Former United States Ambassador to Israel David Friedman is expected next week to publish a book describing how the Abraham Accords came about, and his involvement as a Trump administration official. 

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In Sledgehammer: How Breaking with the Past Brought Peace to the Middle East, Friedman describes the "greatest US foreign policy accomplishment in decades," hailing former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for "never taking his eyes off the ball" and "always giving the right answer."

On many occasions, I accompanied Netanyahu with other US officials, and instead of resting or looking out the window, he always read history books intently until landing, Friedman says in Sledgehammer. 

The former ambassador even described how once he and the former premier got stuck in an elevator for ten minutes due to a mechanical malfunction, and how Netanyahu "kept conversing as if nothing had changed," while Friedman, who is "seriously claustrophobic," felt like they were trapped.

The book also criticizes former President Reuven Rivlin, who, according to Friedman, met in 2017 with then-President Donald Trump and spoke on matters that were not to the point. For example, Rivlin thanked the US president for the Mosul airstrike (an American bombing in Iraq on 17 March 2017 that killed hundreds of civilians), although it was clear based on the context that he meant the attack on the Syrian airbase.  

By the time Rivlin was done, you could tell he was tired and unlikely to stay focused, Friedman says in the book. 

According to the former ambassador, Rivlin also invited Trump's rival – Nancy Pelosi – to the 2020 International Holocaust Remembrance Day ceremony, although he was told only the president, prime minister, or vice president of each country would be invited to attend. Pelosi was the speaker of the House of Representatives. 

I called Rivlin to ask about the secret invitation, and in response, I was told that it was none of my business. I was furious. I called the President's Residence and said, You beg me to bring Vice President Mike Pence Pence as a representative of your most important ally – who did not want to come – but do not have the decency to let me know that behind my back you invited the person responsible for outing Trump? Friedman writes in the book.  

Rivlin declined to comment on the matter.

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The German government loves individuals like Omri Boehm, an Israeli who believes and declares that there is a grave problem in Israel being a Jewish state. 

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A philosophy lecturer in New York, Boehm received his post-doctorate in Munich a few years ago and has since become the darling of the German media, which is thirsty for critics of Israel and the Jews. 

In fact, there is an actual term for "criticism of Israel" in the German language, Israelkritik. There is no such equivalent to describe critique of any other country. Not China, not Russia or Iran. As far as the German media is concerned, the more you criticize Israel, the better. 

In his latest book, Israel - eine Utopie, Boehm blows the idea of a Jewish state to pieces, claiming that Israel cannot be a Jewish state and a liberal democracy at the same time, primarily due to the fact that only someone of Jewish descent, or religiously converted, can become an Israeli citizen. 

Boehm's book was published at the same time when former President Donald Trump announced his "deal of the century," that Washington was going to recognize Israeli sovereignty over Judea and Samaria. 

In his book, Boehm introduced the idea of an ethnically neutral state, where Israel and the "occupied territories" become a federal, binational republic. His concept is based on former Prime Minister Menachem Begin's autonomy plan, according to which Palestinian residents of Judea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip would receive administrative autonomy after signing a peace deal with Israel. Begin's vision never came to fruition, mostly due to resistance from the Palestinian side. 

The Palestinian stance on the matter has not changed, but it seems that it is of no interest to Boehm. Just like many other leftists, he prefers to turn a blind eye to the problematic reality of the Palestinian stance and shift the entire blame onto "occupier" Israel. 

Boehm's book was, of course, well-received by the German media, which was back then in an ardent war trying to get the German parliament not to declare the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement antisemitic. 

Boehm readily joined their fight. After the Bundestag deemed the BDS movement antisemitic, he published an article in German weekly Die Zeit, saying, "The anti-BDS ruling makes it clear that the Bundestag must change its definition of antisemitism while keeping the fight against Jew-hatred a top national interest. 

"The debate is not about the existence of the State of Israel, but about its right to be a Jewish state," he wrote. "It is not antisemitic to question this right."

In an interview with Qantara, a German monthly funded by the Foreign Ministry covering events in the Middle East, Boehm called on the German government to expand what is considered legitimate criticism of Israel. 

"What is currently considered as legitimate criticism of Israel is very limited," he said. "Of course, one can express criticism against the occupation, [Opposition Leader Benjamin] Netanyahu, and the Israeli government. However, a discussion on whether the establishment of a Jewish state was legitimate is considered unacceptable, despite the fact that the very definition of a 'Jewish' state contradicts the idea of liberal democracy. 

"The same goes for Nakba [the displacement of Palestinian refugees during Israel's 1948 War of Independence]. Whenever one attempts to raise this subject, one is immediately accused of antisemitism. It is impossible to simply state the facts. For example, that within Israel's borders, three million Palestinians live under brutal military law without being recognized as Israeli citizens. The Germans do not want to see this."

In his interview, Boehm also called on the German government to adopt a new approach to Israel, saying, "Germany should take responsibility for the past, but not guilt."

In another article, published in the Los Angeles Review of Books in 2016, after the BDS movement called on American academics to boycott their Israeli colleagues, Boehm wrote, "I am not an Israeli academic, rather an Israeli and an academic. 

"In the past, I supported Israelis who chose to go to prison instead of doing military service in the occupied territories. A Jewish country cannot function as a liberal democracy, and as such, one cannot strongly oppose BDS. We've come to a point where we need to get our hands dirty to fight for Palestinian rights, to boycott, divest and sanction Israeli institutions to pressure the Israeli government to bring about some change." 

What Boehm seems to be forgetting is that boycotting Israeli academics would constitute a violation of freedom of expression. 

Considering all the above mentioned, one cannot help but wonder why German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier invited Boehm to join him on his recent trip to Jerusalem to visit outgoing Israeli President Reuven Rivlin? 

The German government's platform states that it "recognizes Germany's special responsibility to Israel as a Jewish and democratic state." It seems that the German president is not obligated to follow his own government's official stance. 

Many members of Steinmeier's Social Democratic Party did not want to include this responsibility in the government's platform. Perhaps Steinmeier invited Boehm on his diplomatic visit in order to please those individuals ahead of the upcoming elections. 

Boehm's invitation is the latest in a series of hypocritical actions on behalf of the German government regarding Israel. They claim unwavering support to the Jewish state, but in reality, they consistently work to undermine Israel and get involved in its political affairs to create an extreme left-wing government that would undermine the country's Jewish character, essentially bringing the Jewish state to an end. If there is no Jewish state, then Germany will have no historical responsibility to bear. 

The new government that took office in Israel is a dream come true for Germany. The timing of Steinmeier's visit allowed him to express badly-needed support to Israel's new leaders. At the same time, he did not make time to meet with Netanyahu. 

For the German government, his ouster was an unexpected gift, for the Netanyahu administration that used to call it out for its hypocrisy is no longer in power. 

Berlin was displeased with the previous government's preoccupation with German financial support of elements hostile to Israel or their votes against the Jewish state in international organizations. 

Now Germany has the chance to return to the relationship routine that preceded Netanyahu's reign. Foreign Minister Yair Lapid will be busy with his Holocaust conflict with Poland, and the Foreign Ministry will be doing its utmost to silence any criticism of Germany. 

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US President Joe Biden invited his Israeli counterpart, President Reuven Rivlin, to visit the White House as the latter enters his final weeks in office.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken extended the invitation to Rivlin when the two met in Jerusalem on Tuesday.

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Rivlin said he was honored by the invite and was planning to visit Washington before his term expires on July 9.

During their meeting, the two leaders discussed the spike in antisemitism worldwide, and in the US in particular, and Operation Guardian of the Walls in Gaza earlier this month.

Rivlin thanked the US for taking a strong stance against antisemitism during the Gaza hostilities.

Blinken condemned the recent rise in antisemitism in the world and the US, and said: "As you know, President Biden asked me to come to Israel this week, this week in particular, to underscore the commitment of the United States to our partnership, to our alliance, to Israel's security and to the work that we need to do together and continue and try to bring peace, to bring communities together."

The secretary of state arrived in Israel on Tuesday morning, the first stop on his first visit to the Middle East, during which he hopes to bolster the recent ceasefire between Israel and Hamas.

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Less than 12 hours before Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's mandate to form a government expires at midnight Tuesday, Netanyahu's Likud party was debating about whether or not to recommend that President Reuven Rivlin hand the mandate to Yamina leader Naftali Bennett, rather than Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid.

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According to an opinion from Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit, the chairmanship of the Knesset Arrangement Committee falls to the party whose leader has been tasked with forming the government. This could lead to changes when it comes to appointments for committee chairpersons, control of the legislative process in the Knesset, and influence over laws targeting Netanyahu, as well as any proposed law to instate direct elections for prime minister.

Earlier, committee chairman Miki Zohar announces that he would convene the committee on Tuesday afternoon to discuss pushing several bills presented to the Knesset on Monday through the preliminary processes, so they could be brought to a vote on Wednesday. These include a law calling for direct elections for prime minister; a law calling for Israel to implement the death sentence for terrorists; a law that would ban illegal migrant from entering Israel; a law regarding appointments to the Supreme Court, and more.

According to officials in the Office of the President, Rivlin does not intend to hold another official round of consultations with party heads, according to officials in the Office of the President, who added that Bennett would not receive the president's mandate because "one bloc has already tried" to form a coalition and that the mandate would therefore transfer to Lapid.

"There won't be another round of consultations. Anyone who wants to change their position can do so. The president will get a picture of the situation based on what he sees in front of him," a senior official in the President's Residence told Israel Hayom.

Consequently, suspicions within the two main blocs have heightened. Lapid wants the president's mandate to prevent Bennett from trying to form a government with Netanyahu and the Right. Bennett, for his part, says he worked to shut down prospective talks with the anti-Netanyahu bloc.

One of the possible scenarios discussed on Monday was that the right-wing bloc would ask Rivlin to give the mandate to Bennett. In this scenario, Bennett would have 59 recommendations comprising the Likud, Yamina, the Religious Zionist party and the Haredi parties, against Lapid's 45 recommendations comprising Yesh Atid, Blue and White, Labor and Meretz. And even if New Hope chairman Gideon Sa'ar also asks the president to change his mandate, the anti-Netanyahu bloc will have only 51 mandates. The point of this idea is to allow Bennett to try forming a right-wing government, per his promise.

In discussions with the President's Residence, however, it was made clear that such a plan was out of the question and that the president was unlikely to give the mandate to Bennett because, from the president's perspective, any effort on Bennett's part to form a government with the Likud would be "more of the same" that has transpired over the past month.

Regardless, once Netanyahu's mandate expires at midnight, the president will have three days to choose a course of action. Rivlin can transfer the mandate to Lapid, but if he believes the Yesh Atid leader has no chance of forming a government, he could give the mandate to the Knesset.

Within the right-wing bloc, incidentally, officials on Monday were cautious not to assail the president openly, but said they were struggling to shake the feeling that the president was intervening in the political process. If Bennett reaches 59 Knesset seats, they said, and Lapid only has 45 or 51, there would be no reason not to transfer the mandate to Bennett.

As stated, officials in Lapid's camp very much want the president's mandate due to fears that Bennett will "flee" to the right-wing bloc. Lapid said this week he would not concede the president's mandate to Bennett.

"No. I will receive the mandate; we have 45 recommendations, maybe more. We need to receive the mandate; we're the second-largest party. The mandate needs to belong to Yesh Atid," Lapid said.

The President's Resident said in a statement: "We will not deal with the possibilities for the next mandate until this mandate expires."

Earlier Monday, in an attempt to beat the looming deadline, Netanyahu called on Bennett to serve alongside him in a rotating premiership but was rebuffed by the latter.

Netanyahu said it was imperative that Israelis stop with the boycotting of specific people and parties, "and we must make sure the infighting within the right does not prevent a right-wing government from being formed; we must not let the disaster of the Left and Oslo Accords repeat itself."

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Netanyahu then made the suggestion that Bennett would serve as prime minister with almost immediate effect: "I told him that in order to prevent the rise of the left-wing government, I would agree to his suggestion of having a rotation deal in which he would serve as prime minister for the first year. The Yamina faction members would be integrated into the Knesset and the government and if, God forbid, we end up failing to form a government, we will run on a joint ticket [in an early election] with each party preserving its relative strength."

Bennett shot back after Netanyahu's post, saying, "I never asked for the premiership, I just asked Netanyahu to form a right-wing government, which we would have supported."

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In an official ceremony Wednesday morning, President Reuven Rivlin was presented the results of the elections for the 24th Knesset by Central Elections Committee head Orly Adas.

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The current political crisis damages democracy to some extent, but Israeli society is stronger than this, Rivlin said in a speech.

"I sincerely hope elected officials will hear the people of Israel, heed its demand for unconventional cooperation, collaboration between sectors, and focused and dedicated work for all Israelis," he said.

Rivlin is scheduled to meet with every faction elected to the Knesset on Monday, after which he will entrust the task of forming a government to one of the representatives.

The plan is to hold all the consultations in one day in order to expedite the process. As in previous years, so too this time, all the meetings will be broadcast live as per Rivlin's request, for the sake of transparency.

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The International Criminal Court's announcement Wednesday that it would launch an investigation into Israeli conduct in Judea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip sent shockwaves throughout the country, drawing condemnation from both sides of the political divide.

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President Reuven Rivlin called the decision "scandalous" on Twitter and asserted Israel's right and duty to protect its citizens.

"The State of Israel is a strong, Jewish and democratic state, and it knows how to defend itself and also to investigate itself if necessary," the president tweeted. "We are proud of our soldiers, our sons and daughters. We will make sure that they are not harmed as a result of the decision."

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the decision was "the essence of anti-Semitism and hypocrisy." He added that "there is only one answer: to fight for the truth with all our might, all over the world, and to protect our soldiers."

Echoing similar sentiment, the head of the newly created right-wing party New Hope Chairman Gideon Sa'ar accused the ICC of having been "hijacked by sponsors of terror" and vowed to work with Israel's "allies and friends around the world to defend our moral army, and brave soldiers who risk their lives to keep us safe."

The ICC has allowed itself to be hijacked by sponsors of terror. This is a shameful day for the cause of justice. A government led by me will work with our allies and friends around the world to defend our moral army, and brave soldiers who risk their lives to keep us safe.

— Gideon Sa'ar | גדעון סער (@gidonsaar) March 3, 2021

Right-wing party Yamina lambasted the ICC and called it "an anti-Semitic institution that encourages terrorism instead of fighting it."

"The IDF is and will continue to be the most moral army in the world. No fake investigation will prevent Israel from protecting its citizens," the party said in a statement.

Nitzan Horowitz , the chairman of the Left-wing party Meretz, said the settlements and right-wing policies helped to precipitate the move and added that "Israel needs a government that will stop the building of settlements and restart the peace process with the Palestinians."

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It was the second such breakthrough this week by IIBR scientists, who earlier this week said they had successfully isolated a key coronavirus antibody.

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Bennet, on Monday, called the step a "significant breakthrough" toward a possible treatment for SARS-CoV-2, the coronavirus that is the source of the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Rivlin met with the scientists spearheading the development of a series of antibodies that effectively neutralize the violent virus through various mechanisms originating in infected people.

The president also discussed the possibility of building a vaccine production plant in Yeroham in southern Israel and urged Bennett to expedite its construction.

IIBR scientists believe the technological breakthrough could shorten the process of finding a cure, which will span several months, and should provide protection even if the virus mutates. 

In the coming days, the IIBR will file a patent for the antibodies it developed and later publish their work in a scientific journal for peer-based review. 

"Last week we celebrated 72 years of independence, and biological independence is critical for the State of Israel," Rivlin said during his visit. "The entire world is hoping for the day an antibody is found, a vaccine, a cure or treatment that will allow us to save lives. From my conversations with world leaders, it's apparent that when it comes to breakthroughs and innovation, their eyes are on us. 

"The process is complex and lengthy, but any breakthrough you achieve is a significant step toward victory. I'm hopeful that the 'deliverer will come out of Zion' – a delivery that will help us guarantee the health of anyone whose life is in danger, allow us to free grandma and grandpa and the entire at-risk population from this difficult quarantine, and to liberate the entire economy," the president said. 

"This institution is our pride," he told the researchers. "Thank you, you are the glory of the State of Israel."

Bennett said: "This is a great day for Israel. This is another tremendous Israeli breakthrough in less than a week, which will help us cope not only with the current strain of the coronavirus but with possible mutations. I instructed the defense establishment and the IIBR to move ahead at the highest speed to develop a mass cure. We will not spare money or resources and do everything in our power to shorten the time it takes to have a commercial medicine."

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The decision by President Reuven Rivlin capped a stunning turnaround in fortunes of Netanyahu, who just a month ago was fighting for his political survival as he prepared to go on trial for corruption charges. His challenger, Blue and White party leader Benny Gantz, now faces an uphill struggle as he races to salvage a power-sharing deal with Netanyahu.

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Rivlin last month gave Gantz the task of forming a new government after a narrow majority of lawmakers endorsed him as prime minister in the wake of March 2 elections. With his parliamentary majority, Gantz began work on legislation that would have prevented Netanyahu from serving as prime minister in the future.

But in an abrupt about-face, Gantz accepted an invitation from Netanyahu to form a "national emergency" government to confront what was then a burgeoning coronavirus outbreak.

Gantz froze the anti-Netanyahu legislation and accepted the post of parliament speaker as he began talks on a rotation agreement in which both men would serve as prime minister. The turnabout prompted Gantz's main partner – the secular and middle-class Yesh Atid party – to bolt, causing his Blue and White alliance to disintegrate and leaving it at less than half its original strength.

In the meantime, unity talks with Netanyahu stalled, reportedly over issues that have little to do with the pandemic. Israeli media have reported that Netanyahu insisted on pushing ahead with his plans to annex parts of the Israeli-occupied West Bank and demanded more influence over judicial appointments.

Claiming he was close to a deal, Gantz on Saturday asked Rivlin, who is responsible for choosing a prime minister-designate after elections, for a two-week extension.

But on Sunday, Rivlin rejected the request, citing the "current circumstances." He said he was giving both Gantz and Netanyahu until the original deadline, at midnight Monday, to reach a deal, and would consider giving them extra time only if both said they were close to an agreement.

The looming deadline, along with the coronavirus crisis, has placed Netanyahu in a much stronger position.

Citing restrictions on large gatherings due to health concerns, Netanyahu's hand-picked justice minister last month all but shuttered the national court system, delaying the prime minister's corruption trial until May and perhaps longer.

While Gantz now appears desperate for a deal, Netanyahu is riding a wave of popularity thanks to his handling of the coronavirus crisis. Israel has reported upward of 11,000 cases and over 100 deaths but appears to be weathering the crisis better than most countries.

This popularity could give Netanyahu the upper hand in last-minute negotiations with Gantz, or position him well for a future election.

Late Sunday, the two rivals issued a joint statement saying they would not be giving any more media interviews "in an effort to advance negotiations toward forming a national unity government."

If they fail, a new election isn't guaranteed. Rivlin said he would first give the Knesset, or parliament, three weeks to endorse another candidate as prime minister.

Netanyahu is likely to use that time to try to lure members from the other side or to reach a deal with a weakened Blue and White. After recruiting a defector from the opposing camp on Sunday, he has the backing of 59 lawmakers, two short of a majority. Gantz might also try to revive the anti-Netanyahu legislation, although it was unclear if he could do so.

Without a coalition deal, the country could be headed to elections – albeit with a much stronger Netanyahu and a much weaker opposition in place.

Yohanan Plesner, president of the Israel Democracy Institute, said elections are still not a sure thing, but the odds are "dramatically increased."

He said it was possible Netanyahu had tricked Gantz, a former military chief but a political novice, into dismantling the opposition, or perhaps Netanyahu sensed the new circumstances gave him a chance to seek re-election from a position of strength.

"It looks like Netanyahu backed off, or he never intended to go for that deal and it was just a trick in order to erode Gantz's mandate," Plesner said.

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Rivlin on Wednesday evening tapped Netanyahu, giving him 28 days to try to cobble together a governing coalition without a clear path to a majority. But Netanyahu has failed to muster enough votes to swear in a government through a confidence vote, due to the hung parliament that emerged from the Sept. 17 election.

The apparent decision to hand back the mandate means that Rivlin would have to assign someone else to form a government, most likely Blue and White leader Benny Gantz, although he too is unlikely to form a government.

The only path that could produce a governing coalition involves a unity government involving Likud and Blue and White, but the gaps are as wide as ever.

Under a unity deal, Netanyahu and Gantz would serve as prime ministers on a rotating basis. On Friday, the two parties, which received almost the same number of seats in the Sept. 17 election, failed to reach a breakthrough in their negotiations.

If Rivlin taps Gantz to form a government and he too fails to assemble a coalition, this could result in another general election, unless the Knesset selects another MK that could get a confidence vote and gets the president's blessing.

Upon receiving the task to form the next gov't @netanyahu said:
"If I don't succeed, I will return the mandate to you and with the help of G-D and Israel's citizens, and yourself Mr. President, we will establish a broad national unity government down the line." pic.twitter.com/xpmRKR5OIH

— i24NEWS English (@i24NEWS_EN) September 26, 2019

Blue and White accused Likud of refusing to move past its preconditions of heading the coalition with Netanyahu at the helm. Blue and White has long insisted that any unity government would have to result in Netanyahu leaving his job because of his pending indictments. This means that progress is unlikely unless one of the parties makes a dramatic concession.

Rivlin has proposed a unity government that would see equal power divided between the two parties, including a rotational deal that splits the four-year term between the parties' leaders, with Netanyahu keeping the title of prime minister but having no actual authority.

Yet Blue and White in recent days has repeatedly reiterated its position not to be part of a government headed by someone who is facing a possible indictment.

This article was originally published by i24NEWS

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But Netanyahu, facing a looming indictment on corruption allegations he denies, still has no clear path to a fifth term after emerging from the Sept. 17 ballot, the second this year, short of a parliamentary majority for his Likud party and its allies.

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Accepting the mandate from President Reuven Rivlin at a televised ceremony, Netanyahu said his chances of success were only marginally higher than those of Gantz, a former general who heads the Blue and White party.

In his remarks, Netanyahu seemed to envision a scenario in which he and Gantz would be able to take another stab at power-sharing once it became clear there was no way out of the current deadlock, save for a third election that few in Israel wanted.

"If I don't succeed, I will return the mandate to you and with the help of God and Israel's citizens and yourself, Mr. President, we will establish a broad national unity government down the line," he said.

Netanyahu, 69 and Israel's longest-serving leader, will have 28 days to form a coalition and can ask Rivlin for a two-week extension if necessary.

Rivlin, in his remarks, pointedly noted that he was under no obligation to grant his prime minister-designate that two-week extension to establish a governing coalition.

Nor did he commit to turning to Gantz if Netanyahu failed to break the current deadlock. Under Israeli law, Rivlin can assign the coalition-building task to any member of parliament he deems likely to succeed.

With final results announced on Wednesday, Likud has the pledged support of 55 legislators in the 120-member parliament, against 54 for Blue and White. The two parties failed to reach a coalition deal in talks launched on Tuesday.

Former Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman, a possible kingmaker, has been keeping his Yisrael Beytenu party on the fence since the Sept. 17 ballot, citing differences with Likud's ultra-Orthodox religious partners and Blue and White's left-wing allies.

"It became clear that neither Netanyahu nor Gantz had the 61 seats necessary to form a government," Rivlin said at the ceremony.

"Netanyahu's ability to assemble an administration is higher at the moment," the president said.

Rivlin had until next Wednesday to announce his choice, but the Likud-Blue and White unity talks showed no sign of progress.

A deal in which Netanyahu and Gantz would take turns as prime minister was widely mooted.

But in his campaign, Gantz pledged not serve in a government with Netanyahu, citing the Israeli leader's legal troubles.

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