Minister Amichai Eliyahu of Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) announced on Wednesday that he would vote against the legislation to adopt language of the Trump initiative – which led to the Israel-Hamas ceasefire – after it is introduced in the Knesset members for an official up-or-down vote.

Lapid (Yesh Atid) initiated the measure, stating, "I will bring a motion to the Knesset plenum for a vote on a resolution for the Knesset of Israel to accept and adopt the 20-point plan of United States President Donald Trump."

Lapid elaborated, "The entire Israeli people is grateful to President Trump for having led a courageous deal for the release of the Israeli hostages. We support President Trump and strengthen his hand in his efforts to implement the plan's stages. I expect all parties to vote in favor of the President's plan."

Minister Eliyahu told the radio station Galei Tzahal, "We will certainly vote against – if Lapid wants to embarrass the state, that's his business. A Palestinian state will not be established." The plan, however, includes a "path to the establishment of a Palestinian state."

The opposition previously embarrassed the government from the right last month when a bill to apply sovereignty was passed. Vice President JD Vance, who was visiting Israel at the time, criticized the move. Following the support of MK Yuli Edelstein (Likud) for the move, which went against the directive of the Coalition, he was removed from the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee.

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With the start of President Donald Trump's second term and the war in the Gaza Strip, Indonesia became even more linked in consciousness to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For example, its name came up in the media as one of the main destinations for the idea of voluntary migration of Gaza residents – though it firmly denied this and completely rejected the concept.

In recent weeks, Indonesia has been gaining greater recognition as relevant to "the day after" as well. Its president, Prabowo Subianto, impressed with his speech at the UN General Assembly: He managed in his address to show concern, determination, and vision in the thicket of the conflict – and without hatred – to present his vision for an independent Palestinian state, while addressing the need to ensure Israel's security within any future arrangement.

He also expressed willingness to send a significant military force that would integrate into an international peacekeeping force in the Gaza Strip, and positioned himself as a partner in the American effort to end the war. Expectations even arose, for several hours, of a groundbreaking visit by him to Israel – but Indonesia quickly denied it.

The Indonesian desire to integrate into the American effort to end the war in the Gaza Strip stems from several motives: First, growing activism in its foreign policy, led by its president, to strengthen its international standing and his standing among world leaders. Second, a deep interest in advancing relations with the current American administration. Third, a growing desire to be politically involved in the Middle East and promote a settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict – mainly as an expression of its commitment to establishing an independent Palestinian state.

Indonesia's growing interest in the Middle East began to emerge about two decades ago, when it successfully navigated the difficult transition from an authoritarian regime to democracy. This sense of success also influenced its foreign policy, which became more dynamic and ambitious.

Its growing involvement in the Middle East stemmed from a desire to promote stability and reconciliation and reduce religious extremism – also from fear that it would have to deal with the ripple effects of this trend. Indonesia adopted a policy of encouraging democratic reforms in the region and the Muslim world, and emphasized that it proves democracy can exist even in countries with a Muslim majority. When the "Arab Spring" began, it tried to help Egypt and Tunisia advance democratic reforms.

The democratic failure there didn't lead to despair. With the collapse of Assad's regime and the fog that covered Syria's future, it became clear that the crisis would only be resolved through an inclusive and democratic transition process by peaceful means.

Indonesian foreign policy also began adopting a goal of fighting religious extremism through promoting moderate Islam values – "soft power" diplomacy. This policy rests on two leading movements in Indonesian Muslim civil society: "Nahdlatul Ulama" and "Muhammadiyah." They have a broad, extensive base, and they're a leading force in building democracy and shaping moderate Islam – including fighting religious extremism and encouraging tolerance and interfaith dialogue.

Particularly impressive is the activity of "Nahdlatul Ulama," the larger of the two, in the global space. The activity has been conducted for about ten years under the banner "Islam Nusantara" ("The Islam of the Indonesian archipelago"), and is also directed at the Middle East.

It's simpler and easier to talk about an Indonesian contribution on "the day after" in the form of a military force that would integrate into a multinational force to stabilize peace and provide humanitarian aid. But it's worth focusing on the less clear and familiar, and much more challenging to implement, promoting democratic reforms, especially by leading projects on religious tolerance and de-radicalization among the local population.

Indonesia itself, as far as known, doesn't raise these paths in its references to "the day after" – perhaps because it understands that this doesn't serve its immediate interest in competing with leading countries in the Arab camp for leadership in advancing the American plan.

The democratic idea raises reservations and even opposition in Arab regimes. As for the moderate Islamic message and fighting religious extremism, Indonesia has partners for the idea among leading countries in the moderate Sunni camp.

But even among the mainstream Islamic currents in Indonesia, some wonder: Is it even possible and right to offer the center of the Muslim world the unique Sunni Islam that developed with them? After all, this is Islam that grew in a completely different political, social, and cultural context – "peripheral," foreign, and perhaps even strange to societies in the Middle East.

For example, Indonesia is a country whose ideological foundation is considered secular or neutral in religious terms. Despite the distinct Muslim majority, Islam has no preferred constitutional status over the five other religions that received official recognition. This approach draws on a deep-rooted local cultural tradition of pluralism and religious tolerance and is expressed in the national motto, very prominent in political and public discourse: "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika" – "Unity in diversity," or, in literal translation, "Many, yet one."

This is how a strong Muslim civil society grew there that fills a significant role in building democracy and is ready to defend the separation between religion and state. Indonesian democracy indeed suffers from weaknesses, but the journey the country has made – home to the world's largest Muslim population – remains impressive.

There's another significant obstacle on the way to realizing the Indonesian contribution on "the day after" – the absence of diplomatic relations with Israel. Indonesia really wants to see the American plan advancing toward ending the war in Gaza, and certainly reaching a political solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict – but its position is clear: There will be no diplomatic relations with Israel before an independent Palestinian state is established, or according to the current president's formulation – before Israel recognizes an independent Palestinian state.

This position rests on a very broad consensus in Indonesian society, which draws its determination – among the Muslim majority – also from a sense of deep pan-Islamic solidarity.

It can't be ruled out that, in the future, Indonesia will show some flexibility on these principles, but even then, it will want to see real progress toward a political solution to the conflict. As long as that doesn't happen, it will be difficult to exhaust the Indonesian contribution to "the day after," since this requires official relations with Israel and direct cooperation with it.

Perhaps, suppose the American plan to end the war in the Gaza Strip advances as planned. In that case, the change that Indonesia will see will be significant enough to cause it to change its policy toward Israel – and then the potential of its contribution to "the day after" can be realized.

The author is an associate fellow at the Harry S. Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, a research fellow, International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT), Reichman University, and a research fellow at the Forum for Regional Thinking (FORTH).

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The difficulty, naturally, resides in the following phases of the agreement – a flawed accord whose execution timeline and methodology remain completely ambiguous. Pressure can undoubtedly persist on Israel in subsequent stages – to retreat from further sections of the Strip and allow entry of Turkish or Qatari military forces, but anyone expecting Hamas will willingly disarm or that an Arab force will be prepared to force its disarmament dwells in fantasy.

Nevertheless Trump seeks to convert through empty rhetoric a temporary and fragile ceasefire arrangement into a peace-on-earth agreement between Israel and the complete Arab and Muslim world. If only he proves right.

Yet it appears the troublesome element of the agreement from Israel's standpoint is not the engagement with Hamas in the Strip, but rather the concealed American obligation to establish a Palestinian state, which Washington may impose upon Israel.

Did President Trump found the Palestinian state in Washington? On its surface, that represents the agreement's goal, but it's questionable whether the American president genuinely intends this, and what's definite is that irrespective of what the Americans desire, and especially the Europeans – a Palestinian state will not emerge, and any initiative attempting to impose it will merely stimulate violence and bloodshed, not exclusively between Palestinians and Israelis but also among the Palestinians themselves.

Trump's relationship toward Israel, and essentially that of all preceding American administrations, demonstrates profound commitment and emotional alignment with the Zionist enterprise. Conversely, concerning the Palestinians, no alignment or commitment is evident, neither in the agreement's wording nor in Trump's own statements, and he articulated this effectively when stressing that all he pursues is an arrangement everyone will accept, and from his standpoint it makes no distinction whether there will be two states – Israeli and Palestinian – or one state, Israel. His comments about corruption, violence and terror as the defining characteristic of the Palestinian Authority and Hamas disclose his assessment of the Palestinians' lacking capacity to establish and sustain a state.

One should recall that the fixation with establishing a Palestinian state among numerous world nations originates – beside the impulse to strike at Israel (in the manner of "beat the Jews") – also from the fantasy that a Palestinian state would resolve not merely the Israeli-Palestinian conflict but all the Middle East's difficulties, and alongside this, from the fantasy that exclusively Israel prevents the establishment of such a state.

All this is untrue. For 19 years from the War of Independence until the Six-Day War, Egypt and Jordan governed Gaza and the West Bank and never considered establishing a Palestinian state. Furthermore, the Oslo Accords opened the opportunity for Palestinians to establish a state entity that would administer and manage their existence. But this entity swiftly became a corrupt dictatorship dedicated to dreams and delusions, for instance about "return to Palestine." Meanwhile, the alternative that emerged to this entity is Hamas, a radical Islamic movement dedicated to religious fanaticism, violence and terror.

A trial-and-error approach of state establishment can be pursued in Libya or Somalia, where nobody genuinely cares what occurs there. But here we're addressing Israel's future and security – and these cannot be compromised.

Moreover, contrary to our pattern, Israel must not depend on the Palestinians to destroy Trump's show and undermine any effort to advance peace, as they have done previously. It must depend exclusively on itself and proactively advance policy alternatives that eliminate the threatening shadow of a corrupt dictatorship functioning as an incubator for religious fanaticism, violence and terror, which some attempt to establish in our vicinity and at our expense.

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Regarding Shas's departure from the government coalition, he said he lost patience long ago with these games. He said government could complete serve out its term but there is no such thing as being in the coalition while not being in it, and the coalition failing to pass laws, there is a country that requires governance. There is no such thing as continuing to control ministries remotely through associates while actually being outside, he noted.

Video: Smotrich speaks about Saudi normalization / Credit: GoLive

He said that he told Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, "Either succeed in resolving the conscription issue with a genuine law and change the abnormal reality that Haredim do not participate in army service, or go to elections. This story must end quickly.​"

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This describes the individual sometimes dubbed "rabbi to kings." Schneier's persona has been linked for years with Arab and Muslim state leaders worldwide, from Saudi Arabia's monarch to Azerbaijan's president, from Qatar's emir to the United Arab Emirates' ruler. In an exclusive Israel Hayom interview, Schneier discusses diplomacy and pragmatism through the lens of faith and stated that for him the real prize is not political, but spiritual.

"I'm the 18th generation rabbi in my family," he begins. "I've always wanted to be a rabbi – and to appreciate what it means to be a rabbi."
Schneier received ordination in 1983 by Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik, yet his calling extends beyond the synagogue and community he founded in the Hamptons, New York. "In my office… one wall has photos with kings and presidents, but the other side overlooks the synagogue. That's what gives me a sense of purpose and fulfillment."

"In my family, you have to make two contributions – both congregationally, spiritually, and also from the social-action point of view," he continues, and consequently, in 1989 he founded the Foundation for Ethnic Understanding, to restore the historic alliance between African Americans and Jews forged during the civil rights movement in the United States. "Martin Luther King comprehended that whoever struggles for his own rights can only do so if he also battles for others' rights. King was a great champion of Israel… He had zero tolerance for antisemitism."

After two decades leading it, he decided to pursue a new direction, "I thought that the great challenge of my generation would be to find the path to narrow the divide between 16 million Jews and 1.8 billion Muslims. And that's what sent me off on my global journey."

Schneier recounts how Muslim world doors opened before him. "My great patron was the late King of Saudi Arabia, King Abdullah… he introduced me to the King of Bahrain, who introduced me to the Emir of Qatar, who introduced me to the ruler of the UAE, who introduced me to [Azerbaijani leader] Aliyev — and then Kazakhstan… Even i24NEWS today said, 'this is the one who planted all the seeds for the Abraham Accords.'"

"I say everywhere – in Riyadh, Doha, Baku, Ankara – anti-Zionism is antisemitism. Israel is not some political 77-year-old aspiration; it's at the very core of our religion." He adds, "How can you be a Jew and not be a Zionist? Why would you bifurcate? … I am, in this work, a watchdog when it comes to Israel." The leaders, according to him, value his consistency.  "One of these leaders said to me, 'Presidents and heads of state, ambassadors — they come and go, and you're always there. We all need a rabbi.'"

Beyond his community position in the Hamptons, he was appointed special advisor by the King of Bahrain to the King Hamad Global Centre for Peaceful Coexistence based in Manama, and in 2022 served as interfaith consultant to the World Cup organization in Qatar, whose reputation in Israel naturally transformed completely following the war.

"The Qataris always come through for me… I served as interfaith advisor to the World Cup. I had three conditions: 15,000 Israelis, direct flights between Doha and Tel Aviv, and kosher food," he states, "I brought two rabbis from Turkey...  check, check, check [referring to all three conditions being met]." Qatar itself naturally leveraged the treatment of Israelis to bolster its image, while preserving relations with Israel's adversaries in the Middle East.

He portrays his warm relationship with Aliyev, Azerbaijan's president, whom he calls "like family for me. There's nothing Aliyev wouldn't do for Israel." He recalled telling one Arab leader that if he wanted to normalize relations with Israel, he should simply follow what Azerbaijan does.

With Turkey, Schneier was involved in the thawing of relations between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and President Isaac Herzog in 2021. "The Turkish ambassador to Washington called Erdoğan from my office… I said it would be a wonderful opportunity for President Erdogan to call President Herzog – which he did. And by March 2022 we had the famous reconciliation meeting in Ankara." Schneier adds that "Erdogan was a big disappointment to me because of his absolute hatred for Netanyahu... Erdogan loves Herzog. Loves him."

He characterizes Hamas as "a perversion of Islam," saying that the war in Gaza "is a war against evil, not a war of religion." According to him, there are 12 Muslim countries that support or express sympathy for Israel. Muslim leaders support Israel's right to defend itself.

Schneier believes the agreement to release the hostages and ceasefire signals a regional transformation. "If Hamas doesn't behave... not only will they have to deal with the Israelis, they'll have to deal with the Americans — and good luck to them." He notes that is an unprecedented opportunity. If Gaza is demilitarized and administered by an Arab consortium and provided economic hope, everything can be transformed.

Regarding the Abraham Accords, Schneier enumerated Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Indonesia, Pakistan, Oman, Syria and Lebanon, as countries that may normalize relations with Israel in the near future. However, he indicated that "There's going to be very little movement in the Arab world until… Israelis recognize that everyone wants to see a Palestinian state – even if only symbolic."

Schneier participated in the "Peace to Prosperity" conference in Bahrain in 2019, and is convinced that Jared Kushner was correct, that money and hope can alter perception. He recalls Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's words, "MBS said to me, 'Rabbi, you probably think I want to normalize relations with Israel because of Iran. That's the second reason. The first is Vision 2030 – the economic transformation of the kingdom that I cannot accomplish without Israel.'"

Schneier divides the region into two blocs, "You have the Saudi bloc – Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, UAE, even Qatar – and you have the Iranian bloc… Why doesn't anyone recognize that blessing?"

He expresses concern about the situation in New York and the weakening of Jewish influence in the city, and warns against Zohran Mamdani's rise, He [Mamdani] will finesse every issue – police, education, even prostitution – except one: Israel. He won't even recognize Israel as a democratic Jewish state."

At the conversation's conclusion, he sends a warm message to Israelis, "For American Jews, Israelis are a great source of inspiration. We enjoy the security and the strength we have in the Diaspora only because of the State of Israel… It has restored the honor and the dignity of the Jewish people… There's never been a better time to be Jewish than today."

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For Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the American president's decision marks a moment to feel relieved. He now possesses a devastating answer for the right-wing sector of the coalition and members of the Likud who continually press for sovereignty. As is recorded in the Book of Esther: "For a writing which is written in the king's name, and sealed with the king's ring, may no one reverse." What Donald Trump determined is now fact – and nothing can be done about it.

The Yesha Council, which managed a very successful and sophisticated campaign both domestically and in Washington, was able to elevate the idea of sovereignty high in public opinion, but it appears the council failed to accurately pick-up the broader diplomatic mood. It was evident in recent weeks that in light of the international anti-Israeli sentiment sweeping countries, it was just unthinkable to further antagonize the international community with that move.

Instead of insisting on sovereignty until the very end, the Yesha Council could have proposed a wise compromise to Donald Trump, Emmanuel Macron, and Benjamin Netanyahu: We will forgo the idea of sovereignty, and in return, the French president will withdraw from the initiative to recognize a Palestinian state. As this did not occur – the bitter outcome now is that Israel both received the international recognition of a Palestinian state and forfeited the sovereignty option – without any compensation. The missed opportunity is unfortunate.

However, there is also a somewhat positive angle to Donald Trump's decision. The American president effectively saved Israel from itself. Sovereignty at this juncture would have exacted extremely heavy political and economic costs, primarily in the form of European sanctions even more severe than those still anticipated to arrive. It is highly questionable how successfully Israel could have practically implemented sovereignty on the ground, given that it has more than enough critical issues on its plate to deal with these days.

Sovereignty will absolutely come eventually – but gradually, at a more appropriate time and under better circumstances. Sometimes the truest friend is the one who understands when to say "no."

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This is not about one or two systems; it is many. In some, arms are missing; in others, spare parts; and in some cases both. The Defense Ministry and the IDF are working around the clock to fill the gaps, with only very partial success. The result is that units fighting now, or those that will be required to fight later, will not be fully equipped, in a way that will directly affect combat outcomes and could also influence casualty figures.

This reality is the result of three factors. First: the intense war that has lasted for two years, during which the IDF consumed an exceptional amount of materiel, ammunition and spare parts, far beyond its original planning. Second: embargoes imposed by various countries on the sale of arms and parts to Israel, part of their criticism of the ongoing campaign in Gaza. And third: the relatively long time needed to open alternative production lines in Israel's defense industries.

One example is Germany, Israel's second-largest weapons supplier (after the US), the main provider of engines for Merkava tanks and of tank and artillery shells. In January 2024 it even agreed to sell Israel 10,000 tank shells and additional equipment to assist in the war against the Hamas terrorist organization. But the prolongation of the war and the scope of civilian casualties in Gaza led Germany — one of Israel's closest friends in Europe — to announce recently that it would halt weapon sales to Israel, as widely reported in the German press.

A similar situation exists with other countries. In some cases Israel is given an official reason, and at times the Defense Ministry encounters elegant evasions. The bottom line is the same: growing difficulty in supplying the needs of the war, which sets every warning light blinking nervously.

That distress has produced two background noises in recent weeks. One is the decision to set up an Armaments Administration at the Defense Ministry, headed by the ministry's director general, Amir Baram. The published tasks of the administration are to identify armament gaps and prepare for future threats; manage agreements with foreign states on armament supplies, production cooperation and knowledge exchanges; centralize monitoring of the national stockpile of critical armaments; develop emergency production capabilities and rapid wartime throughput; coordinate between IDF requirements and the capabilities of defense industries; and create a central interface among the Defense Ministry, the IDF, the Finance Ministry, the Economy Ministry and other regulatory bodies.

The second noise was Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's "super-Sparta" speech. In the press briefing he held the next day he tried to clarify that he meant the need to wean off defense dependencies, but his remarks were drowned out by the market sell-off and by attention to autarky in the economy. Few, if any, addressed the motive behind that unusual statement itself, which stems from the acute distress in the IDF.

Responsibility for the IDF's readiness rests with the government, through the Diplomatic-Security Cabinet. Oversight is supposed to be exercised by the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, via its subcommittee. The cabinet, so far as is known, has been kept out of the full details on Netanyahu's instruction. The subcommittee knows them, but does nothing. It has not even summoned Netanyahu or Defense Minister Israel Katz for an urgent hearing to obtain answers from them.

In the past, when responsibility was required on various issues, Netanyahu argued that no one had tugged at the hem of his coat. He cannot claim that now. The full details have been on his desk for some time. He made the decisions to continue and intensify the war in Gaza while ignoring the state of inventories. On the eve of the holiday, at a meeting with the General Staff forum, he signaled that new-old fronts are soon to join the campaign. "We need to destroy the Iranian axis," he told the generals. "That is what lies ahead of us in the coming year, which could be a historic year for Israel's security."

There are two messages for Israeli citizens in those words. One: they can expect another year of war, which, surprisingly, collides with an election year (bringing all the unanswered questions about whether elections will be held on time and in what form). Two: despite Netanyahu's declarations that Iran and Hezbollah were defeated, it turns out that victory over them is not behind us, but ahead of us.

It is reasonable to ask how Netanyahu intends to manage and win those wars, given what he knows about the IDF shortages. And not only: manpower levels are far from encouraging, and, of course, legitimacy is also in question. Netanyahu arrived in New York yesterday to attend the UN General Assembly debates in a situation unprecedented in Israel's international standing. The world will need very good reasons to permit Israel to fight again in Lebanon and in Iran. It is not certain such reasons will be found.

The person who was supposed to turn things around in this situation is the defense minister. Full synchronization of the operational and logistical sides takes place in the ministry he heads. People there know exactly how long it takes to open a production line, how long until it begins producing at full capacity, how complex (and sometimes near impossible) it is to acquire certain raw materials, and how much time will be required before the gaps in needs are closed, and there is no alignment between any of that and the ambitious war plans Netanyahu presents.

Instead, Israel Katz focuses his activity on childish tweets. The result is that the headache remains the burden of the professional teams in the IDF and the Defense Ministry, who do not sleep at night. If Israeli citizens knew the full details, an entire nation would lose sleep.

IDF spokesman's response: "The readiness of equipment and combat means is good for the maneuver, and allows the mission in Gaza to be carried out alongside maintaining readiness on the various fronts. The shortage of different spare parts does not impede combat readiness. According to the various needs arising from the field, many actions are carried out to maintain maneuver effort readiness across all its components, with emphasis on engineering equipment and armored vehicles. The IDF and the security establishment are working to preserve and expand stock levels and to create alternatives for items required for that purpose."

Sparta 2. A friend, a veteran (and successful) member of the Israeli foreign service, asked to comment on something I wrote here last week, where I said Israel is a hair's breadth away from becoming a pariah state shunned by the world like North Korea, Iran and Russia.

"I fear we will long for being in the place of those three pariahs," he wrote. "We have become a unique example where hostility toward a state/policy/elected government is instantly translated into hostility toward the public. Once you are labeled Israeli, regardless of your identity or views, you are a target. Agree with me that, factually, they do not beat up a Russian or Iranian tourist just because he dares, heaven forbid, to speak his language.

"I have not seen Iranian, Russian and other intellectuals, academics and scientists who are not identified with their regimes (and certainly not supporters) being denounced and ostracized irrespective of their professional standing. This treatment is reserved only for us. Call it antisemitism? Probably yes, but that is not the whole explanation."

No Israeli diplomat does not feel that wind, with varying intensity depending on the country in which he serves. No Israeli businessman, academic or even tourist has not encountered it in one form or another. Israel has become the most hated country in the world: it managed to turn the just war of all wars into multigenerational damage.

I see myself as one of those who think the sky has not yet fallen over the sweeping recognition of a Palestinian state. Mainly because it comes with a list of conditions, replacing Hamas rule, changing curricula, stopping support for prisoners, demilitarizing Gaza and more, conditions that are doubtful to be met in our lifetime.

But the trend is hard to ignore. Fifty-eight and a quarter years have passed since the Six Day War, the war Israel sees as liberation and the world sees as occupation. Fifty-eight and a quarter years during which Israel managed, with impressive diplomatic skill, to avoid the tsunami we are experiencing now. Fifty-eight and a quarter years in which it prospered while the Palestinians stagnated. Fifty-eight and a quarter years in which it succeeded in signing peace agreements while skipping the largest mine of all.

Even now Israel could have jumped over it, and even easily. All that was required was initiative. The whole world (and most of Israel) begged, proposed and demanded that it deal with the day after in Gaza, but Israel refused. The whole world (and most of Israel) begged, proposed and demanded that it be ready to include some Palestinian element in future governance of Gaza, but Israel refused. The whole world (and most of Israel) begged, proposed and demanded that Israel signal the end of the war, but it refused. In the end, the world (and most of Israel) grew tired. That is why Israel is now experiencing what it is on the international stage. That is why domestic support for the government is low.

As noted, for now it is mainly diplomacy. Only for now. The moment is near when we will all feel it. In our pockets, because boycotts will raise prices here, and as a result taxes will rise; in freedom of movement, because boycotts will require visas and restrict Israelis' entry to some countries; and even in personal security, because more and more places are displaying overt and worrying hostility toward anything connected to Israel and Israelis.

Another friend who lives and works abroad for many years told me this week he fears Kristallnacht. I asked what he meant and he replied: "Given the current level of hatred and hostility toward Jews and Israelis, it would not take much for some group to decide to systematically burn synagogues, schools, businesses or homes of Jews and Israelis. Anyone who does not see that is not reading the map."

Unlike then, Israel has a state. Unfortunately, its elected officials do not understand the situation and do not grasp their responsibility, or worse, they understand and do not care. When MK Miri Regev tweets on the eve of the holiday "sovereignty now!" she harms. When MK Yoav Kisch tweets "now is the time to apply sovereignty in Judea and Samaria!" he harms. Not to mention Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, who have turned the war in Gaza into a real estate project, which is damage on another scale.

Fortunately, we will always have MK Nissim Vaturi to make us smile in hard days. His tweet that "Britain, Canada and Australia support the Nazis, like then and like today!" was a paradigmatic proof of the Knesset's and of the Israeli education system's level. Vaturi deleted the tweet, when he realized the scope of the fiasco. Reality, however, is harder to mend.

Questions. Although it is not Passover but Rosh Hashanah, six questions are required in the early days of the new year:

1. Will the government and its ministers treat the families of the captives with basic human decency?

2. Will the coalition stop the disgraceful preoccupation with draft-evasion legislation and work for real and immediate equality in the burden of service?

3. Will the scandalous streams of funds to sectoral groups at the expense of the general public and the needs of the war stop?

4. What is Israel's contingency plan in case President Donald Trump reverses course, as he did with Russia, or simply gets tired of our wars?

5. Will a state commission of inquiry be established to investigate the failures of October 7?

6. Will elected officials replace incitement with a genuine effort to heal the rifts in the nation?

There are many more questions. Some are existential at the national level, some at the personal level. They touch every area of our lives — security, economy, education, welfare and more — and demand immediate attention and care. Worryingly, that is not happening. Israel is relying on miracles as solutions to its problems. Meanwhile that steers it along problematic and dangerous paths.

Still, may it be a good year.

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Macron began his remarks by saying, "We must open our eyes and see human faces where war defines enemies. We must acknowledge the loneliness of each people: the Israelis after October 7, and the Palestinians as a result of the ongoing war."

"This is why today, we must chart a path toward peace. Since last July, developments have accelerated. We have reason to believe the Abraham Accords are at risk because of Israel's actions, and we must act to preserve the possibility of a two-state solution," Macron said.

Le temps de la paix est venu. https://t.co/jah3FiXh4C

— Emmanuel Macron (@EmmanuelMacron) September 22, 2025

'The hostages must be freed'

Macron also addressed the issue of Israeli hostages held by the Hamas terrorist organization, saying, "We gathered here today because the time has come to free the 48 hostages in Hamas' hands. The time has come to end the war, the bombings in Gaza, the massacres, and the people fleeing."

The summit, hosted by France and Saudi Arabia, is aimed at advancing the "New York Declaration," which was adopted at the UN General Assembly in September by a large majority of 142 countries, with only 10 voting against, including Israel and the US.

The declaration sets out "concrete, time-bound and irreversible steps" toward a two-state solution, while calling for Hamas' dismantling and for governance in Gaza to be transferred to the Palestinian Authority.

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In other words, the more serious scenario has materialized. It is highly likely that French President Emmanuel Macron, who initiated the entire process and is expected to deliver the declaration at the UN tomorrow, will not "outflank" his counterparts and will also refrain from attaching such conditions. This is not good news.

I listened to Keir Starmer's statement. While his move and those of his colleagues are clearly unacceptable, it is evident that they stem from Israel's glaring public diplomacy failure and from the protracted war, which has dragged on far beyond the limits of Israel's "diplomatic breathing room."

Responsibility for this diplomatic failure rests squarely on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has weakened Israel's public diplomacy apparatus instead of reinforcing it at this critical time. Responsibility for the war's prolongation lies with Netanyahu but also with the military leadership, first and foremost under former IDF Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi but also under current Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir. Israel's security doctrine has long held that wars must be short. The government and the military have violated that principle, and the consequences are clear, for all to see.

Even though this step is infuriating and wrong, it is primarily an insult to Israel rather than a measure with real practical impact. One hundred forty-six countries recognized a "Palestinian state" decades ago. Palestinian "embassies" have existed in Western capitals for many years. None of that has changed anything. Israel must therefore respond rationally, not emotionally.

The real challenge Israel faces this week is the European Union's reported intention to harm its trade agreements with Israel. Such a move would damage the Israeli economy, and economic damage reduces Israel's ability to finance its security needs.

Accordingly, Netanyahu must respond in a way that avoids triggering a boomerang effect that would ultimately harm Israel. Instead, he should take targeted steps that directly punish those who harmed Israel while strengthening its domestic interests. For example, closing the British, Canadian and French consulates in East Jerusalem, and denying entry to the Australian representative who is permanently based in Ramallah.

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With the move, Portugal joined the UK, Canada and Australia, which issued similar statements earlier, ahead of France and several other countries that are expected to do so Monday at a two-state summit in New York.

Rangel said it was "time to take the necessary steps for peace," adding that Portugal "hopes Israel understands the decision," which he stressed was "for peace and for the rights of the Palestinian people, and not against Israel."

The foreign minister also condemned "restrictions on the entry of humanitarian aid, the displacement of the population, the hunger situation that has developed in Gaza, and the destruction of infrastructure such as schools, hospitals and places of worship." He said there was an "urgent" need to reach a cease-fire, allow humanitarian aid to enter and secure the release of the hostages.

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