israel who warn that these gaps are not a given. Technology is a dynamic matter, and from the moment the door opens, it is hard to return it to full closure.

In this reality, Mohammed bin Salman's visit to Washington becomes a top event. The US president's decision will not approve just a deal – it will define the contours of air supremacy in the Middle East in the coming decade. The fact that in Israel they use examples from Operation Rising Lion to gauge the significance of the stealth fighter only sharpens the tension: Israel knows very well what the F-35 allows it to do. It also knows what will happen the day these capabilities reach its large, wealthy, and ambitious neighbor.

Either way, the discussion is not about Saudi Arabia. It's about Israel, about a longstanding American commitment, and about the question of whether the era of Israeli exclusivity in the stealth domain is about to come to an end – or whether Washington will find a way to preserve the additional edge on which Israeli security policy has relied for three decades.

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Speaking during a visit to the western Iranian city of Hamadan, Araghchi claimed that "during the war, the skies over the Zionist regime were under the control of the Islamic Republic, and no layer of defense could intercept our missiles."

In contrast, in an interview with Al Jazeera, Araghchi struck a more conciliatory tone, saying that Tehran is ready to engage in negotiations "to ease concerns regarding its nuclear program," though he emphasized that Iran is prepared for any scenario.

At the same time, another senior Iranian official told the Qatari network that "Iran hopes there will not be another war, but its forces are fully prepared for any aggression." The official added that there are currently no indications of a new conflict and stressed the need "to do what is necessary to prevent one."

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The US president is in no way harming Israel. From his perspective, he sometimes saves it from itself. This occurred when he demanded halting the Israeli Air Force planes that were already over Iranian territory at the end of Operation Rising Lion; when he told Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that the Gaza war had run its course and pressured him to adopt the plan to end it; and when he demanded reversing Netanyahu's decision on cutting aid supplies to the Gaza Strip two days ago.

As of now, it appears that in all three instances he was correct, and indeed a responsible adult was needed to prevent us from acting against our own interests. Because indeed the war against Iran should have concluded on day 12, and it was correct to adopt the 20-point plan. Regarding eliminating Hamas in Gaza – the IDF was given two years to accomplish this, and particularly in the Rafah area the damage to the organization was the most severe. Nevertheless, Hamas fighters emerged from the tunnels there. In other words, before we make the ceasefire collapse we must formulate an orderly plan for how to achieve the war objectives that have not yet been reached.

In the grand scheme of things, Trump was and remains the most pro-Israel president ever, by a tremendous margin from all his predecessors. Therefore, even if here and there he makes things difficult for us, the matters must be put in their proper prespective.

We must also remember that he is not the first. All US presidents from time immemorial have demanded that Israel stop, restrain or reduce various military moves that we needed. Moreover, compared to his predecessors Trump has even expected Israel to be significantly more aggressive than it was. This happened with the famous sentence "the gates of hell will open on Gaza." And of course, in his first ten months in office, that same Trump opened the warehouses and gave the IDF all possible armaments.

So even if he is mistaken, it is permitted and proper to respect his request. And let us tell the truth – apparently there is also no other choice. Against the Democratic presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden, Netanyahu could fight because he received tailwind from their Republican rivals. On the other hand, when the MAGA president gives us a red card, we have no counterweight to hold onto. The reason for this is the severe damage to Israel's image in the US.

Our legitimacy oxygen has run out. In the situation that has been created, Israel and Netanyahu have no room for maneuver because we have been pushed into an PR corner. Extricating ourselves from it is therefore an urgent and critical mission. Because if we have a problem with Trump, how much more so will there be one with his successors, certainly if they come from the Democratic side but even if they arrive from the Republican camp.

Large and enormous forces from both left and right wings in the American discourse are working to weaken the alliance between the US and Israel. Unfortunately, they are playing against an empty goal.

From the prime minister down – everyone understands that a campaign for the gloal public opinion is required from Israel and the Jewish people. After all, our enemies in the world will only go and intensify their incitement against us, which will exacerbate the international legitimacy problem and further narrow the political room for maneuver. This, and not Trump's local "Don't," should therefore be Israel's central concern. If we do not open a campaign for consciousness now, in three years we will miss Trump's hugs.

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That decision comes amid rising external pressure, including the activation of the Security Council snapback sanctions mechanism, and a sense of trauma in Iran after having been surprised by Israel.

The first worrying sign from Iran: Tehran appears focused on increasing the range of its ballistic missiles to intercontinental distances, meaning 5,500 kilometers and beyond. MP Mohsen Zanganeh told Iranian television recently that the unidentified lights seen in Iran's skies two days earlier and which stirred public curiosity were in fact a successful test of an intercontinental missile. It may have been the Khorramshahr-5 ballistic missile, reportedly capable of 12,000 kilometers, which Defense Minister Nazirzadeh said has not yet entered operational service.

Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-abdollahian denied Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's claim after the test that Tehran is working on intercontinental missiles that would allow it to threaten Washington and New York. However, Ahmad Bakhshaish Ardestani, a member of the parliament's Foreign Affairs and Security Committee, confirmed the report. In an interview with Iranian media he said Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei removed a previous limit that kept Iran's missile range under 2,200 kilometers, and that Iran is now developing its missile program as far as it wishes, because it must strengthen what he called its most important military power, namely its missile program.

The second worrying sign from Iran: alongside talk of intercontinental missiles, pressure is growing within the regime on Khamenei to approve production of nuclear weapons. Last week Ali Shamkhani, a senior adviser to Khamenei and a long-time manager of Iran's nuclear program, urged the regime to develop nuclear weapons, saying it would have been better if Iran had developed such weapons in the 1990s. Earlier, on September 22, it was reported that 70 members of parliament sent a letter to the Supreme National Security Council, the high body that makes the regime's strategic decisions, demanding permission to develop nuclear weapons. The MPs emphasized their request is to authorize possession and development of such weapons for deterrence purposes, but not to use them.

At the same time, nuclear scientist Mahmoud Reza Aghamiri, president of Shahid Beheshti University in Tehran, which is under US and European sanctions because of links to the nuclear program, said last week that if one day Iran is required to build an atomic bomb, it could do so well. He added Iran has the capability and resources to develop nuclear weapons, but that it does not intend to do so.

The third worrying sign from Iran: alongside the two previous moves, Tehran is signalling a determination to rebuild its proxy network despite the major changes the war has caused in the Middle East. As revealed by the Mossad's Persian-language account on X, Abdollah Saberi has been appointed to replace Saeed Izadi, who was eliminated in Operation Rising Lion, as head of the Palestine branch of the Quds Force. In that role Saberi will be responsible for rebuilding Hamas and the Islamic Jihad in the Gaza Strip, in Lebanon and in Syria.

Saberi is expected to rely on Unit 840 of the Quds Force, the unit responsible for special operations which in recent years the IDF and Shin Bet foiled in attempts to smuggle advanced, game-changing weaponry to terrorist actors in Judea and Samaria; on Unit 340, the Quds Force's technical assistance unit that provides know-how and technological equipment for Iran's regional networks; and on Unit 190, which is responsible for smuggling arms to the network, whose commander Henam Al-Hiryari was also killed in Operation Im Keliv.

Tehran sees cultivation of the so-called "Axis of Resistance" as essential to its national security. That idea was echoed recently by Parliament Speaker and member of the Supreme National Security Council Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, who explicitly expressed the Iranian aspiration to renew the ring of fire around Israel. He argued that if Iran does not fight Israel on the Golan front, Israel will fight Iran on its own borders. He also stressed that Iran's route for transferring support to Hezbollah remains open, even if it has become more difficult in light of regional changes, a sign of Iranian motivation to rebuild Hezbollah and reinvigorate the organization. Commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy Ali-Reza Tangsiri recently boasted of Tehran's ability to export missiles, unmanned aerial systems and warships.

The trauma is still here

This trend is also apparent in the Islamic Republic's response to a message Russian President Vladimir Putin recently conveyed from  Prime Minister Netanyahu that Israel does not intend to renew the war against Iran. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said Iran's forces remain on alert for the possibility of a renewed war, because it is quite likely that this is an Israeli deception.

At the same time, in an effort to curb a sharp fall in the national currency and to tamp down unrest that could spark protests, the regime is sending calming messages to its public. Security officials told the media that the enemy will not dare to renew the war and that the likelihood of such a resumption is small. Armed Forces Chief of Staff Mohammad Bagheri and IRGC commander-in-chief Mohammad Pakpour emphasized in statements to the media that Iranian forces are fully ready for a powerful fight against any kind of threat or aggression.

Where is Tehran headed? 

And what does the Supreme Leader say? In a speech last month, Khamenei argued at length that resuming negotiations with the US would be a move whose harms outweigh its benefits, because it would amount to capitulation to President Trump and would bring further US demands on missiles and other areas.

Nevertheless, the moderate and reformist camps are questioning his policy, as evidenced by sharp criticism of the decision to reject an invitation for President Pezhakian to attend a summit hosted by Trump in Sharm el-Sheikh. In their view, his participation could have opened a door to renewing talks with the US and easing tensions. However, given Khamenei's deep suspicion and lack of trust in Trump, it appears for now the Iranian leader will continue to set strict conditions for resuming talks and will push a policy designed to weather the Trump era.

In light of these developments, Israel should prepare for the possibility that Iran will return to Syria, especially in a scenario where Khamenei is persuaded by hard-line officials calling for development of nuclear weapons. Iran's attempt to upgrade its missile program and restore the "Axis of Resistance" demonstrates once again that Tehran will remain at the center of Israel's strategic calculations.

Domestic support for developing nuclear weapons, Iran's growing international isolation, the missiles Tehran is trying to develop against the West and, for now, the end of the Gaza war all give Israel an opportunity to strengthen its strategic partnership with the US under President Trump. Accordingly, Israel should work to expand that partnership to leading European states, a move that would build broad cooperation against Iran, deepen pressure on Tehran and legitimize kinetic and economic action against it.

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Health-related merchandise experienced widespread demand increases during the conflict period, with Iran International noting surges across multiple product categories including feminine hygiene items, sanitization solutions, diabetes testing materials, wound care supplies, cosmetic nail products, blood sugar monitoring devices, incontinence products, and medical bed protection materials.

According to Iran International, this consumer behavior analysis emerges three months following Israel's unexpected military offensive launched June 13, which targeted Iranian defense installations and atomic energy infrastructure. The strikes resulted in casualties among nuclear research personnel alongside the elimination of Iran's senior military commanders, while Iran's retaliatory drone and rocket campaigns claimed 31 Israeli civilian. American forces entered the confrontation on June 22 with attacks on critical nuclear complexes at Fordo, Natanz and Isfahan facilities before mediating a cessation of hostilities June 24.

Global perspective

Comparable increases in prophylactic sales have emerged across various nations experiencing conflict or emergency situations, Iran International documented. South Korean retail establishments registered significant spikes following North Korea's atomic weapons testing in October 2006, with convenience stores averaging 1,930 daily condom transactions versus typical daily volumes of approximately 1,508 units. Russian major retail chains reported substantial increases after the Ukraine military action commenced in March 2022, according to Iran International, with Rigla pharmacy network documenting 26% growth while Wildberries online platform recorded approximately 170% annual increases attributed to consumer concerns regarding supply disruptions and pricing escalation.

Iran International noted similar purchasing patterns occurred across America during initial COVID-19 pandemic months, when manufacturers including Reckitt Benckiser documented sales increases connected to consumer uncertainty and logistics concerns rather than necessarily expanded product utilization.

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In 2024, ASIO identified the IRGC as the mastermind behind fires at a Sydney kosher restaurant and a Melbourne synagogue. "These were extraordinary and dangerous acts of aggression orchestrated by a foreign nation on Australian soil," Albanese declared during a press briefing.

Ambassador Ahmad Sadeghi and three diplomatic staff have one week to leave, a move unprecedented since World War II. Australia has also suspended its embassy operations in Iran to ensure staff safety and issued a travel warning for citizens to depart Iran promptly.

The IRGC – Iran's elite military force, notorious for quelling internal protests and funding Middle Eastern militias – will now be classified as a terrorist entity, aligning with a 2019 US designation. "I've said many times that the Australian people want two things: They want killing in the Middle East to stop, and they don't want conflict in the Middle East brought here. Iran has sought to do just that," Albanese emphasized.

"They have sought to harm and terrify Jewish Australians and to sow hatred and division in our community," he continued. ASIO Director-General Mike Burgess detailed the IRGC's use of a sophisticated proxy network. "This was directed by the IRGC through a series of overseas cut-out facilitators to coordinators that found their way to tasking Australians," he stated.

The first incident occurred in October 2024, when Lewis' Continental Kitchen, a 50-year-old kosher eatery near Sydney's Bondi Beach, was set ablaze. In December 2024, Melbourne's Adass Israel Synagogue was torched by assailants using flammable liquid. Victoria's counter-terrorism unit has charged two men, with a third arrest made recently.

Since Israel's response to Hamas' October 7, 2023, attack, antisemitic acts in Australia have spiked. "ASIO is still investigating possible Iranian involvement in a number of other attacks. But I want to stress, we do not believe the regime is responsible for every act of antisemitism in Australia," Burgess clarified.

Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke condemned Iran's actions as an "extraordinary attack" that marked a "new and totally unacceptable low." "Australia was attacked and Australia was harmed," he asserted. Foreign Minister Penny Wong warned Australians against traveling to Iran, noting limited government protection. "I urge any Australian who might be considering traveling to Iran, please do not do so. Our message is, if you are an Australian in Iran, leave now if it is safe to do so," she urged.

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The US is preparing to invest over $3.5 billion to restore its arsenal following operations connected to Israel, Bloomberg reported. Budget files completed by mid-May and reviewed by Bloomberg show allocations both for replacing interceptors – including at least $1 billion for RTX-produced missiles used against Iranian strikes – and for tasks such as radar upkeep, naval repair work, and munitions transport. Nearly all US-specific expenditures are labeled as "emergency budget requests."

The plan is tied to the 2024 Israeli Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, which set aside $14 billion to rebuild US stockpiles and expand Israel's interceptor supply. According to Bloomberg, the Pentagon said these expenses cover missions by US Central Command either responding to "the situation in Israel" or to hostile activity from it, including combat "executed at the request of or in coordination with Israel for the defense of Israeli territory, personnel or assets during attacks by Iran" or allied groups.

The documentation cites US actions during Iran's April 2024 attack, which included more than 110 ballistic missiles, 30-plus cruise missiles, and over 150 drones. Bloomberg noted that the replenishment requests, which date back to late 2023, are distinct from the $4.2 billion in weapons already supplied to Israel from October 2023 through May 2025, as tracked by the Center for International Policy in an Aug. 7 report.

The largest single line item is about $1 billion to replace RTX's Standard Missile interceptors, especially the advanced "SM-3 IB Threat Upgrade" model costing $9 million to $12 million each. These were first launched from US Navy ships during the April 2024 missile barrages. Bloomberg also reported that $1.4 million was requested for a special flight mission that delivered fresh SM-3 IB interceptors to replace expended rounds.

In June, the USS Arleigh Burke and USS The Sullivans fired SM-3s to protect Israel, a US official said. A separate official told Bloomberg that a US Army unit in the area simultaneously deployed THAAD interceptors against Iranian missiles.

The second-largest request is $204 million for Lockheed Martin's THAAD interceptors, which cost about $12.7 million each to produce. Another $9.2 million is sought for delayed maintenance of the THAAD TPY-2 radar, requiring replacement of eight power engines and alternators. Budget files further describe the radar costs as stemming from an "unplanned THAAD deployment" at a new site, in addition to the unit the Pentagon previously confirmed deploying to Israel last October.

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Last month, Musk publicized plans to form the America Party to serve voters disillusioned with the two-party system. According to The Wall Street Journal, he has since redirected his efforts toward nurturing his connection with Vice President JD Vance, a prominent figure in the MAGA movement. Musk's recent communications with Vance reflect his concern that a new party could jeopardize this relationship, sources told The Wall Street Journal.

Discussions among Musk's confidants suggest he may channel his substantial wealth into backing Vance for a 2028 presidential run, The Wall Street Journal reveals. After spending nearly $300 million to support President Donald Trump and GOP candidates in 2024, Musk remains open to the party idea but has taken no concrete steps to advance it. The Wall Street Journal confirmed that a scheduled meeting with third-party campaign specialists was canceled, with Musk's team emphasizing his focus on corporate responsibilities.

In July, Trump derided Musk's party plans, while Musk insisted it would promote voter "freedom." Vance, speaking to the Gateway Pundit, remarked, "So my hope is that by the time of the midterms, he's kind of come back into the fold," signaling his desire for Musk's alignment with conservatives. The Wall Street Journal notes that Musk and Trump have recently ceased public hostilities, with Trump expressing support for Musk's businesses on Truth Social.

A new executive order easing rocket launch regulations could bolster SpaceX, suggesting a thaw in Musk-Trump relations. Despite interest from Andrew Yang and Mark Cuban, The Wall Street Journal reports that Musk has not pursued discussions with them or his political advisers about the party. Steven Nekhaila, Libertarian National Committee chair, told The Wall Street Journal, "It's almost an eerie silence," highlighting the absence of action toward establishing the America Party.

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