A few weeks earlier, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had delivered his historic address to Congress against the nuclear deal between Barack Obama and Iran. Dermer, the one who stitched that speech together and pushed Netanyahu to give it, looked exhausted. We haven't had a bite since morning, said the aide by his side. So yes, they were hunting for a kosher snack so the ambassador could get a little energy before the next meeting.

What are you doing here? I asked. "Running from one meeting to the next with senators to explain the dangers of the nuclear deal", Dermer replied. "Presumably Republican senators, since the Democrats were with Obama, who was leading the agreement", I said. "No", answered the ambassador. "The Republicans are with us. We're trying to persuade Democrats".

That small incident showed, yet again, the yawning gap between what so many people who don't know Ron Dermer wrote and said about him, or envied him for, and who the man actually is. While Dermer was being smeared in those days as someone supposedly boycotted by the Democratic Party, he was meeting, one after another, with its leadership. As will be told below, Dermer became the only Israeli ambassador ever to host at Israel's embassy in Washington a sitting US president, Obama, and his vice president, Joe Biden, both Democrats.

Ron Dermer was born in Miami Beach, Florida, in 1971. He was blessed with a sharp mind, immense knowledge, an excellent gift for expression, considerable physical strength and a steely character forged under difficult circumstances. His father died two weeks before his bar mitzvah. He lost his first wife not long after they married. It did not break Dermer; it steeled him.

Maybe that is related, maybe it is not. Dermer knows how to listen, but it is hard to the point of impossible to move him from his position. His stubbornness is legendary. In meetings he is more lecturer than interlocutor. That is the man.

His father, Jay Dermer, served as the Democratic mayor of Miami Beach. He, incidentally, defeated Elliott Roosevelt, a war hero and son of the legendary president. Dermer's brother, David, was later elected to the same office. The apples did not fall far from the tree. They also show Ron could have reached the highest positions in American politics or business, but he chose the Land of Israel over the land of gold.

The student who was spotted, and rose up 

One of his university professors, Frank Luntz, recognized his unique talents. "The most gifted student I ever had", he said and invited him to work at his polling firm. Through that professor, a connection was born with Natan Sharansky. In the second half of the 1990s, Dermer immigrated to Israel. He tried to enlist in the Israel Defense Forces, but it did not work out. Aharon Barak, who met Dermer in social settings, was also highly impressed and invited him frequently. At Barak's home, Dermer met his wife, Rhoda.

His relationship with Sharansky produced their joint 2004 book, The Case for Democracy. Then-president George W. Bush read it, was influenced by it and invited them to the White House. Sharansky is also the one who connected Dermer with Netanyahu back in 1999. That first meeting did not go well. Already seasoned in polling analysis, Dermer predicted that Netanyahu would lose the upcoming election. A few weeks later it turned out he was right.

Despite the false start, the ties tightened until Dermer and Netanyahu became almost a single unit. The trust between them is total. Their worldview is the same. They plan moves in detail with an analytical mind and trust each other completely. That does not mean there are no arguments. Quite the opposite: Netanyahu knows that no disagreement with Dermer will ever leak. For his part, Dermer believes with absolute conviction that everything Netanyahu does is aimed at strengthening the Jewish people and their state. That is what interests him.

In 2005, Netanyahu appointed him economic minister at the embassy in Washington, which required Dermer to renounce his American citizenship. I was proud to be an American, he wrote then in an American newspaper. In that role Dermer persuaded US states to pull their investments from Iran. He also helped draft the US-Israel defense assistance agreement.

In 2009, when Netanyahu returned to the Prime Minister's Office, he made Dermer his close adviser and the point man on the US file. Together, from Jerusalem, they faced the pressure from the Obama administration, until in 2013 Netanyahu sent him back to America, this time as Israel's ambassador in Washington. Although he worked there, he flew to Israel countless times for face-to-face consultations with Netanyahu. That transatlantic grind, sometimes once a week or two, while being separated from family and serving as Israel's most important ambassador, would have exhausted most people.

A decade later, Dermer organized Netanyahu's historic 2015 speech against the nuclear deal. When Netanyahu hesitated, Dermer asked him: What is the point of sitting in the chair if you do not accept the invitation? Like his boss, Dermer woke up thinking about Iran and went to sleep the same way. In the short term the speech did some damage among Democrats, since it was seen as a slap at Obama. In the long term, however, it impressed upon the American elite the severity of the Iranian threat and built legitimacy for striking Iran's nuclear facilities a decade later.

Dermer's scramble among senators at that time, which I witnessed with my own eyes, also made it harder for Obama to get the deal through Congress and, in due course, made it easier for President Donald Trump to pull out.

Even if his fight against the nuclear deal remains controversial, Dermer's other achievements are consensus material. The latest Gaza war deal brought hostages home and won broad public support in Israel. Again, this stands in absolute contrast to the lies spread against the departing minister, as if he preferred prolonging the war to returning the hostages.

Contrary to false media reports, Dermer is also the person who persuaded Trump a year ago that the hostages were alive. Around these very days last year, the then president-elect was convinced they had all died and even said so publicly. When Dermer met him at Mar-a-Lago, Trump hunched over, imitating the conditions of captivity, and said, No one can survive like that. Dermer immediately corrected him: according to our intelligence, at least 50 are alive. From that moment, Trump stopped saying the hostages were dead.

The driving force in the Trump administration

From that meeting until June 2025, Dermer was the driving force in harnessing the administration to a strike on Iran's nuclear facilities. In contrast to the Don't we received from Joe Biden about expanding the war, Dermer and Netanyahu convinced Trump that action against Iran would serve US interests. Enthused by the Israeli celebration in Tehran's skies, Trump ultimately delivered the finishing blow by dispatching B-2 bombers.

It is no exaggeration to say that in that act Dermer helped save Israel and the world alike from a clear and present danger. As with his other actions, he achieved this precisely because he is known not to seek personal gain, power, headlines or political advancement. Everyone who knows Dermer knows his motives are pure. Amazingly, despite being glued to Netanyahu for 25 years, he has always kept his distance from politics and the many affairs surrounding the prime minister and his family.

Dermer operates under complete compartmentalization. His spokesman's only job there is one is to keep quiet. That secrecy enabled what is probably his greatest achievement: the Abraham Accords. You know how many people in Israel knew about the accords before they were announced? he likes to ask rhetorically. Three. Had there been more, it would probably have leaked and there would have been no accords.

In those dramatic weeks of summer 2020, as the world battled COVID and Trump fought for his political survival, Dermer and representatives of the United Arab Emirates sat in separate rooms at the White House. Jared Kushner and his team shuttled draft texts between them in a tough negotiation. The result was peace agreements that changed the Middle East.

Those were hardly his first or last secret meetings. It can now be revealed that around these very days last year he met Saudi Arabia's ambassador in Washington, known as Princess Reema, a meeting we exposed in February 2025. Dermer will likely continue to handle the Saudi file despite leaving the government.

Quietly

Back to 2020. Another important move that year was securing the release from US parole restrictions and bringing to Israel Jonathan Pollard. Elements in the US security establishment wanted to keep constraining the Israeli spy so he would not be a free man and would not be able to visit Israel. Dermer, who had just completed almost eight years as ambassador in Washington, worked quietly toward a positive resolution. Disclosure: Pollard came to Israel on the plane of Israel Hayom publisher Sheldon Adelson, of blessed memory.

The headline achievements with the Trump years also included recognition of Israeli sovereignty on the Golan Heights, recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital, moving the US Embassy to the capital and Trump's willingness to recognize Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria, which ultimately was not implemented.

Dermer could persuade Trump and his team to take all those steps thanks both to a worldview similar to that of Republicans and to considerable interpersonal savvy. His first meeting with Trump was in 2014. It was by chance, and at the time no one imagined Trump would even enter American politics.

They met at a Wharton School alumni conference at the University of Pennsylvania. As Israel's ambassador, Dermer told then-businessman Trump that he was the reason he had gone to study at Wharton. He had read Trump's book, The Art of the Deal, and dreamed of becoming a successful businessman like him. Trump remembered the exchange very well. Two years later, after stunning the world by winning the presidency, he phoned Netanyahu and asked him to keep his guy in Washington. The Dermer family, which had been preparing to return to Israel in 2016, unpacked and signed on for four more years in the US capital.

He shoveled snow himself

That sacrifice the lifestyle of endless absences from home and innumerable flights to the US lies behind a line in his resignation letter: I thank my family, and in particular my wife Rhoda, for their willingness to sacrifice so much over the past two decades so that I could serve the one and only Jewish state.

As noted, Dermer knew how to work not only with Trump and his team, but also with Democrats and even their president, Barack Obama. Precisely after the big clash between Obama and Netanyahu over the nuclear deal in 2015, Dermer understood that the president would want to make amends with Israel. A decision by Yad Vashem crossed his desk as ambassador: to award the Righteous Among the Nations medal to an American soldier who was captured by the Nazis in World War II. The soldier, Roddie Edmonds, saved hundreds of Jews who were prisoners with him in the camp and never told of it during his lifetime.

Dermer assessed that Obama would agree to present the medal himself to Edmonds' son. He therefore submitted a personal invitation to Obama's chief of staff, Denis McDonough, to confer the medal at a ceremony at the embassy.

Indeed, a few months later Obama came and spoke. In those days an extreme cold snap threatened to cancel the event. But Dermer, so determined to hold it, came to clear the snow himself, to set an example for embassy employees who were hesitant.

It was the first time a Righteous Among the Nations ceremony was held outside Israel. Aside from Bill Clinton's condolence visit after the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, it was the only time in 77 years of the state that a sitting American president came to the Israeli embassy in Washington.

What else? Dermer signed the largest-ever US security assistance package with Israel, also achieved under the Obama administration. In 2020 he helped bring COVID vaccines to Israel, which, as you will recall, was the first country in the world to roll them out to the public. Along with Amos Hochstein and the Biden administration, Dermer wove the Lebanon war cease-fire arrangement about a year ago, which allows Israel to retain freedom of action in Lebanon.

Over the years, Dermer put his talents to work explaining Israel's case to the world, including to the toughest interviewers. On the other hand, in the only interview he ever gave the Hebrew media, he explained why he cut himself off from it.

In one of our series of meetings, he told me: "In 2009, a journalist at a major outlet published a report claiming that Netanyahu had cursed, in a closed conversation, advisers to President Obama. I had known Netanyahu long enough to know he does not use that kind of language and would never say the phrase the reporter attributed to him. It did not bother the reporter, who claimed the comments had created a diplomatic crisis. I called him and said: You are attacking us over a crisis between the countries when you are the one who created the crisis, because the comments were never said. You did not even bother to ask for a response. He yelled that he was a free journalist. I found myself spending hours dealing with nonsense that had been written or said. In the end I asked myself whether that investment was helping me advance Israel's interests, and I realized it was not. So I preferred to do the work quietly."

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Other responsibilities under his portfolio will be divided between the National Security Council and Israel's ambassador to Washington, Yechiel Leiter. In particular, Leiter is expected to become the main point of contact between Jerusalem and Washington.

Full letter

"On the day I was sworn in as a minister, I promised my family that I would serve only two years. With their blessing, I extended my tenure twice: first, to work with you in removing the existential threat posed by Iran's military nuclear capabilities, and second, to bring the war in Gaza to an end on terms set by Israel, and to bring our hostages home.

"Now, as I conclude my service as minister for strategic affairs, I want to thank you for the opportunity to serve at your side over the past three years and for the trust you placed in me to handle some of the most consequential issues facing the State of Israel at this fateful time.

"This government will be remembered both for the October 7 attack and for its management of the ensuing two-year, seven-front war. October 7 was indeed the darkest day the Jewish people have known since the founding of the State of Israel. Yet the story of our ancient nation has never been defined by our darkest days, of which there have been many, but by our ability to persevere and overcome the darkness.

"That is the story of Israel since October 7. We rejected moral confusion and fear, and we faced our enemies with clarity and courage. Two years on, we have dealt a decisive blow to Iran's terror axis and now stand in a position of strength that can usher in a new era of security, prosperity, and peace. This was made possible by the courage of our soldiers, the determination of our people, and your unique leadership.

"Over the past three years, your experienced and steadfast leadership has been indispensable. Despite immense pressure both at home and abroad, you wisely navigated Israel through the war. You stood firm in defending the vital interests of the State of Israel when necessary and showed flexibility when those same interests required it. When the truth is revealed and the facts are fully known, I am confident that appreciation for your leadership will only grow.

"I thank my colleagues in the political and security echelons, past and present, who sat with me at the cabinet table throughout this long war. In the decades ahead, when the transcripts of our extensive and deep discussions are published, and when the political battles and media spin have faded, the people of Israel will know that in their darkest hour, they had worthy leaders focused on securing Israel's future.

"But even the most capable leadership depends on brave soldiers willing to fight for the defense of the homeland. I will forever be grateful to the many heroes who were wounded or gave their lives in this war, and I bow my head before the bereaved families.

"I thank the small but talented team at the Strategic Affairs Ministry, who showed great dedication and helped me carry out my duties successfully. I thank my family, especially my wife Rhoda, for the many sacrifices they have made over the past two decades, and even more so in the past three years, to allow me to serve the one and only Jewish state.

"Above all, I thank the Almighty. A hundred generations of Jews dreamed of living in an era when the Jewish people would have a sovereign state. Four generations have been blessed to see that dream realized. With that blessing comes a sacred responsibility: to safeguard the dream for generations to come. I feel deeply privileged to have served the State of Israel and to have dedicated myself to that noble responsibility.

"I do not know what the future holds, but one thing I know for certain: in whatever I do, I will continue to play my part in securing the future of the Jewish people. As I complete my service in government, my faith in that future could not be stronger. Many of the enemies who rejoiced at the atrocities of October 7 and vowed to extinguish the flame of the Jewish people have been destroyed, while the light of Israel shines brightly across the region and the world. I have no doubt that the eternal light of our people will continue to burn for generations to come."

As first reported by Israel Hayom, Dermer had decided months ago to retire from political life, according to senior government sources. Reports indicate that he reached his decision to leave the government even before the upcoming elections.

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Netanyahu was testifying Tuesday morning in his trial at the Tel Aviv District Court, and the meeting was expected to occur after the testimony concluded. The prime minister was expected to meet with senior security officials to address Hamas' repeated violations of the ceasefire agreement.

Hamas has yet to return 13 deceased hostages still in its possession. Monday evening, Hamas transferred to the Red Cross, and from there to Israel, the coffin of someone the terror organization claimed was one of the 13 deceased hostages still held.

At the Institute of Forensic Medicine, officials could not identify the deceased, as DNA tests did not match any of those remaining in captivity in Gaza. In light of the developments, Netanyahu was expected to convene a security consultation later Tuesday to discuss how to respond to Hamas' actions.

According to Israeli assessments, Hamas could immediately transfer five deceased hostages to Israeli territory, with several additional deceased hostages recoverable with some effort.

All options under consideration

In recent days, Israel has been examining a series of punitive measures against Hamas for the delay and the delivery of a body that is not one of the 13 hostages, following President Donald Trump's ultimatum to Hamas.

Some of the sanctions include moving the "yellow line" westward – expanding the area of Israeli control, renewed entry to the Netzarim Corridor to restrict Palestinian movement, reducing aid convoys and limiting product entry, and continued closure of the Rafah Crossing.

The measures are being coordinated with the US, which has not ruled out the moves but requested additional time before they are implemented. In talks between Minister Ron Dermer and US envoys Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff, Dermer warned against erosion of the American threat's impact after Hamas violated President Trump's ultimatum.

"Don't let Hamas play cruelly with families of the deceased"

Minister of Finance Bezalel Smotrich, who also serves on the Diplomatic-Security Cabinet, sent an urgent letter to Netanyahu calling for convening the cabinet to discuss response measures.

Smotrich wrote, "Against the backdrop of Hamas' repeated violations of the ceasefire conditions and the first stage of President Trump's plan and against the backdrop of the lack of progress in dismantling and demilitarizing Gaza, I ask you to urgently convene the cabinet today for discussion to formulate a package of strong and determined responses and to ensure our adherence to the central war objective of destroying Hamas and removing the threat emanating from Gaza toward Israeli citizens."

"We cannot allow Hamas to deceive Israeli citizens and play with cruel cynicism with the emotions of the families of the deceased hostages."

National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir said, "The fact that Hamas continues playing games and has not immediately transferred all the bodies of our deceased – this alone shows that the terror organization is still standing on its feet. The time has come to break those legs once and for all."

"Now we don't need to exact a price from Hamas for the violations. We need to exact from it its very existence, and destroy it completely, once and for all – according to the central objective defined for Operation Rising Lion. Mr. Prime Minister, enough hesitating – give the order!"

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As first reported by Israel Hayom, Dermer is planning to leave political life in the coming months. According to senior government sources, he made the decision even before the last election but did not specify a timeline. These officials say that after the goal of neutralizing the Iranian nuclear threat was achieved, he began to consider his departure and even spoke about it openly.

Over the years, Dermer served Netanyahu in several key positions: political adviser specializing in polling analysis, economic envoy in Washington when Netanyahu was finance minister, diplomatic adviser in the Prime Minister's Office from 2009 to 2012, Israel's ambassador to the US from 2013 to 2020 under Presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump, and most recently, as Strategic Affairs Minister, effectively managing US-Israel relations since 2023.

A close confidant of Netanyahu, Dermer has never run in the Likud primaries. He was appointed to his ministerial role and as de facto liaison to the US as part of Netanyahu's allocation of reserved positions. As minister, he is a member of the cabinet and regularly participates in the inner Diplomatic-Security Cabinet that makes strategic decisions on the continuation of the war.

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President Trump understood that the Israeli public desires two outcomes: the release of the hostages and a victory over Hamas. This is precisely what is offered by the plan developed by his son-in-law Jared Kushner and his friend Special Envoy for the Middle East Steve Witkoff, who crafted it in full cooperation with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Ron Dermer. However, President Trump did not merely release a plan and hope it would succeed on its own; he is also providing close accompaniment to its hoped-for execution, preventing the parties – primarily Hamas, but also Israel – from evading their responsibilities.

Let's start with Israel: The depiction that Trump imposed any action on  Netanyahu is ludicrous. Trump spoke by telephone with the prime minister and coordinated these matters with him. Given the current circumstances, his plan is, after all, advantageous for Israel, and Netanyahu seeks its implementation. Suspending offensive operations in Gaza to allow the plan to begin taking concrete form on the ground aligns perfectly with Israel's core interests.

IDF did not cease fire

By assuming the new posture, Israel secures support, once again transferring the responsibility to Hamas' court, while the action itself does not involve a heavy security price. The IDF did not, in fact, cease fire in the Strip; it only halted offensive operations. That is, no new territories were seized in Gaza City, but existing holdings remain secured in our control. Our soldiers continue to maintain a presence in the Netzarim Corridor and prevent Gazans from traveling north. Consequently, there were dozens of fatalities in Gaza after the Israeli announcement, made at President Donald Trump's request, of "halting offensive operations." In other words, the perception that Israel prematurely abandoned the war effort is simply inaccurate.

Hamas continues to sweat

Hamas, conversely, continues to face intense pressure. Its sponsors in Qatar, Turkey, Egypt, and even Russia anticipate it will agree to the deal. Naturally,  Trump is publicly demanding this from the organization for all the world to witness. If the organization attempts to stall, the entire world, led by Trump, will hold it responsible for derailing the agreement. Let this not be misinterpreted. Israel does not desire such an outcome and is not engaging in "blame games," but genuinely hopes the agreement materializes. Nevertheless, should the framework indeed collapse, it is beneficial that Trump remains squarely on our side.

Therefore, for all these reasons, Netanyahu acted properly when he granted request to halt attacks in Gaza. The bottom line is that success was and remains dependent on implementation. The US is urging the mediators to achieve the release of hostages in the very near future, even before the full details of the deal are finalized. Israel fulfilled its role to enable the agreement to go into effect. It is also preparing for the possibility that Hamas will attempt to lie, deceive, cheat, and waste time. And what is most critical, President Donald Trump has made it explicit that he will not permit such maneuvers. Because he, as he stated, "always was on Israel's side."

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According to one source, the objective of the move is psychological warfare. A senior officer told the newspaper, "This is a crazy idea. Nobody understands what the military benefit is here." The military, when asked to comment, referred Haaretz to the Prime Minister's Office for a response.

The unusual request was received overnight from the Prime Minister's Office. The IDF has not confirmed the details and directs inquiries for response to Netanyahu's office.

Netanyahu is expected to deliver remarks at the UN Friday. His speech is expected to include "creative" elements, and Netanyahu can be assessed to try to provide a "show." However, the prime minister is not expected to announce Israel's practical response measures over the recent sweeping movement to recognize "Palestine" by some 150 UN member states.

The prime minister plans to take concrete steps, but will not do so before meeting with President Donald Trump on Monday. Another fundamental component, which Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer has emphasizes repeatedly, is that Israel cannot be the one publishing policy plans because whenever an initiative is labeled "Israeli," it is dead on arrival on the Arab street.

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The change in Saudi Arabia's position has several causes, but the final trigger appears to have been Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer's call with the crown prince's office, which took place a few weeks ago after the collapse of the Doha talks, according to American and Arab diplomatic sources.

The discussion touched on Iran following the 12-day war, Israeli-Syrian contacts, and the situation in Lebanon, but its focus was Gaza. Riyadh asked what Israel's strategy was for ending the war and for the day after.

Dermer stressed that Israel was determined to defeat Hamas and ensure it could never reemerge. He dismissed proposals to discuss who would govern Gaza after the war, saying Israel opposed any role for the Palestinian Authority.

That stance was not new, but in this context, when conveyed to the most powerful Arab leader in the region, it carried extra weight. Sources said Mohammed bin Salman understood the message: Israel was not prepared for any political process with the Palestinian Authority, whether symbolic gestures toward negotiations or concrete moves toward a Palestinian state, even one demilitarized.

Sources stressed that the crown prince reiterated conditions set out in the Arab League plan and Saudi recognition initiative: demilitarization, de-radicalization and more. But the conclusion in Riyadh was that Israel was not ready to move in that direction, perhaps not even after the war.

The result has been a suspension of the Saudi proposal, which enjoys wide Arab backing, and a freeze on normalization with Israel. Dermer, who had been deeply involved in contacts with Riyadh before the war, when the two countries were already drafting joint public statements announcing normalization, has now seen those efforts stall.

An Arab diplomat told Israel Hayom that Saudi Arabia is now excluding Israel from its vision for the region's future, which it is advancing with Washington. Ahead of President Donald Trump's May visit to the region, Riyadh had prepared to announce a new framework with Arab states and the Palestinian Authority, later joined by France. All these initiatives, the source said, are now on hold due to what he called Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's capitulation to extremists in his government.

Dermer's outlook was further clarified in a podcast with Donny Deutsch, in which he said that after October 7 he realized Hamas, not only Iran, posed an existential threat to Israel, and must be decisively defeated to restore deterrence. Sources said this matched the message he conveyed to the crown prince.

In an interview with journalist Mohammad Majadle on Nas Radio in Nazareth, retired Saudi Gen. Abdullah al-Qahtani said: "Peace with Israel is off the table because Netanyahu and his government do not want peace. We presented Israel with an offer of recognition, security and reconciliation, but this extremist government is not interested in peace." He emphasized that normalization would not occur unless an independent Palestinian state was recognized.

Al-Qahtani also criticized Qatar, saying that hosting Hamas was a mistake and that Egypt should be the sole mediator between Israel, Hamas and other Palestinian factions. His remarks reflected Riyadh's dual stance toward Qatar: public criticism but also some satisfaction at its difficulties as host and backer of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Arab diplomatic sources said Israel's stance could yet shift after the war, given the Trump administration's strong interest in a regional "mega-deal," including Gaza's reconstruction and its transformation into a tourism hub. They noted that a more flexible Israeli approach could ease the push for international recognition of a Palestinian state. "A demilitarized Palestinian entity undergoing deep de-radicalization poses less of a threat to Israel than today's situation with no political horizon," one source said.

Israel is in fact engaged in practical discussions about "the day after." Dermer himself met with senior US officials in Washington two weeks ago. Arab states, chiefly Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt, are also involved.

For now, Saudi Arabia and the UAE agree with Israel that the Palestinian Authority should not be part of Gaza's future governing structure. All four countries also agree on the need for Palestinian de-radicalization. Israel Hayom recently revealed a plan already being implemented in humanitarian zones in southern Gaza, involving international organizations and Arab states. Under the plan, Saudi Arabia is responsible for school curricula and the UAE for introducing content on tolerance and coexistence.

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During the cabinet meeting, the plans for conquering Gaza City were shown to the ministers, and according to sources present, modifications were made based on demands raised in prior meetings. The cabinet did not deliberate on a hostage return agreement Sunday since no progress has been made toward one, while preparations for the military operation in the field are being finalized. Nevertheless, ministers sensed that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has conclusively decided to move away from the framework for a partial deal, echoing the demand made by Minister Bezalel Smotrich several weeks ago.

A conciliatory atmosphere was present in the cabinet on Sunday, and even Chief of Staff Eyald Zamir earned praise after emphasizing that the forces would execute the directives of the political leadership with excellence, even if they held different opinions.

The plans were presented over the course of the discussion, and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, together with other ministers, pushed for implementing an effective siege after giving the population an opportunity to leave. He also called for a concentrated effort on the civilian outcome, which would involve distributing food only under Israeli supervision and, as the war progresses, moving toward annexation to demonstrate the price of Hamas's error and defeat when it launched the October 7 massacre.

According to sources knowledgeable on the subject, discussions for a deal are constantly underway to find a formula that will lead to the hostages' return, and these talks might continue even under fire from the new operation to conquer Gaza City. The elimination of the Hamas spokesman, which was accomplished over the weekend, also inspires hope that the terror group will eventually become more flexible.

At the government meeting, Netanyahu spoke about the imminent operation in Gaza, saying "This operation reflects our commitment to bringing back all our hostages. I remind you that we have so far returned 207, including 148 living hostages. We will bring them all back – both the living and the deceased. The cabinet has made its decision on the matter – the defeat of Hamas and the release of all our hostages, through a great effort, and the IDF has already started to implement this decision. I wish to express my appreciation for the reserve and regular soldiers who are preparing for the mission of liberation and victory."

The cabinet ministers were also asked to state their views on the sovereignty plan being developed. As will be revealed by Israel Hayom for the first time, contrary to the hopes being nurtured by ministers in the government, the plan promoted by Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer with senior US administration officials proposes only partial sovereignty over the Jordan Valley region.

It is a plan based on a wide consensus in Israel and, as Dermer hopes, a bipartisan one in the US, in contrast to applying full sovereignty over most of the territory in Judea and Samaria. A senior government official who is familiar with the plan Dermer is promoting told Israel Hayom on Sunday that "Netanyahu is advancing a partial sovereignty move and will take heat for it from the Europeans as if he applied it to the entire area, when he could get full recognition from Trump."

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It's a shame Israelis aren't hearing what senior Hamas officials have been saying in recent days. They might be more encouraged, even argue a little less. The terrorist organization is in total hysteria over Israel's threats to enter Gaza. The euphoria of the "Al-Aqsa Flood" has evaporated, as has the impact of their starvation campaign. They are no longer describing October 7 as a victory that brought enormous achievements and returned the Palestinian issue to the center of global attention. This week, Canada and Belgium backed away from recognizing a Palestinian state, while the US made it clear again, through US envoy Steve Witkoff, that Hamas must abandon Gaza quickly.

Inside Hamas, the prospect of Israel entering Gaza City is already being called "the final battle." From their perspective, every country has deserted them except Yemen. Iran has stopped supporting them, and even the Qatari money that so riles Israel is, in their eyes, proof that Doha too has abandoned them.

This explains their lowering of demands and willingness to consider a partial deal. They fear that an Israeli entry into Gaza City could mean Hamas' ultimate defeat. But total surrender and returning all the hostages is not on the table, since that would be the final nail in the coffin of Yahya Sinwar's vision. After all, he ordered the October 7 attack to halt normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia. An Israeli victory in Gaza could push not only Riyadh but also Syria, Lebanon and other countries toward normalization with Israel.

Prime Minister Netanyahu, however, is refusing a partial deal. That raises two intertwined questions: First, is it better to brandish the threat of entering Gaza rather than actually doing it? Perhaps the threat of conquest is more effective than the slow, costly reality with its heavy toll in lives and international legitimacy. Second, could this all be an Israeli deception tactic? Maybe it's a way to extract more concessions from Hamas. What if the organization agrees to release more hostages in a partial deal?

Hints keep surfacing that between the extremes of a partial or full deal lies a whole spectrum. What exactly did President Donald Trump mean when he predicted the war would end "within two or three weeks"? Is that tied to contacts with Gulf states? What role is Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer playing along the Jerusalem–Abu Dhabi axis, and is it connected to the mysterious reports of optimism about the war ending soon with an "out-of-the-box" solution? The mood recalls, in a different way, the weeks leading up to the Abraham Accords, as if something big is brewing in the Gulf. The only question is whether it will be ready before the tanks roll into Palestine Square.

Four against one

Ron Dermer already has a retirement date marked on his calendar: January 1, 2026, four months from now. The most important minister in the government has had enough of his post, and his family has had enough of neighbors' protests and bullhorns. They haven't forgotten the man who once arrived with a knife and was stopped only at the gate.

Cabinet Secretary Tzachi Braverman is already packing his bags for London, where he will serve as ambassador, enjoying the city but dealing with the new Labour government. National Security Adviser Tzachi Hanegbi is also on his way out. After battling a serious illness, and following three years in the role including overseeing a successful strike in Iran, he will soon step down. The expectation in Netanyahu's office is that, like Trump during his term, the prime minister will parachute in a candidate with a strong military background and high public profile, preferably from Channel 14 or the like.

Adviser Jonatan Urich wants to return, but the police are blocking him, at least until the eve of Rosh Hashanah.

Not every round of personnel changes counts as "the disintegration of the Prime Minister's Office." But this cluster is unusual in three ways: its scope, its timing, and the lack of replacements lined up. Over the past decade, senior appointments in the prime minister's office have almost always come with a "voucher" for a stint in the Russian Compound police station in Jerusalem. Nearly every senior aide has been arrested, questioned or put on trial. Under those conditions, who would want to come in now, especially during an election period defined by stagnation and lack of direction?

Almost all of Netanyahu's consultations during the 23 months of war have been with these four. Who will he turn to now? Of all the departures, Dermer's is by far the most consequential. He holds all the most critical security portfolios: Iran, Syria, Gaza, and the hostages. By January 1 he is supposed to complete two key tasks he vowed not to leave unfinished: ending the war and expanding the Abraham Accords.

Not long ago he promised that by April 2026, the war would be behind us and multiple new peace agreements would already be signed. Of course, there is another possibility: that he will once again extend his "reserve duty" in Netanyahu's office.

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Political sources told Israel Hayom Dermer has not yet made a final decision on the timing of his departure and may remain in office for several short-term diplomatic initiatives before stepping down. His resignation may also take place sooner.

Dermer, a close ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, never ran in the Likud primaries and was appointed strategic affairs minister and de facto liaison to the US through Netanyahu's personal selection. He also serves as a member of the Diplomatic-Security Cabinet and is a regular participant in its smaller forum that makes strategic decisions on the continuation of the war.

A former Israeli ambassador to the US, Dermer was one of Netanyahu's senior envoys in laying the groundwork for the Abraham Accords and in recent years focused on countering the Iranian nuclear program. In February, Netanyahu also tasked him with leading the team negotiating the return of the hostages.

Because of that latest role, Dermer has become a more public figure and was often the target of direct criticism whenever a deal to free the hostages failed to materialize, even when the sole obstacle was Hamas' refusal. His upcoming resignation may also reflect the difficulty of handling this part of his role, along with the expectation of early elections after the summer recess and the dissolution of the Knesset.

Nonetheless, over the years Dermer has mainly served as Netanyahu's adviser, a position he may continue to hold even after leaving the government.

Known for avoiding the media spotlight despite holding such a senior position, Dermer has become one of the government's most influential figures, managing the war effort, the hostage negotiations, and direct ties with the White House.

Throughout the current war, Dermer has been Netanyahu's closest confidant, with a level of access and influence unmatched by any other minister or adviser. His positions often provide insight into Netanyahu's own thinking.

In rare recent interviews with US media, Dermer made clear how he envisions ending the war: without the Palestinian Authority in Gaza and without Hamas as a governing or armed force.

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