Einhorn demanded that this relationship be disclosed in the response segment, which Assenheim indeed read out in full and did not deny. It is also reasonable to assume that Feldstein chose to give the interview specifically to Assenheim because he trusted him. Still, that personal connection did not prevent Assenheim from posing tough questions, nor did it spare Feldstein from giving answers that were, at times, embarrassing.

On the interview

1. The lengthy conversation with Feldstein shows the enormous pressure Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu faced to stop the war prematurely. He insisted on continuing, even after six hostages were murdered by Hamas, and it is important to once again give the prime minister substantial credit for that resolve. That very stance ultimately led to the successful deal that secured the release of all the hostages, except for Ran Gvili, for whom we are all still waiting.

2. The original sin of this affair was the decision to keep Feldstein employed within Netanyahu's circle, despite his failure to pass Shin Bet security screenings. According to Feldstein's testimony, this stemmed from the desire of Netanyahu's aides, specifically Jonatan Urich, to continue using Feldstein's media services. That is how the workaround was devised: paying his salary through a third party.

3. Instead of resorting to such a maneuver, the proper course of action would have been to thank Feldstein for his work and send him home. That is precisely why such security screenings exist. This is what proper governance looks like.

4. Feldstein's statements, along with other evidence, fundamentally contradict the version put forward by Netanyahu's associates, who claim that Feldstein was removed from the prime minister's environment in April 2024 after failing the Shin Bet check. The six hostages were murdered in August 2024. Netanyahu's press conference in which he pledged not to withdraw from the Philadelphi Corridor took place on September 3, 2024. The publication of the so-called "Sinwar documents" in the German newspaper Bild, material that Feldstein passed on to the paper, appeared on September 6. It was intended to shield Netanyahu, and Urich sent Feldstein a message afterward saying, "The boss is pleased." In other words, long after he had been disqualified, Feldstein was still deeply involved, and there is additional evidence to that effect.

Who paid Feldstein?

5. It is hard to believe Feldstein's claim that he was "naive" and that he "made a mistake" by not clarifying for many months who this individual, Gil Birger, was who paid his salary and why. This explanation is even less credible given that Feldstein sat in a three-way, face-to-face meeting with Birger and Jay Footlik, a lobbyist for Qatar. Feldstein is neither stupid nor naive. Either he knew the source of the funds and is lying, or he did not ask because he did not want to know, as Assenheim suggested. What is certain is that anyone who receives a salary knows who is paying them and for what reason, especially someone as sophisticated as Feldstein, and especially when serving as a spokesman connected to the prime minister.

6. It is telling that in Netanyahu's response on Monday night, he said only of Urich that "there is no offense here." In other words, legally, his loyal adviser was cleared. Substantively, however, even Netanyahu appears to understand the problem. Ultimately, one of his closest confidants ventured at least into a gray area by attaching to him a spokesman whose salary was paid by an external actor. That may be legal, but it certainly stinks. And all this is before we even utter the word Qatar.

7. Both Urich, in a post on X, and Feldstein claim they did not know that Feldstein's salary came from the Qatari lobbyist. To the best of my knowledge, as of now there is no positive proof that they had such knowledge. But, and this is a big but, the circumstantial evidence shows that they acted in Qatar's interest.

8. As exposed by Avishai Grinzeig in a report on Sunday, Feldstein systematically worked to advance Qatar's interests. This was reflected in the briefings he planted with commentators and reporters, as well as in other actions he took. These moves were carried out in coordination, or at least with updates, involving Israel Einhorn, and in close contact with Jonathan Urich. This is the same Urich who, as noted, devised the distorted arrangement under which Feldstein's salary was paid by an external entity working for Qatar.

9. In other words, Feldstein promoted Qatar while also receiving money from Qatar, all under an arrangement stitched together by his associates, Einhorn and Urich. Their claim is that this happened without their knowing that Qatar was the funding source. That is like saying there is smoke without fire, or a cause without an effect. It is very hard to accept this feigned innocence, especially from such a seasoned group of operators.

10. And of course, all this took place during the most difficult war since Israel's founding, from the very heart of the Prime Minister's Office and the Kirya military complex in Tel Aviv, right under the prime minister's nose. If he knew about the crooked arrangement and or that the money was coming from Qatar, that is appalling. If he did not know, that is no less appalling. In light of these revelations, Netanyahu must at the very least give testimony in this affair.

11. Netanyahu's associates are defending him, as expected. For me, this chain of actions recalled a famous line by Richard Nixon about the Watergate affair: "People whose zeal exceeded their judgment and who may have done wrong in a cause they deeply believed to be right." Nixon, as we know, was ultimately forced to resign over Watergate.

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Feldstein first described the incident during an interrogation on November 7, 2024, but at the time refused to identify the person who had met with him and informed him about the investigation. He told investigators that it involved "a very senior figure, a crazy Pandora's box that would affect everyone, and it is really dangerous to say." When asked whether the person was a military officer, Feldstein replied: "Not a military man, one of the most powerful people in the country."

It is important to note that Feldstein gave this version only once during questioning and did not repeat it afterward. He also told investigators that the same "senior figure" arrived accompanied by two or three security guards who did not hear the content of the conversation.

According to Feldstein, the figure in question, whom he has now identified as Braverman, promised that he could silence the leak in his own way. When investigators pressed him to explain what he meant, Feldstein asked: "Do you know what the poison machine is?" He said that "they," referring to the Prime Minister's Office, "threw him to the dogs," and that he feared physical harm to himself and his family. He added that both he and his father had received messages warning him not to speak.

Investigators sought to assess the credibility of his account and asked whether there was any documentation of the meeting. Feldstein replied that there was none, no cameras and no record of a security badge transfer. A source familiar with the investigation said this version was not thoroughly examined, as Feldstein changed his account several times.

In a response issued on behalf of Netanyahu's chief of staff, Tzachi Braverman, it was stated: "Feldstein is lying and inventing stories that never happened. Feldstein's claim that the chief of staff offered to intervene in or influence the investigation is another false fabrication. The chief of staff has no influence, and cannot have any influence, over ongoing investigations. Feldstein was offered a position as a spokesperson. For that purpose, he was sent for a security suitability check, which he failed, and his candidacy was immediately disqualified."

The statement added: "The chief of staff learned of the investigation only when it was reported in the media, and only then did he first learn of the connection between Feldstein and Rosenfeld. The chief of staff did not know Rosenfeld, never met him, and had no connection to him whatsoever."

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Attorney Corb noted that despite the investigation, "hostage families continue meeting with him, and he and he connects them with others." Corb emphasized: "His activities remain untainted."

The police issued an arrest warrant against the lobbyist remaining in the US, as part of the "Qatargate" affair. According to the suspicion, Footlik advanced Qatar's interests in Israel throughout the war. It should be noted that the significance of issuing the warrant means that if he arrives at Ben Gurion International Airport – he will be immediately arrested.

Footlik is an American Jewish businessman serving as Qatar's lobbyist. During the investigation of the "Qatargate" affair, suspicion emerged according to which Footlik funded, among other things, the salary of Eli Feldstein, the Israeli prime minister's former military spokesperson, through a third-party business entity. Furthermore, the suspicion is that Footlik and Srulik Einhorn collaborated on campaigns for Qatar.

Attorneys Uri Corb and Sivan Russo, representing Footlik, responded that he already arranged dates for providing his testimony in Israel and therefore "issuing an arrest warrant in Israel under these circumstances represents an unnecessary step. It appears this is a decision whose sole purpose is to apply pressure, and derives from considerations unrelated to the investigation and pursuit of truth."

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He was summoned following new developments in the case, as suspicions against him grew stronger. The interrogation lasted several hours, after which he was released under restrictive conditions – one of which is his removal from the IDF headquarters that coordinates efforts regarding hostages.

A source familiar with the details told Israel Hayom: "It cannot be that someone suspected of a bribery-related relationship with Qatar continues to sit in positions where ties with Qatar are maintained. He is in a conflict of interest."

Mordechai, a former Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories, was also questioned last month on suspicion of accepting bribes in the affair. He serves as a partner and director in the company Novard, alongside a former senior Mossad official who has also been questioned in the case. According to investigators, Mordechai and his partner approached Jonathan Urich and Yisrael Einhorn, who were acting on behalf of the Qatari government.

Mordechai responded: "Throughout my career I have always strictly adhered to the law, in every respect, and assisted the State of Israel whenever required. In this case as well, even though everything was done openly, transparently and in accordance with legal requirements, I will do whatever is necessary to help the authorities uncover the truth and act according to their instructions, if only because establishing the truth will prove that my conduct was flawless and beyond reproach."

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Netanyahu is working to cast the Qatargate affair as a tale of personal and political persecution. He relies on a well-oiled machine, both overt and covert, and above all on the shameful silence of his government and coalition allies. None have yet demanded the obvious – clarity on whether Qatar, a hostile state that supports and funds Hamas, indeed manipulated Netanyahu's close associates. Instead, they focus their attacks on Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar, the police, and Supreme Court justices who will rule on Wednesday regarding Bar's potential ousting.

Benjamin Netanyahu's Instagram

This pact of silence should trouble every Israeli citizen, as it reveals the (lack of) courage and judgment among those who vote to send soldiers into battle. A former senior Mossad official, who spent years running agents in enemy states, wondered yesterday what would happen if it emerged that Israel had successfully turned two of Iranian leader Ali Khamenei's closest advisers. Likely, Netanyahu and his ministers would compete in praising the heroic operation that penetrated Iran's decision-making core, planting moles to sway public opinion.

That's precisely what allegedly happened in Qatargate. Had the Shin Bet and police not investigated, they would have failed their duty and harmed national security. Even so, the affair raises further questions about secrecy in the Prime Minister's Office, the hiring of associates without proper security clearance, and Netanyahu's motives in granting access to classified materials to unauthorized parties.

On Friday, it became clear this is just the tip of the iceberg. Bar's letter to the Supreme Court, ahead of his case hearing, revealed that Netanyahu sought his cooperation in legal and political matters. This included an attempt to secure an opinion excusing Netanyahu from testifying in his trial and a demand to act against Israeli citizens – presumably political rivals and protest leaders. This echoes claims by two former Shin Bet chiefs, Yoram Cohen and Nadav Argaman, who said in recent weeks that Netanyahu also pressed them for illicit actions.

Suspicion grows that Netanyahu mistakenly views the Shin Bet as "his" to serve his personal goals. His office countered that Bar's letter is riddled with lies, necessitating transparency to uncover the truth. Bar – who knows Netanyahu well – likely documented every meeting and opinion he provided. He should now release it all – requests, names, dates.

The intimacy between a prime minister and Shin Bet chief matters, but the public interest here outweighs it. That interest is also critical to the Supreme Court's ruling on whether Bar's dismissal stemmed from improper motives. Bar's claims, combined with revelations from investigations around Netanyahu, raise at least reasonable suspicion of misconduct.

Add to this the hysteria projected by Netanyahu and his circle, and one can only conclude he aims to oust Bar to seize control of the Shin Bet, turning it into a secret police serving his bidding.

A lavish weekend with his friend, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, surely reinforced Netanyahu's belief that he must escalate his war on imagined domestic foes. He'll likely feel the same tomorrow in Washington, meeting Donald Trump, who is determined to defy the establishment – even at the cost of damaging the US economy. Their talks will likely center on Trump's proposed import taxes affecting Israeli goods, alongside familiar issues like Iran, Yemen, and Gaza.

The growing disconnect between Israeli leadership and the hostages

At last week's cabinet meeting, Netanyahu spoke of the three "khets" Israel faces – Hezbollah, Hamas, Houthis (all strat with a "khet" in Hebrew"). These matter, of course, but a fourth "khet" trumps them – the hostages (spelled "khatufim" in Hebrew, with a "khet"). Yesterday's video of Maxim Herkin and Bar Kupershtein underscored the urgent need to free them.

That released hostages (Liri Albag, Omer Wenkert) set aside their own recovery to rally at the square for those left behind was heartrending – it again exposed the deepening disconnect between Israel's leadership and the hostages abandoned on its watch, now forced to beg Trump for help.

Meanwhile, military activity in Gaza intensifies, aiming to pressure Hamas into softening its stance. This relies mainly on airstrikes with limited ground support to avoid casualties and widespread reservist call-ups. If Hamas holds firm, Israel may need to act with greater force, inevitably raising the Palestinian toll in Gaza.

The political-security leadership must note this, especially amid growing weekend media focus on the killing of paramedics in Rafah. The IDF claims Hamas terrorists were among the dead, none were bound, and no confirmation of kills was performed. It seems more will be needed to appease global public opinion.

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In normal times, Netanyahu would have ordered the removal of these advisors and encouraged the Shin Bet and police to investigate them. But these are not normal times, and Netanyahu chooses to close ranks with the suspects and attack the investigators. He focuses his attack on the Shin Bet and its head, Ronen Bar, while trying to give the investigation the aroma of a personal hunt against him. This is a familiar pattern with Netanyahu – there is never anything wrong with his actions, the problem is always with others.

Many Israelis buy this spin and are convinced that this is indeed a fabricated case. They refuse to be persuaded that the evidence is solid and that the investigation is largely conducted by the police, not the Shin Bet. This is the result of systematic brainwashing that simultaneously maintains four contradictory claims – first, that nothing happened; second, that everything was legitimate; third, that Qatar is not an enemy state; and fourth, that everyone does it.

Who are the Israelis who continue to assist Qatar even now?

Regarding the first claim, as mentioned, it's already clear there was money and there was a campaign. Regarding the second claim, it's doubtful whether anyone can justify the prime minister's closest advisors working simultaneously for a foreign country, certainly one that is a primary financier of Hamas. Regarding the third claim, the formal definition seems less important than the reality on the ground (especially since Netanyahu himself and many of his ministers have declared Qatar an enemy state). And regarding the fourth claim – not everyone does it. Many did it until October 7, but then Qatar was not only not an enemy state, Israel even saw it as an asset. For this reason, there is nothing wrong with the fact that some of Netanyahu's advisors assisted Qatar in an image campaign before the World Cup held on its soil.

Things changed with the outbreak of war. It's necessary to find out who the Israelis are who continue to assist Qatar even now, especially if they are figures connected to the political-security system. Still, there is no comparison between businesspeople (even if they are former generals) and figures operating from within the prime minister's office and allegedly on its behalf. This involves, if the suspicions are proven, a breach of trust of the highest degree, and even beyond.

Netanyahu cares less about security and the Shin Bet, and more about the investigations against him

As part of his struggle against Bar and the Shin Bet, Netanyahu announced yesterday that he would appoint his deputy, S., as acting head of the organization starting April 10. This assumes the Supreme Court will approve Bar's dismissal in a hearing two days earlier. Netanyahu justified his decision by saying he won't have time to approve the appointment of a permanent Shin Bet head in the Grunis Committee. This was a timeframe known even before Bar's dismissal and on the eve of the farce of Eli Sharvit's appointment that was canceled after a few hours. Netanyahu hopes that a temporary appointment of someone from within will soften public criticism and aid the judicial decision.

It turns out again that Netanyahu cares less about security and the Shin Bet, and more about the investigations against him. Otherwise, there is no logic in placing an acting head in such a sensitive organization at such a sensitive time. S. is an excellent commander, but his temporary placement is designed to leave him weak and completely dependent on Netanyahu's good graces. This is a corrupt method particularly favored by Netanyahu – if S. is suitable for the position, Netanyahu should step up an appoint him as permanent head of the Shin Bet.

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On Tuesday, it was cleared for publication that Klein is the journalist who was summoned to give an open statement in the Qatargate affair. Hours later, the open statement was reclassified as a warning interrogation. Klein, 42, is editor-in-chief of the Jerusalem Post and a social activist focused on Israel-US relations. He previously worked for Maariv and Makor Rishon and served as an adviser to the President's Residence on Diaspora Jewry.

During his visit to Doha, Klein met with senior Qatari officials, including Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al Thani.

"If it is true that during his arrest his phone was taken without a warrant, this is particularly serious," MK Halevi wrote. "To my great astonishment, there has been almost no response from those who routinely champion freedom of the press, from senior journalists, the Press Council, or human rights organizations."

"Freedom of the press and freedom of expression are cornerstones of Israel as a free and democratic state. It is therefore our duty as members of Knesset to ensure that law enforcement agencies act lawfully, that the arrest is based on criminal offenses unrelated to press freedom, and that the arrest and seizure of the phone were carried out in accordance with the law."

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The "Qatargate" affair erupted after revelations that Eli Feldstein, spokesman for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and a defendant in a separate classified documents case, allegedly received funds originating from Qatar. Israeli Channel 13 reported this week that money was funneled from Feldstein to Qatar through an indirect route involving Israeli businessman Gil Birger, who allegedly acted at the request of American lobbyist Jay Footlik, who is employed by the Qatari government.

The court ruled that Urich and Feldstein will remain detained until Thursday. According to the allegations, the three coordinated the transmission of messages to journalists that were published in the media as favorable coverage of Qatar, while downplaying Egypt's role as an impartial mediator in regional diplomacy, effectively manipulating the media agenda.

Roughly two weeks ago, Israeli businessman Gil Birger admitted in an interview with public broadcaster Kan that he had transferred funds directly to Prime Minister Netanyahu's spokesman Eli Feldstein. According to various reports, Feldstein allegedly advanced Qatar's media interests in Israel, including facilitating interviews with Qatari officials and spreading positive messaging about Qatar's role in negotiations to return Israeli hostages.

This occurred while Feldstein was still serving in the Prime Minister's Office. Additionally, according to various publications, two of Netanyahu's advisers, Jonatan Urich and Israel (Shrulik) Einhorn, allegedly worked to improve Qatar's global image ahead of the 2022 World Cup.

The suspicions against Urich and Feldstein include: transmission of classified information, contact with a foreign agent, bribery, breach of trust, and tax offenses. The maximum prison terms for these crimes are: 15 years for transmitting classified information, 15 years for contact with a foreign agent, 10 years for money laundering, and three years for fraud and breach of trust.

Key figures in the affair

Benjamin Netanyahu - Amid an ongoing investigation into whether Prime Minister's Office employees were linked to Qatari operatives, Netanyahu himself was summoned to provide open testimony in this case during a hearing in the Tel Aviv District Court in relation to his existing criminal cases (Cases 1000, 2000, 4000).

Eli Feldstein - A senior media advisor in Netanyahu's circle and already facing indictment in the classified documents case. The central suspicion is that he indirectly received funding from Qatar. Feldstein denies this, asserting that the payments were solely for his work in the Prime Minister's Office, and that he had no knowledge of their Qatari origin.

Jonatan Urich - Netanyahu's strategic advisor and spokesman, also questioned in the classified documents affair. Some reports claim he was involved in providing image services to Qatar while working for Netanyahu. His lawyers stated last night that "he has no idea who Gil Birger is" and that he neither handled employment arrangements nor disbursed payments within the Prime Minister's Office.

Israel (Shrulik) Einhorn - Political strategist and Netanyahu aide. According to media sources, he partnered with Urich in crafting a public relations campaign for Qatar in Israel ahead of the 2022 World Cup.

Gil Birger - An Israeli businessman active in the Gulf states. In leaked recordings, he admitted to transferring money to Feldstein at the request of lobbyist Jay Footlik, citing "VAT-related matters."

Jay Footlik - Former special advisor to former US President Bill Clinton, now a lobbyist for Qatar.

Unnamed journalist - A veteran Israeli journalist was invited to give open testimony in the Qatargate affair. Hours later, the testimony turned into a formal interrogation.

Judge Menachem Mizrahi criticized police for lifting the publication gag order on the case: "This is an unusual case in which the gag order was flagrantly violated through repeated and widespread leaks. The matter was not enforced by the Israel Police. Furthermore, the investigation went public yesterday with the arrest of suspects. There is no reason to keep the gag order in place." He added, "I refrained from writing even stronger words."

In court, additional and dramatic suspicions were revealed against Urich, including the alleged transfer of information to Footlik. A police investigator claimed that Netanyahu's aide "transmitted paid messages from a source linked to Qatar," and is also suspected of obstructing justice in the classified documents case and leaking from the Diplomatic-Security Cabinet.

The investigator further revealed: "We questioned both Urich and the prime minister about a leak from the cabinet." She added, "According to the suspicion, Urich conveyed messages to the media under the guise of statements from security and political sources, when in fact the messages originated from a figure with financial and business ties to the State of Qatar, and who is funded by it."

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