The F-35 was developed as part of an international project that included several countries, among them Turkey, but it was removed from the program in 2019 after purchasing S-400 air defense systems from Russia. Since then, Turkey has been trying to return to the project and acquire the advanced aircraft for its aging fighter fleet.

Burke said in Abu Dhabi that the fact that the systems in question are not operationally active has eased some of the US concerns, but they remain in Ankara's possession, which makes resolving the issue difficult.

"I believe these issues will be resolved within four to six months," Burke was quoted as saying, and when asked whether Turkey is close to removing the Russian air defense system, he answered "yes." Since Trump returned to the White House, he has demonstrated close friendship with Erdoğan, despite growing tensions between Ankara and Jerusalem, which he promised to resolve.

Trump has expressed willingness to sell the advanced aircraft to Turkey, but during Erdoğan's visit to Washington in September, he said Erdoğan "will have to do something for us" to bring the deal to fruition.

Since its removal from the program, Turkey has been working on several parallel tracks to renew its fighter fleet: a deal to purchase 40 Eurofighter Typhoon jets from Britain and Germany, purchasing new F-16 aircraft and upgrading existing ones, and developing its own fighter jet – the KAAN – which is expected to enter service by 2028, according to Turkey.

Turkey and the US are the two owners of NATO's largest militaries, and on Turkish territory is located Incirlik Base – one of America's most important bases in the Middle East. Nevertheless, Turkey has maintained balanced relations with Russia over the years, even after the invasion of Ukraine, and frequently presents itself as a possible mediator in talks and has hosted them in the past.

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Hamas' military wing made clear early this week that fighter surrender or weapons abandonment remain off the table. Mohammad Nazzal, a senior Hamas official abroad, rejected exile outside Gaza and urged mediators to intervene.

Turkey wasted no time seizing this as another diplomatic opportunity, with sources saying it is "working to ensure safe passage for approximately 200 'Gazan civilians' trapped in Rafah tunnels" – as if 200 civilians simply got stuck in underground passages.

The deteriorating relationship between Ankara and Jerusalem, sparked by Turkish arrest warrants and Israel's response, combined with Israeli opposition to Turkish participation in Gaza's multinational force, will feature in Jared Kushner's discussions with Netanyahu, though not as the central focus.

Washington's primary objective is stabilizing the ceasefire. Meeting this goal requires advancing to stage two of the Trump plan and generating implementation momentum. With everyone occupied by processes and mechanisms, reality on the ground will shift toward non-combat, enabling Trump to pursue his broader diplomatic ambitions.

From Israel's perspective, however, the ceasefire is not the end goal. Particularly not now, after recovering living hostages and most deceased remains. Eliminating enemy capabilities and removing weapons from the territory remain Israel's core objectives, which cannot be sacrificed to ceasefire demands or satisfied through cosmetic arrangements.

Furthermore, Israel's approach in Gaza will directly impact Hezbollah arrangements (and the reverse), leaving no room for creative half-measures that sound good but deliver nothing.

Even without this consideration, regional discourse is already showing such formulas emerging. Examples include attempts to limit disarmament definitions to offensive weapons only – excluding tunnels, personal arms, and other capabilities from discussion. Another involves establishing an "administrative committee" for civilian Gaza governance, supposedly without Hamas participation, when the terror group already influences personnel selection and will clearly control such governance as the Strip's dominant force.

Returning to the besieged in Rafah – their number remains unclear. Media reports citing Israeli sources estimate 150 to 200. Foreign press mentioned lower figures, while Hamas websites simply stated the military wing withholds information due to sensitivity, describing them as "Qassam elite" facing high risk "while contending with medical supply shortages, electricity deficits, and the need to secure tunnels after extensive war damage."

Hamas spokesmen have raised no claims about broken commitments on this matter. They frame the connection to recovering IDF soldier Hadar Goldin's remains through humanitarian considerations and stability interests.

Given these circumstances, Israel possesses every advantage to transform this incident into a powerful symbol of its Hamas dismantlement commitment. Time favors us here, and provided our forces can block attacks from the besieged or other directions, no rush exists. Regardless, this event's conclusion must be decisive – mass surrender, detention or terrorist deaths. Images and publicity carry value. This is how regimes fall. Exile, as some mediators suggest, while not inherently rejected, should only acceptable as a post-surrender, post-arrest step, never as a replacement.

A Al-Resalah Hamas website editorial characterized the besieged issue as testing Hamas' capacity for post-war challenges. "It combines military, diplomatic, and humanitarian aspects and conveys an important message to the Palestinian public and the world regarding Hamas's ability to protect its people and manage humanitarian crises, in an extremely complex environment and under international supervision." This equally tests Israeli determination, providing further reason Israel cannot accept any solution Hamas would claim as an achievement.

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Abdi came to Israel as a guest of the Israel-Africa Institute. In conversation with Israel Hayom, he revealed Turkey conducts launch experiments in Eritrea with ballistic missile that can reach Israel, among other destinations.

"The main message for the State of Israel is that Israel cannot afford to stay out of Africa, out of the Red Sea arena, out of the western Indian Ocean. Many of Israel's strategic rivals are advancing very strongly on the continent right now," Abdi said.

He added, "Turkey signed a groundbreaking security cooperation agreement with Somalia. There are thousands of Turkish soldiers stationed there, and they are building a space base that will ultimately allow Turkey to improve the range of its ballistic missiles."

Abdi added that an area north of Mogadishu has been identified, where the Somali president announced Turkey received land for port development and a space base. "If I were Israel, I would definitely be worried."

Turkey, he said, has "blue water capabilities" – Turkish naval vessels patrol through the Suez Canal, down the Red Sea and along the Somali coast. "For the first time, Turkey is not just a Mediterranean power, but also a power in the Red Sea and in the western Indian Ocean."

Eugene Kandel, chairman of the Board of the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange, said at the conference, "Radical Islam operates in Africa too and tries to return Africa to conflict against the West. Israel must not let this happen."

Shiri Fein-Grossman, CEO of the Israel-Africa Relations Institute, said, "Israel can make a tremendous difference in Africa at a relatively low investment."

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Earlier this week, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer visited Ankara, where he signed a deal with Erdogan for the sale of 20 Eurofighter jets to Turkey, a move made possible after Germany lifted its veto on the deal.

At a press conference with Erdogan, Merz said his government has stood by Israel since the Hamas-led October 7 massacre and supports its right to self-defense. "There was only one decision that could have prevented countless unnecessary casualties. Hamas should have released the hostages earlier and laid down its arms. This war would have ended immediately," he said. Merz added that he hopes the war is nearing its end with a cease-fire agreement mediated by the US and Turkey.

Erdogan rejected Merz's statements, saying, "Hamas doesn't have bombs or nuclear weapons, but Israel has all of these, and it uses them against Gaza, for example with last night's bombings. Don't you see what's happening in Germany? Don't you follow it? Beyond the attacks on Gaza, Israel has always sought to oppress it through hunger and genocide."

The clash came during a visit intended to strengthen relations, at a time when Turkey is in a favorable position with the West and NATO following what is seen as a series of diplomatic gains in Syria and in the mediation of a Gaza cease-fire.

Merz welcomed Turkey's purchase of 20 Eurofighter jets, made possible by Germany's lifting of its veto, and said Russia's aggressive policy poses a threat to NATO. "In this context, the German government explicitly welcomes Turkey's decision to buy the jets," he said. "They will serve the alliance's collective security."

Merz also criticized Turkey's suppression of its opposition, referring to the arrest of Istanbul's opposition mayor, Ekrem Imamoglu, in a purported corruption investigation. "Turkey has taken decisions that still fall short of the standards of rule of law and democracy as we understand them," he said. "I expressed my concern about issues that do not meet our expectations, such as judicial independence."

According to AFP, a source in Turkey's Defense Ministry said Ankara hopes to gain support for joining the European defense program, an initiative facing Greek opposition that could block the required consensus. The report said Germany has indicated it would support Turkey's accession.

During the talks, Merz asked Turkey to take back more rejected asylum seekers. Germany also seeks to advance the return of migrants to Syria and hopes for Ankara's assistance, given its close ties with Damascus. German Foreign Minister Johann Wadpfuhl visited Syria Thursday, meeting with President Ahmad al-Sharaa.

Erdogan reiterated Turkey's desire to join the European Union. Merz said he views Turkey as "a close partner of the European Union" and expressed his wish to develop bilateral economic relations, "including in the fields of transportation and migration."

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First, there's a central fact to understand – a full-scale Israeli military war against Hamas will not resume. The war's cessation is considered one of President Donald Trump's major achievements, both internationally and in the domestic American arena. There's no chance he would give up this achievement.

However, Hamas systematically violates the ceasefire. The organization's terrorists continue attacking IDF soldiers, refuse to return fallen soldiers' bodies, tighten their control over western Gaza, and rehabilitate terror infrastructure. Each of these actions constitutes a blatant violation of the 20-point plan. But Israel's hands are tied – Trump, as clearly visible, does not agree to resume the war.

The truth must be told – it's not just Trump. Any decent person must ask themselves: What more can the IDF do to dismantle Hamas that wasn't done in the past two years? The organization still exists, and not only because of the 25% of the strip's territory the IDF didn't enter.

In fact, even Rafah, completely destroyed by Israel, provides a troubling example – three soldiers were killed in its vicinity in the past two weeks alone. In other words, military destruction alone is not enough. Hamas's death ideology is deeply rooted in Gazans' hearts – and that's where the real problem lies.

If so, what should be done? Here, according to Trump's plan, the "International Stabilization Force" (ISF) was supposed to come into action.

The Americans command the move but aren't willing to put "boots on the ground" – so the Marines remain out of the picture. The Turks expressed willingness to send soldiers, but Israel rejected the proposal – there's no intention to allow President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who cultivates Hamas in Turkey, to guard the organization's interests in Gaza. Qatari soldiers, if such exist, were also disqualified by Israel for exactly the same reason.

Who does Israel have left? The British declare they'll send soldiers directly into Gaza – but it remains to be seen if this will happen. The one seriously in the picture, according to all accounts, is Indonesia. However, according to the constitution in Jakarta, only a UN Security Council decision would allow President Prabowo Subianto to send 20,000 soldiers to the mission – and he indeed declared his willingness to do so at the UN last month.

The UN is a universe unto itself, and this is the fourth and complicated part of the battle. Jerusalem has very little desire for a Security Council resolution regarding Gaza, and the reasons are well known. The problem is that such resolutions are a hard nail to extract.

In other words, the Trump administration might indeed put forth a resolution with language Israel could live with. However, within a short time, countries like France, Britain, and Arab states will ensure to add components such as "recognition of Palestinian aspirations" or other diplomatic landmines that will make things difficult for Israel.

This creates the complex reality – four fronts converging together, creating a dead end where Israel is stuck: unable to resume the war, failing to stop Hamas violations, encountering difficulties establishing an international force, and forced to deal with diplomatic pressures in the Security Council.

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"Israel must be forced to uphold its commitments through sanctions stopping arms sales. We are taking steps to achieve this goal and will continue to do so," Erdogan told reporters aboard the presidential plane on his return from a visit to Gulf countries.

Video: Turkish aid enters the Gaza Strip // Arab networks

Erdogan added that talks were ongoing regarding the deployment of a multinational task force to Gaza and said Ankara was ready to offer all necessary support to the enclave. In recent days, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has voiced strong opposition to the deployment of Turkish troops in the Gaza Strip, a move Turkey is reportedly keen to pursue.

Turkey has launched a coordinated aid operation inside Gaza in recent days. Bulldozers carrying Turkish flags have begun clearing rubble in various parts of the Strip, and aid teams have been distributing boxes of humanitarian supplies provided by Ankara to local residents.

Turkey's growing influence in post-war arrangements for Gaza has been made possible by pressure from US President Donald Trump and by Turkey's success in convincing Hamas, with which it maintains close ties, to accept the terms of the ceasefire and the Trump Plan.

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This describes the individual sometimes dubbed "rabbi to kings." Schneier's persona has been linked for years with Arab and Muslim state leaders worldwide, from Saudi Arabia's monarch to Azerbaijan's president, from Qatar's emir to the United Arab Emirates' ruler. In an exclusive Israel Hayom interview, Schneier discusses diplomacy and pragmatism through the lens of faith and stated that for him the real prize is not political, but spiritual.

"I'm the 18th generation rabbi in my family," he begins. "I've always wanted to be a rabbi – and to appreciate what it means to be a rabbi."
Schneier received ordination in 1983 by Rabbi Joseph Soloveitchik, yet his calling extends beyond the synagogue and community he founded in the Hamptons, New York. "In my office… one wall has photos with kings and presidents, but the other side overlooks the synagogue. That's what gives me a sense of purpose and fulfillment."

"In my family, you have to make two contributions – both congregationally, spiritually, and also from the social-action point of view," he continues, and consequently, in 1989 he founded the Foundation for Ethnic Understanding, to restore the historic alliance between African Americans and Jews forged during the civil rights movement in the United States. "Martin Luther King comprehended that whoever struggles for his own rights can only do so if he also battles for others' rights. King was a great champion of Israel… He had zero tolerance for antisemitism."

After two decades leading it, he decided to pursue a new direction, "I thought that the great challenge of my generation would be to find the path to narrow the divide between 16 million Jews and 1.8 billion Muslims. And that's what sent me off on my global journey."

Schneier recounts how Muslim world doors opened before him. "My great patron was the late King of Saudi Arabia, King Abdullah… he introduced me to the King of Bahrain, who introduced me to the Emir of Qatar, who introduced me to the ruler of the UAE, who introduced me to [Azerbaijani leader] Aliyev — and then Kazakhstan… Even i24NEWS today said, 'this is the one who planted all the seeds for the Abraham Accords.'"

"I say everywhere – in Riyadh, Doha, Baku, Ankara – anti-Zionism is antisemitism. Israel is not some political 77-year-old aspiration; it's at the very core of our religion." He adds, "How can you be a Jew and not be a Zionist? Why would you bifurcate? … I am, in this work, a watchdog when it comes to Israel." The leaders, according to him, value his consistency.  "One of these leaders said to me, 'Presidents and heads of state, ambassadors — they come and go, and you're always there. We all need a rabbi.'"

Beyond his community position in the Hamptons, he was appointed special advisor by the King of Bahrain to the King Hamad Global Centre for Peaceful Coexistence based in Manama, and in 2022 served as interfaith consultant to the World Cup organization in Qatar, whose reputation in Israel naturally transformed completely following the war.

"The Qataris always come through for me… I served as interfaith advisor to the World Cup. I had three conditions: 15,000 Israelis, direct flights between Doha and Tel Aviv, and kosher food," he states, "I brought two rabbis from Turkey...  check, check, check [referring to all three conditions being met]." Qatar itself naturally leveraged the treatment of Israelis to bolster its image, while preserving relations with Israel's adversaries in the Middle East.

He portrays his warm relationship with Aliyev, Azerbaijan's president, whom he calls "like family for me. There's nothing Aliyev wouldn't do for Israel." He recalled telling one Arab leader that if he wanted to normalize relations with Israel, he should simply follow what Azerbaijan does.

With Turkey, Schneier was involved in the thawing of relations between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and President Isaac Herzog in 2021. "The Turkish ambassador to Washington called Erdoğan from my office… I said it would be a wonderful opportunity for President Erdogan to call President Herzog – which he did. And by March 2022 we had the famous reconciliation meeting in Ankara." Schneier adds that "Erdogan was a big disappointment to me because of his absolute hatred for Netanyahu... Erdogan loves Herzog. Loves him."

He characterizes Hamas as "a perversion of Islam," saying that the war in Gaza "is a war against evil, not a war of religion." According to him, there are 12 Muslim countries that support or express sympathy for Israel. Muslim leaders support Israel's right to defend itself.

Schneier believes the agreement to release the hostages and ceasefire signals a regional transformation. "If Hamas doesn't behave... not only will they have to deal with the Israelis, they'll have to deal with the Americans — and good luck to them." He notes that is an unprecedented opportunity. If Gaza is demilitarized and administered by an Arab consortium and provided economic hope, everything can be transformed.

Regarding the Abraham Accords, Schneier enumerated Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Indonesia, Pakistan, Oman, Syria and Lebanon, as countries that may normalize relations with Israel in the near future. However, he indicated that "There's going to be very little movement in the Arab world until… Israelis recognize that everyone wants to see a Palestinian state – even if only symbolic."

Schneier participated in the "Peace to Prosperity" conference in Bahrain in 2019, and is convinced that Jared Kushner was correct, that money and hope can alter perception. He recalls Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's words, "MBS said to me, 'Rabbi, you probably think I want to normalize relations with Israel because of Iran. That's the second reason. The first is Vision 2030 – the economic transformation of the kingdom that I cannot accomplish without Israel.'"

Schneier divides the region into two blocs, "You have the Saudi bloc – Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, UAE, even Qatar – and you have the Iranian bloc… Why doesn't anyone recognize that blessing?"

He expresses concern about the situation in New York and the weakening of Jewish influence in the city, and warns against Zohran Mamdani's rise, He [Mamdani] will finesse every issue – police, education, even prostitution – except one: Israel. He won't even recognize Israel as a democratic Jewish state."

At the conversation's conclusion, he sends a warm message to Israelis, "For American Jews, Israelis are a great source of inspiration. We enjoy the security and the strength we have in the Diaspora only because of the State of Israel… It has restored the honor and the dignity of the Jewish people… There's never been a better time to be Jewish than today."

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Netanyahu has also communicated reservations about Turkish companies participating in the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip – something Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan strongly desires. Nevertheless, on this aspect, advanced discussions are occurring with the Americans, though Israel's position remains extremely cautious.

An article published in Israel Hayom revealed that the new threats the prime minister mentioned in his Knesset speech refer to Turkey and Qatar's attempts to expand their regional influence. This refers to the desire of both countries, which support the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas, to be heavily involved in the future management of the Gaza Strip and in Syria.

Between Netanyahu and his advisors on one side, and President Trump and his team on the other, disagreements exist regarding the desired level of involvement of both countries. Trump himself favors Erdoğan and greatly values Qatar, while Israel identifies both countries as dangerous and destabilizing.

Meanwhile, according to senior officials in the Trump administration who spoke with The New York Times, concern exists that might renew a large-scale offensive against Hamas in the Gaza Strip.

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However, beyond a pompous concluding statement that forcefully condemned the acts of terror and called for international cooperation to eradicate this violent and grave threat to Israel's security and regional stability, the wave of Hamas terror renewed with all its might and cruelty, sowing murder and destruction in Israel. Thus, the dream of the meeting's architects to cultivate a more reconciled and terror-free regional environment solely through rhetorical and declarative means vanished in fire and smoke.

Nearly three decades since that stinging and resounding failure, it brings up from the abyss of oblivion and forgetfulness the pathetic and naive attempt by Britain and France in 1928 to outlaw the use of war through a toothless document and enforcement mechanisms (the Kellogg-Briand Pact).

Sharm el-Sheikh once again became the focus of mediation efforts, designed to end the fighting in Gaza and ensure, with the help of tools and mechanisms to be established later on, that the same violent and extremist Hamas would be removed and excluded from the centers of control, influence, and the military infrastructure it established. And this time, it would be done effectively and long-term, unlike the failed initiative of 1996.

Indeed, while the 1996 Sharm el-Sheikh conference featured colorful scenery but yielded no results, this time the quiet contacts held in Sharm el-Sheikh produced a dramatic agreement for a ceasefire and the release of all the hostages (Phase A of President Donald Trump's settlement plan), which was signed on October 9, 2025, between Israel and Hamas, brokered by the US, Egypt, Turkey, and Qatar.

The uniqueness of the agreement (even though it does not include agreements regarding all the patterns and details of the implementation of the next phases of the president's plan), which succeeded in bringing about a cessation of fire after two years of a difficult campaign, is rooted in the conduct and behavioral patterns of the American super-mediator, who demonstrated creative and resolute leadership, out-of-the-box thinking beyond traditional diplomatic frameworks, and a readiness to make optimal use, at the right time, of all the levers of pressure and influence at his disposal.

While the diplomatic virtuoso, Henry Kissinger, preferred to obscure or blur the final goal of his mediation efforts, and instead proceed using a slow and gradual method toward realizing his settlement vision, the 47th president Donald Trump presented the goal of ending the war (and not just achieving a ceasefire agreement) as his central objective from the outset.

Furthermore, in his diplomatic activity in the arena, the 47th president created a completely new model of a super-mediator, overshadowing even the legendary Henry Kissinger in his level of sophistication and originality. While the former US Secretary of State acted not only as an effective mediator but also as a factor that rewarded the parties during the mediation he led on the way to the interim agreement he achieved between Israel and Egypt in September 1975, Donald Trump demonstrated his full prowess last week by not settling for traditional and direct mediation, but by granting a package of incentives and perks to the sub-mediators.

Pressures on Hamas

He did not, therefore, limit himself to promising compensation (or issuing warnings, implied or explicit) to the warring parties themselves. This was to strengthen the motivation of these sub-mediators (mainly Turkey and Qatar) to exert heavy pressures on Hamas so that it would agree to soften its rigid positions.

Regarding Turkey, the American compensation appears particularly far-reaching. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was promised the supply of F-35 aircraft, which he so coveted to receive, and he is slated to become a legitimate player in the agreement's implementation process.

Thus, the White House managed to create a two-layered web of heavy-weight levers of influence on Hamas. The cumulative weight of these levers made it hard for the terror organization, at the current time, to reject his plan. (Regarding Israel, Donald Trump directly applied these levers, but with a completely different dosage). This created the necessary infrastructure for the entire deal, in which carrots and sticks were integrated based on the business principle of "give and take" from Donald Trump's business background.

Hamas' dependence on Turkey

Although Qatar has long been known for dancing not only with the US but also with the devil, the fact that Doha had not succeeded in its mediation efforts until now (especially following the failed Israeli attack against senior Hamas officials in Qatar) is what led the president to his unprecedented decision to turn to Ankara, to shower Recep Tayyip Erdoğan with words of praise and flattery, and exploited the Hamas movement's great dependence on Turkey to turn it into a central executive contractor for his plan.

In this way, he also upgraded Turkey's security and political ties with Washington (in the hope that the price for strengthening Turkey and bringing it into the arena would not be too high for Israel, and that the American partner would provide Israel with appropriate security compensation for this).

Furthermore, in his activity as a super-mediator, Donald Trump revealed a deep understanding of the timing of his powerful entry onto the stage. The level of support for Israel around the world, and especially among the American public (including among the party's youth), has recently fallen to an unprecedented low (and also reflected on the status of the American superpower, Israel's loyal ally).

The fact that the Israeli action in Doha threatened to unravel the loose seams of the Abraham Accords and steer the Middle East down a path of chaos and instability, led the president to increase his activity. This was also in light of the growing criticism from wide sectors in Israeli society regarding what appeared to be a futile bogging down in the sands and alleys of Gaza.

Frustration in the White House

The growing frustration in the White House with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's promises of Hamas' total collapse, which did not materialize, and its sensitivity to the worsening condition of the hostages and the humanitarian distress in the strip, contributed to his decision that the time was ripe to throw his full weight into an increased effort to immediately bring about a cessation of the fighting (while also being ready to apply pressure on Israel not to resort to tactics of delay and postponement).

Thus, a window of opportunity was created by the president for the establishment of a ceasefire between Israel, isolated in the international arena and where growing signs of domestic fatigue and frustration are intensifying, and the terror organization, which has been significantly weakened and has lost most of its strongholds and centers of control. This was, of course, with the assistance of the sub-mediators, primarily Ankara, who mobilized for the mission of applying increased pressure on the terror organization.

If Europe was not mentioned at all in all the above, it is no coincidence. Apart from impractical plans that left no discernible mark, no trace remains of the unilateral and preposterous initiatives of French President (as of October 11) Emmanuel Macron, the European Union and the UN institutions. Is there a need for further proof of the leading status of the US as the sole superpower in the Donald Trump era, and the absolute marginality of Europe, which, apart from the background noise it created, contributed nothing to the advancement of the ceasefire?

And finally, the question of the Nobel Peace Prize, which was not awarded to the president on Friday. After the rumor already emerged from Oslo's halls that the win is contingent on a contribution to the establishment of a sustainable peace settlement, and not just the achievement of a ceasefire agreement, one can only hope and believe that if the process that Donald Trump created from scratch is indeed realized in practice and also leads to the expansion and upgrading of the Abraham Accords and the establishment of a new, more reconciled, and stable regional order, it will be difficult for the committee to object to his selection next year as the Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

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The meeting on Thursday with President Donald Trump is expected to clear the way for Turkey to acquire everything from Lockheed Martin and Boeing aircraft to liquefied natural gas worth more than $50 billion, according to Turkish officials, who requested anonymity because the agreements have not yet been finalized.

The largest portion of the potential agreements on Thursday is expected to be in aviation. Boeing and Lockheed Martin may receive orders for up to 250 commercial airplanes along with additional F-16 fighter jets, Turkish officials said. The purpose of the new aircraft purchase is to modernize the Turkish air force's aging fighter fleet and adapt it to the challenges of the coming decade.

More importantly, Trump said last week that there is a chance to resolve the long-standing impasse regarding the F-35 stealth jets. Turkey was an original partner in the Lockheed's most advanced fighter jet program, but was removed after it acquired Russia's S-400 air defense system. This acquisition resulted in congressional sanctions, known as CAATSA, which are directed at Turkey's defense industries and still remain in effect.

Dr. Assa Ophir, a Turkey expert from the Department of Middle Eastern Studies at Ariel University, explained, "The issue that should concern Israel most is Turkey's desire to rejoin the stealth jet project and receive the F-35 aircraft. The US expelled Turkey from the program in 2019 because of its purchase of the Russian S-400 defense systems. Stealth jets in Erdoğan's hands could lead to the loss of Israel's air superiority in the region, and this is a very undesirable outcome for it."

However, Dr. Ophir said, "But the path for Turkey's return to the stealth project and the receipt of the aircraft is still long. Erdoğan will need to overcome two serious obstacles that do not depend solely on Donald Trump – CAATSA, which imposes sanctions on all countries that buy military equipment from Russia, and the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), both of which are laws that must be passed through the US Congress where there is a hostile atmosphere toward Turkey."

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