As both a New Yorker and a lifelong Zionist, I asked myself, "Who would be the best candidate for mayor to lead our city forward in these dark times?"

It was, however, a talk with a much respected family friend, an Israeli who has lived in New York for 25 years, who helped me make the ultimate decision.

He said the following on Andrew Cuomo, who I already mistrusted as arrogant and too old and a womanizer: "I'd vote for Bibi, who you know I despise, before I'd vote for Cuomo." He also observed at length how Israelis – who all said to me Mamdani was an antisemite who would be the ruination of Jews in America – did not have the context with which to understand this mayoral race, just as Israelis have accused Americans of having the same lack of context when confronted with their overwhelming support of the Palestinian cause.

Americans who were on the side of the Palestinians did not understand what the phrase "From the river to the Sea" actually meant; they had never visited Israel and did not understand how close the borders and constant attacks were: never fully understood how Hamas has deliberately and for decades embedded their fighters and ammunition in hospitals and schools and mosques without regard for their own civilians, or how the Netanyahu government arrogantly dismissed the possibility of a Hamas attack of the severity of October 7. Context is indeed critical.

So what to do? Mamdani is young, energetic and on the side of the poor and working class immigrants who are the engine that drive this city. He is also surrounded by Jews from the previous and this new administration who will advise him and hopefully keep him in check. Even Barack Obama has said he will mentor him if asked, and I truly believe he will be too busy learning how to run this enormous and complicated city to have time to make life miserable for the Jews here.

So, perhaps because I am a life long educator and believer in raising up the disenfranchised, I voted for the future rather than the past.

The writer of this column, a Jew from New York, asked to stay anonymous. 

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Michael Ben-Gad, a British-born Jewish professor who teaches economics at a London university, testified that the masked protesters burst into his lecture. "I finished my lecture, protesters stood right in front of my face and called me a war criminal and a Nazi. They refused to leave. One of them threatened they would behead me," Ben-Gad said. The professor, who served in the IDF during the 1980s, said during the interview that it was not only his military service that disturbed the protesters who invaded his classroom. "The other accusations against me were that I studied at the Hebrew University, that I taught at the University of Haifa, and that I worked at the Central Bank of Israel," Ben-Gad said.

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These moments will belong first and foremost to the hostages who return and their families, but also to every Israeli who worked for their return, and to the American team that made this possible. The warm embrace that American envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner received Saturday at Hostages Square was only preparation for how President Trump will be received in Israel on Monday. Although only a few will get to meet him, behind them will stand an entire nation that owes him enormous gratitude.

Trump saved Israel from itself. From its delusions. From its fantasies. He taught it the limits of what is possible, and above all, arranged things correctly, unlike its government. Not two war objectives, with the first among them being the destruction of Hamas and the second the return of the hostages, but one clear objective – the hostages – with everything else secondary to it, and this objective itself is the absolute victory.

Over the weekend, commentators and networks extensively engaged in the debate over whether the deal is a great victory for Israel, as the government claims, or surrender to Trump and reality, as its critics argue. The truth, as always, is more complex than slogans. The deal contains many achievements for Israel – the return of the hostages foremost among them. It also contains many problems for Israel – the future of the Strip foremost among them.

Between these extremes lie primarily question marks, some of them very troubling. For example, the release of heavyweight prisoners to Gaza, contrary to the security establishment's position, which wanted them abroad or in Judea and Samaria. This didn't happen due to political opposition, even though in Gaza they will serve as Hamas' future leadership.

Or Turkey's entry as an active mediator, and effectively as a partner in the Strip's future, despite its religious-ideological proximity to Hamas (and along the way its equipping with advanced F-35 aircraft). Or the new mechanism, under American leadership, that is supposed to ensure the war doesn't resume, but doesn't guarantee how the Strip will be disarmed and who will do it. Or the IDF's future deployment, which already appears different from what the government announced.

Hamas not rushing to disappear

The rapid appearance of armed men in the Strip's cities the moment the ceasefire was announced taught that Hamas is not rushing to disappear. On the contrary: it intends to fortify its position, at least in the current stage, and is already working to strike its enemies from within (primarily the clan militias that cooperated with Israel). Even if new governance is established – and right now everything is just talk – it won't disappear, but will seek to descend to the back slope and rebuild from there.

In Israel they're mistaken to think they'll be able to time the return to war, or maintain a Lebanese model of frequent strikes. There will never be patience for this, and judging from Trump's recent statements – he too is determined to move forward, and has no interest in being sucked back into Gaza's problems. Therefore, exceptional circumstances will be required to strike in the Strip: this is part of the trap into which Israel entered by itself, left with very few cards in hand.

Netanyahu claims that a better deal couldn't have been achieved at an earlier date. This is a claim impossible to prove, but it requires addressing. Israel is the one that until recently insisted on a staged deal, while Hamas declared already a year and a half ago that it was ready for a comprehensive deal, which would bundle the return of all hostages in exchange for ending the war. True, along the way Israel eroded a significant part of Hamas' military power, but it did this at the heavy price of IDF casualties, and also from among the hostages, and of deterioration of Israel's standing in the world to a dangerous and unprecedented low.

Ending the war requires Israel to take several immediate steps. The first – maximizing Trump's involvement to establish an effective mechanism that will ensure different governance in the Strip, based on Palestinians who are not Hamas. The second – maximizing that same involvement to advance the promised regional peace, which will also provide Israel with a broad front against Iranian and Shiite axis rehabilitation attempts. The third – accelerated activity to restore Israel's international standing and image. The fourth – IDF rehabilitation after two years of intensive fighting. And the fifth – establishment of a state commission of inquiry to investigate the October 7 failure.

Three observations

One, about the hostages. Those who claimed that the protests and public pressure harmed efforts to free them – were proven wrong when it became clear they deeply influenced Trump to act for their return home, while he called them "our hostages." It turns out the criticism of the protests was self-serving and political, and mainly intended to release government ministers from the constant reminder of the price of their decisions.

The second concerns the confrontation that erupted on Friday evening between former Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. Eisenkot called Smotrich "sub-leadership," and Smotrich responded with a long tweet in which he called on him to be quiet and apologize, and accused him of politicizing the war.

It's strange that these things need to be repeated, but it seems there's no choice: on one side stands someone who lost his son and two nephews during the war, and on the other – someone who acted in every way to prolong it and boasted of torpedoing hostage deals.

And if that's not enough, on Friday an interview with Smotrich was published in Yedioth Ahronoth in which he said: "The Holy One, Blessed Be He, did us a kindness, giving us that painful slap, hard, a great disaster, with terrible and horrible results, but this slap woke us up after years we slept on our noses." If Smotrich had listened to Eisenkot's warnings on the eve of the war, perhaps this "kindness" – which cost the lives of 2,000 Israelis and the wounding of tens of thousands more – would have been prevented.

The third, about Roi Shelo, partner of Mapal Adam, who committed suicide Friday night, two years after his partner and close friend were murdered at Nova, and after his mother also committed suicide. Beyond the human tragedy, there's a warning sign here: there are many more in Roi's condition, to whom many more will now be added from among regular army soldiers and reservists leaving Gaza. This requires national emergency preparation, budgets, and manpower, and above all – attention to this quiet and dangerous war that is far from over.

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A Hamas source said Friday will open the door in Israel for appeals to the High Court of Justice. According to the source, the territorial withdrawal is scheduled to begin Thursday evening, according to the map. The source added that Saturday will see continued withdrawal from populated areas in the Gaza Strip.

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The plan, formulated by a team associated with Blair's office and American-Israeli circles close to the Trump administration, proposes an international governmental framework that would operate in Gaza for 3 to 5 years, until control is transferred to a "reformed" Palestinian authority.

The document, titled "Gaza International Transitional Authority" (GITA), details the proposed governmental structure, identifies the key figures expected to fill senior positions, and outlines the accompanying economic and security plan.

Symbolic Palestinian representative

At the heart of the plan stands the establishment of an international board of directors comprising 7 to 10 members, including businesspeople, diplomats, and economic experts. Tony Blair would head the board as general coordinator or executive president, and it would be responsible for making all central decisions regarding policy, security, and economy in the Strip.

The authority's temporary headquarters is expected to be located in al-Arish, Egypt or Doha, Qatar. Blair, 72, who previously served as the Quartet's Middle East envoy between 2007 and 2015, has emerged as an active behind-the-scenes player in recent months. He met with Arab leaders, participated in the major White House meeting on Gaza's future, and even met with President Trump and his senior advisers, including Jared Kushner, last August, to discuss possibilities for Gaza's rehabilitation.

The document details the names of the senior figures designated to fill key positions in the authority. Alongside Blair, Sigrid Kaag from the Netherlands (former Dutch deputy prime minister) would serve as deputy president for humanitarian affairs, Marc Rowan from the US as chairman of the rehabilitation fund, Naguib Sawiris from Egypt, who would be responsible for regional investments, and Aryeh Lightstone, holding dual Israeli-American citizenship, as representative of the Abraham Accords.

Additionally, the plan mentions a Palestinian representative whose name is not disclosed "for symbolic reasons," but emphasizes that he would not have real executive powers. This structure reflects the approach whereby actual management would be in the hands of international factors, while Palestinian representation would remain, often in a symbolic capacity only.

Beneath the international board would operate a layer of "neutral" Palestinian managers, chosen from among professional and non-partisan figures. These would be responsible for managing the public sectors – health, education, municipalities, and additional services – but would work under direct supervision of the international board and would be subject to ongoing auditing by an international committee. Simultaneously, a local advisory council would be established, comprising Palestinian figures from Gaza and the West Bank, but its role would be advisory only, without any real executive authority.

Investors taking profits

The economic dimension of the plan is based on establishing an international fund called "Gaza Rehabilitation and Investment Fund," which would be managed by the businesspeople detailed in the document. The fund is expected to be financed through donations from Gulf states, primarily Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, Western investments, and internationally guaranteed loans. The operational model would be business-profit oriented – companies would invest in rehabilitation and infrastructure projects and would participate in the profits generated.

In the security realm, the plan establishes the creation of a multinational security force under UN auspices or a US-led coalition, with an absolute prohibition on any Palestinian armed faction in Gaza during the transition period. Palestinian security forces would be reorganized under international supervision, and the transitional authority would have full power to appoint judges, ministers and heads of security bodies. The document emphasizes that the authority would fill all powers – executive, legislative and judicial – and that no Palestinian body could cancel its decisions.

The proposed timeline includes a three-month preparation phase, during which the authority would be established and its members selected, followed by an initial six-month deployment phase, during which actual management would begin. The rehabilitation phase, expected to last two to three years, will focus on extensive infrastructure projects. After approximately five years, a gradual transfer of governance to a "reformed" Palestinian authority is anticipated – a term whose exact meaning remains unclear.

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The new website can be viewed at: https://www.october7files.com/

The website is called "October 7 Files – Organized Evil". Its purpose is to provide a complete picture regarding the background to the massacre, the preparations for it, its horrifying execution, including real-time documentation, and its subsequent implications.

Among other things, it is intended to refute claims by Hamas supporters worldwide that there were no atrocities and that the outbreak of sick and mass violence on that day was supposedly "resistance to Israeli occupation and siege". Additionally, the website shows that the attack on southern communities was an act of premeditated genocide – contrary to the slanders being spread worldwide that Israel is the one perpetrating genocide in Gaza.

The website will be promoted on social networks, major websites, and search engines online, particularly in the US and Europe. This is so that those seeking information about the massacre will be exposed to the event as it truly was. The expectation is also that artificial intelligence engines, which read content sites, will draw information from it.

The website was established at the initiative of Minister of Diaspora Affairs Amichai Chikli, with funding from the ministry he heads, although this ministry does not manage the advocacy field. Some of the content included on the site is found as physical exhibits at the Intelligence Heritage Center in Glilot and has been digitized. Others were taken from other information sources.

The new website presents, among other things, original documents in Yahya Sinwar's handwriting, along with their English translations. They explicitly state that as many residents as possible should be killed in the south, "to behead and murder heads of families".

The website also presents detailed instructions to terrorists on how to photograph and document the acts and broadcast them live. "Wipe the mobile phone camera lens well from dust before filming. Make sure the phone is charged, and if charging is needed, use the available power battery. Do not answer incoming calls on the SIM card, especially not from unknown numbers. Turn on the phone only moments before starting the mission".

Additionally, the maps used by the terrorists are displayed, the extensive involvement of Gazan "civilians" in the massacre, the use of hospitals, educational institutions, and UN facilities in Gaza as Hamas headquarters and bases, as well as Hamas' use of civilians as human shields and its deliberate harm to Israeli civilians, in violation of the laws of war.

"There is no other such website for the State of Israel," says Hadas Mimon, head of senior division – consciousness, at the Ministry of Diaspora Affairs and Combating Antisemitism. "We wanted to show how much planning there was here for the massacre, how much advance investment with detailed and precise preparations, including, for example, a spiritual file for Nukhba terrorists with 'religious permits' to do what they did. It's chilling to see Sinwar's handwritten instructions for carrying out all these things. Here, everything related to the massacre is presented for the first time, in an organized manner from beginning to end".

Mimon hopes that Israel supporters worldwide will draw information from the new website. She also adds that it provides all the evidence showing that Hamas is the one that committed genocide on October 7. "Genocide means deliberately killing innocent civilians as part of a plan and on a mass scale. On the website, we show exactly how they committed genocide. That is, there are written instructions to harm civilians, families, and heads of families, and not just soldiers".

Mimon also notes that artificial intelligence engines draw information from texts and not from videos and photos, and therefore, over time, the website's content will influence how many people worldwide will form their perception of reality regarding the October 7 massacre.

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Progress of the IDF ground operation in Gaza City: Arab OSINT sources analyzing satellite images claim that the IDF has effectively taken control of most neighborhoods in Gaza City except for Rimal, Zaytoun, Daraj, the Old City, and the Shati refugee camp.

In other words, the… pic.twitter.com/tvzUf9qZW6

— Raylan Givens (@JewishWarrior13) September 28, 2025

The IDF expresses great satisfaction with successfully evacuating the majority of the civilian population from Gaza City's surroundings, and in Shati refugee camp, virtually nobody appears to remain. "For me, absence of civilian population is extremely beneficial, I can operate relatively freely without injuring those who shouldn't be injured," states Lt. Col. Itamar, reconnaissance battalion commander of the School for Infantry Corps Training, speaking to reporters clustering around him. "I eliminated numerous terrorists here, but I can state we didn't kill civilians," he declares with evident pride.

There are clear results from the efforts of both brigade combat teams, 188, and the School for Infantry Corps Training, working in Shati refugee camp. Forces detected a terrorist trying to embed an explosive device adjacent to a Namer armored vehicle. Fighters engaged the terrorist and neutralized him, and shortly afterward, an additional terror squad was detected in that vicinity – via collaboration between the brigade's fire support element and air force aircraft, the squad was neutralized.

The combat day the forces underwent reveals something about Hamas' revised tactics. No more street-by-street battles and entrenchment in facilities such as schools and hospitals, but rather swift-moving guerrilla warfare frantically attempting to harass the IDF and convert isolated tactical gains into a combat turning point. "I'm confident guerrilla warfare is winnable and we can deny the adversary their operational zones," Lt. Col. Itamar states assuredly while positioned within an explosive arena Hamas had prepared for its operatives that was uncovered beforehand.

Documentation of one of the attacks in the Shati refugee camp pic.twitter.com/9tsJA8AWj6

— DeepState Illuminate (@TheDeep_State6) September 27, 2025

 "They position high-powered explosives and conceal themselves nearby. They actually create openings in building walls, enabling rapid movement to exploit explosive impacts on forces," the veteran commander clarifies regarding the terror group's methodology. Lt. Col. Itamar understands intimately the hazards of engaging guerrilla units in urban terrain. He sustained sniper wounds in May last year, two days following our previous encounter. Currently, he navigates nimbly among the debris and swiftly ascends the stairs to battalion headquarters, where an unusual collection is presented to us.

While clearing structures, soldiers discovered a papier-mâché replica of the Temple Mount, featuring Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock. This represents detailed work that apparently requires a substantial time investment. Adjacent to it rest two Kalashnikov rifles constructed, seemingly, from identical papier-mâché, evidently an educational endeavor by Hamas personnel. "We're pleased to preserve this here, it provides us insight into what we're combating," the battalion commander states with satisfaction.

The IDF's swift penetration into the refugee camp evidently caught terror organization personnel off guard, and ground commanders indicate the terrorists seemingly lacked time to booby-trap and reinforce the sector as presumably intended. The population's exodus likewise caught Hamas unprepared, which exerted substantial efforts to persuade Gaza City inhabitants and surrounding residents to remain in place.

Arab world bloggers posted numerous surprised social media entries recently, revealing disappointment regarding terror organizations' minimal resistance against advancing IDF units. "Clearly, resistance forces adopted the 'Rafah approach,' attempting to optimize enemy casualties after elements stay behind enemy positions, attacking via 'hit and run' techniques. This approach doesn't appear especially effective to me, given Israel's intelligence advantage, enhanced firepower capability, and capacity to flatten complete neighborhoods using heavy machinery, thereby sealing assault tunnels," concedes Hamas-supporting blogger "Arab OSINT," specializing in combat zone mapping and analysis.

Apparently, the Arab analyst's description matches precisely the IDF's objective in the Shati refugee camp. Demolish structures and tunnel openings, thereby removing terrorists' operational flexibility in the region. Nevertheless, although the approach yields demonstrated tactical outcomes, it generates its own challenge. Numerous terrorists escape or are instructed to exit combat areas alongside civilian populations. Such terrorists await favorable timing and remain completely within terror organizations' fighting strength, merely becoming future problems requiring resolution.

The modern Eitan APCs transport us back beyond the border within that identical enveloping dust formation that covers forces in the Shati refugee camp nearly round-the-clock. We travel in protected, climate-controlled vehicles toward the border, while reconnaissance battalion soldiers and the remaining combat units stay behind, enduring the heat, dust, and peril. "We understand perfectly our purpose here and apart from flies and wipe-based washing, we lack genuine grievances," states Guy, a reconnaissance battalion soldier from Pardes Hanna, displaying a grin. Next to him stands Shlomo, sporting braided locks and the intense look of an experienced soldier. "I long for my nephews, but essentially I'm present for their sake, ensuring they never encounter any terrorist," he informs me, moments prior to my departure, through the dust formation and past the horizon.

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The Regavim CEO emphasized in his letter to Sa'ar the very unusual status of a "consulate" that is not subordinate to the French ambassador in Israel – and mentioned the precedent of a parallel American diplomatic mission that was recently closed by the Trump administration. In the Atlantico investigation, journalists Sabrina Deliry and Joel Rey expose disturbing connections between the French consulate in Jerusalem and Palestinian terror organizations, including Hamas and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.

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During the performance, he referenced the fatal shooting that took the life of Kirk, "dedicated" a song to him, mocked that his pronouns will now be "was/were," and said, "If you talk sh*t, you will get banged. Rest in piss, Charlie Kirk, you piece of sh*t."

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The remarks sparked cheers and applause from the crowd, some of whom waved Palestinian flags and participated in chants against Israel. The singer later led the crowd in extremist slogans and declared that "Death to the IDF" should be heard not only in Britain but throughout the world.

As is known, the Bob Vylan band already caused an uproar earlier this year with similar chants at the Glastonbury Festival. As will be recalled, during the performance, singer Pascal Robinson-Foster led the crowd in chants of "Free Palestine," "Death to the IDF," and "From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free."

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer called the chants "horrific hate speech" and demanded explanations from the BBC about broadcasting the content. Health Secretary Wes Streeting called them "abhorrent" and mentioned the October 7 massacre at the Nova party.

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Israeli military forces under the leadership of the Benjamin Brigade initiated an operation with the goal of targeting terror infrastructure in the vicinity of the villages, Qatana and Qubayba, from which the perpetrators who executed the deadly assault in Jerusalem came.

Throughout the operation, IDF troops encircled multiple villages, surveyed the two residences of the perpetrators who executed the assault, detained over 20 suspects accused of terror activities, searched over 700 objectives, and seized 38 combat items, including firearm components, ammunition clips, and ISIS banners.

Furthermore, in the villages of Qubayba and al-Mughayyir, from which perpetrators recently emerged, buildings and structural elements that were constructed in violation of the law were razed by the Civil Administration. The Manasseh Brigade conducted a simultaneous comprehensive brigade operation during the week in the Sanur Valley, Qabatiya, and the Jenin vicinity.

Brigade troops neutralized multiple terrorists, detained various terror operatives, and seized dozens of thousands of shekels derived from terror financing along with combat weapons. Within the framework of the operation in the Manasseh Brigade, three terrorist residences were razed, and in the Ephraim and Judah brigades, two more terrorist residences were razed.

Throughout operations in the Etzion and Samaria brigades, 21 suspects were detained, among them perpetrators who hurled rocks. The suspects who were detained and the arms that were seized were handed over for processing by the Judea and Samaria District Police and the Shin Bet.

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