The gathering seeks to forge bridges of connection and trust linking Israel with Diaspora Jewry, businesses with the US administration, and classical Zionism with the emerging landscape of technology, economics, and global communications. The summit will spotlight the period's central questions – how to build the day after the war, what role the American Jewry plays in shaping Israel's future, and how to preserve mutual responsibility and shared values connecting the Jewish people across the ocean.

The summit comes at a dramatic moment. Israel has been recovering from its longest war in history, while the American Jewish community confronts a rising wave of antisemitism and a New York mayoral election where an anti-Israel candidate leads in polls. Against this backdrop, New York – home to the world's largest Jewish community outside Israel – will transform for one day into an extraordinary gathering place for leaders, entrepreneurs, intellectuals, and diplomats.

Among the many prominent figures participating in the New York summit are Israel's UN Ambassador Danny Danon, former Ambassador David Friedman, former Ambassador Gilad Erdan, Israel's Ambassador to the US Rabbi Dr. Yechiel Leiter, the parents of fallen hostage Omer Neutra, the parents of returned hostage Edan Alexander, Senator John Fetterman, philanthropist Sylvan Adams, Strauss Group Chairwoman Ofra Strauss, businessman and entrepreneur Adam Neumann, Rashi Foundation Chairmain Shaul Shani, philanthropist and businessman Michael Eisenberg, HaShomer HaChadash CEO Yoel Zilberman, Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli, Heritage Minister Amichai Eliyahu, Masa Israel Journey CEO Meir Holtz, Rabbi Ari Berman, Elan Carr, and additional senior guests from the worlds of policy, academia, high-tech, and the Jewish community.

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The US president is in no way harming Israel. From his perspective, he sometimes saves it from itself. This occurred when he demanded halting the Israeli Air Force planes that were already over Iranian territory at the end of Operation Rising Lion; when he told Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that the Gaza war had run its course and pressured him to adopt the plan to end it; and when he demanded reversing Netanyahu's decision on cutting aid supplies to the Gaza Strip two days ago.

As of now, it appears that in all three instances he was correct, and indeed a responsible adult was needed to prevent us from acting against our own interests. Because indeed the war against Iran should have concluded on day 12, and it was correct to adopt the 20-point plan. Regarding eliminating Hamas in Gaza – the IDF was given two years to accomplish this, and particularly in the Rafah area the damage to the organization was the most severe. Nevertheless, Hamas fighters emerged from the tunnels there. In other words, before we make the ceasefire collapse we must formulate an orderly plan for how to achieve the war objectives that have not yet been reached.

In the grand scheme of things, Trump was and remains the most pro-Israel president ever, by a tremendous margin from all his predecessors. Therefore, even if here and there he makes things difficult for us, the matters must be put in their proper prespective.

We must also remember that he is not the first. All US presidents from time immemorial have demanded that Israel stop, restrain or reduce various military moves that we needed. Moreover, compared to his predecessors Trump has even expected Israel to be significantly more aggressive than it was. This happened with the famous sentence "the gates of hell will open on Gaza." And of course, in his first ten months in office, that same Trump opened the warehouses and gave the IDF all possible armaments.

So even if he is mistaken, it is permitted and proper to respect his request. And let us tell the truth – apparently there is also no other choice. Against the Democratic presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden, Netanyahu could fight because he received tailwind from their Republican rivals. On the other hand, when the MAGA president gives us a red card, we have no counterweight to hold onto. The reason for this is the severe damage to Israel's image in the US.

Our legitimacy oxygen has run out. In the situation that has been created, Israel and Netanyahu have no room for maneuver because we have been pushed into an PR corner. Extricating ourselves from it is therefore an urgent and critical mission. Because if we have a problem with Trump, how much more so will there be one with his successors, certainly if they come from the Democratic side but even if they arrive from the Republican camp.

Large and enormous forces from both left and right wings in the American discourse are working to weaken the alliance between the US and Israel. Unfortunately, they are playing against an empty goal.

From the prime minister down – everyone understands that a campaign for the gloal public opinion is required from Israel and the Jewish people. After all, our enemies in the world will only go and intensify their incitement against us, which will exacerbate the international legitimacy problem and further narrow the political room for maneuver. This, and not Trump's local "Don't," should therefore be Israel's central concern. If we do not open a campaign for consciousness now, in three years we will miss Trump's hugs.

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When Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer returned from his first meeting with the newly elected President Trump, his message to Netanyahu was concise: "We are on the same page." In Hebrew, this meant Trump fully aligned with Israel's perspective. The hostages must be freed, Hamas must be removed from Gaza, and Israel must have freedom of action to ensure its security against Lebanon. Ammunition would be supplied, sanctions on Israeli citizens would be lifted, and the fight against antisemitism in America would be uncompromising. Most critically, Iran would not be allowed to possess nuclear weapons – period.

This alignment was not a given. During the 2024 campaign, unlike in 2016, Trump maintained rhetorical distance from Israel for various reasons. Thus, there was no guarantee that upon returning to the White House in January 2025, he would act as he did in 2017. Yet, he did exactly that. With few words and a long chain of actions, Trump fulfilled every commitment – from declaring that he wants to turn Gaza into a "Riviera" to vetoing anti-Israel resolutions at the UN and more and more.

Did not surrender to isolationists 

Critics who misunderstood Trump's moves claimed isolationist forces had taken over his administration or that he had changed his stance. Nothing could be further from the truth. Trump briefly disappointed Netanyahu by extending negotiations with Iran a few weeks longer than he had expected. Additionally, an early misstep by Special Envoy for the Middle East Steve Witkoff, who agreed to Iran enriching uranium at 3%, sparked concern. Dermer and Mossad chief David Barnea swiftly put out the fire – literally by flying – to correct this.

These were exceptions. Trump and Netanyahu spoke countless times in recent weeks, nearly daily since Israel launched Operation Rising Lion. Their coordination was seamless, with Trump fully supporting Israel's deception tactics in the days leading up to its strike on Iran. Similarly, Israel feigned ignorance about the timing of US B2 stealth bomber strikes on the Fordow nuclear facility. Both sides knew the plans, yet no secrets leaked – a testament to their perfect alignment. Trump honored all his promises, including those regarding Iran. As German Chancellor Friedrich Merz noted, Trump acted only after Israel "did the dirty work."

Israel's success helped Trump

The IDF's remarkable success spared Trump much deliberation. Still, his decision to strike Iran's nuclear program stemmed from his long-standing recognition of its danger. As early as 2011, well before entering politics, Trump warned about Iran's nuclear threat. From 2015 onward, as a candidate and later president, he reiterated this stance repeatedly. This conviction led him to withdraw from Barack Obama's flawed nuclear deal in 2018 and, more recently, to demand Iran cease all uranium enrichment – by agreement or by force.

Netanyahu, with masterful management, avoided pressuring Trump into action or giving the impression that Israel was dragging America into war. He undoubtedly discussed Iran's dangers, the historic opportunity created by the collapse of Iran's regional axis, the favorable conditions following Israel's recent actions, and the US Air Force's military advantages over Israel's.

Video: Netanyahu's video message in English / Credit: PMO

His lifelong advocacy against Iran profoundly shaped US perceptions. It can be assumed that not only masses of ordinary Americans, but also many decision-makers internalized Netanyahu's repeated warnings about the Iranian danger. As the only non-American leader to address a joint meeting of Congress four times, Netanyahu had consistently highlighted Iran's threat in each of these appearances, just like he did in various other platforms.

Ultimately, the decision was Trump's alone. He acted at the right moment to protect America, its Middle Eastern allies, the Jewish people, and Israel. Learning from history, Trump avoided Franklin Roosevelt's grave error 90 years ago, when isolationist pressures prevented an early confrontation with the Nazis despite their global threat. By acting decisively, Trump preempted catastrophe and did a great service to humanity. One can only hope humanity will recognize his contribution.

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This analogy underscored Washington's bond with London – an alliance grounded not only in mutual interests but in a shared commitment to core values. The US, along with large segments of its public, viewed Israel as a vivid embodiment of the American principles of freedom, self-determination, and self-governance.

Over the past sixty years, this partnership has weathered numerous challenges, yet its foundation has held firm against crises that never undermined its core. American administrations have consistently avoided actions that could inflame tensions, given the broad support for these "special relations" within the US public and political system.

For example, in 1975, President Gerald Ford's effort to "reassess" ties to pressure Israel into a Sinai withdrawal faltered amid fierce domestic backlash. Likewise, President Jimmy Carter's attempt to broker an Israeli-Palestinian deal with Soviet coordination was dropped within days.

Historically, events seen as eroding the alliance's value-driven roots have yielded adverse outcomes for Israel. Notable cases include President George H.W. Bush's 1992 call to halt construction in Judea and Samaria as a condition for loan guarantees to support Soviet immigration absorption, and the 2015 Iran nuclear agreement, despite widespread opposition – culminating in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's speech to Congress.

In contrast to past crises, President Donald Trump clearly supports Israel, its historical legacy, and its role in countering terrorism and the "axis of evil." This support was evident during his first term and continues, to some degree, in his current tenure.

Yet Trump's recent Middle East policies challenge the other pillar of the special relationship – shared interests. Prioritizing American national interests, he has sidelined the US-Israel bond. Unlike his first term, where these pillars aligned, today's dynamics reveal a stark divergence.

Once seen as erratic, Trump now demonstrates a refined approach to foreign policy and security. The 47th president pursues his diplomatic vision with resolve, using diplomacy and soft power to reshape the Middle East under American dominance, forging shared interests with regional partners.

His goal of stable alliances to expand the Abraham Accords and mitigate conflict with Iran has spurred massive Gulf state deals. The equation is straightforward – advanced weaponry and technology, including a nuclear reactor for Saudi Arabia, in return for significant investments in the US economy.

Israel's integration into a regional alliance and normalization with Saudi Arabia were intended as the centerpiece of Trump's strategy. Saudi endorsement would have bolstered the partnership and integrated Israel into the Islamic world. However, Netanyahu opted to bypass this prospect, diverging from Israel's traditional policy of exploring every diplomatic avenue.

In response, Trump unveiled an alternative plan excluding Israel. Arms deliveries persist, but he has shifted to a strategy of isolation and distance. Houthi strikes were stopped without Israel's input, leaving it to face ongoing missile attacks from Yemen. Iran nuclear talks were initiated without notifying Netanyahu. Dialogue with Hamas started without Israel's knowledge. The new Damascus regime gained rapid recognition and relaxed sanctions. Trump's recent itinerary included Qatar but omitted Jerusalem – a grim picture of a partnership on a collision course.

Video: Trump arrives in Qatar on May 14, 2025 / Credit: Reuters

The Iranian issue underscores Israel's acute dilemma. Despite the IAEA's report that Iran is a nuclear threshold state, US diplomacy remains unchanged. For Netanyahu, with Iran's threat looming large, this is unacceptable. The window for striking Iran's nuclear sites, briefly opened during the Biden-Trump transition, appears to have closed with Trump's return to office.

An independent Israeli operation amid these talks would jeopardize Trump's vision of a restructured Middle East under US leadership. Such a move, nearly impossible without American backing, risks shattering the remaining ideological and strategic ties between Washington and Jerusalem.

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While such statements might simply be emotional venting, they clearly indicate shifting attitudes in Washington. Trump has generously replenished Israel's weapons stockpiles and has refrained from voicing any criticism against Israel until now. However, his patience appears to be running out. Consequently, if Israel intends to accomplish its military objectives and emerge victorious from the conflict, it must act swiftly and adjust its approach accordingly.

A senior American official explained to Israel Hayom, "This administration remains supportive, but we're not dealing with the same personnel as during the first term. Israel needs to recognize this reality." When contacted, the office of former prime minister responded, "We have no knowledge of any such approach."

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Former President Donald Trump delivered a blistering critique of the Biden administration's Middle East policies during his address at the Republican Jewish Coalition's annual conference in Las Vegas. Trump asserted that the October 7 Hamas attack would not have occurred under his leadership and promised unwavering support for Israel if re-elected, while warning that a Kamala Harris presidency would pose a significant threat to Israel's interests.

Matt Brooks, CEO of the Republican Jewish Coalition, highlighted the significance of Trump's appearance: "As we approach the one-year anniversary of the horrific October 7 Hamas terrorist attacks in Israel, and only days after the brutal murder of 6 innocent hostages who had been held captive in Gaza, President Donald J. Trump will speak not only to the RJC's leadership gathered in Las Vegas this week but to the entire American Jewish community."

Brooks emphasized the political stakes, adding, "This is a critical moment for the Jewish community and for Israel, and the policy contrast between Donald Trump and Kamala Harris could not be clearer in this election."

Trump's entrance was met with thunderous applause from the audience. He began by addressing the recent hostage killings, saying, "After being held captive for nearly a year following the monstrous October 7 attack on Israel, Hersh was barbarically executed with a bullet to the back of his head. And as for the evil savages responsible for these murders, may they never know peace."

Trump boldly claimed, "The October 7 attack on Israel would never have happened if I was president. Zero chance. It was not going to happen just like the disaster in Afghanistan would never have happened. And frankly, the invasion of Ukraine by Russia would not have happened. This November, we're going to replace weakness with strength, cowardice with courage and clarity, and war with peace. We're going to tell comrade Kamala Harris, you're fired."

He warned of dire consequences if the Harris wins prevails: "If Kamala Harris wins, terrorist armies will wage an unceasing war to drive Jews out of the Holy Land, and you know it... Kamala Harris will support unlimited migration from terrorist hotbeds into the United States and will totally abandon Israel... Israel will no longer exist."

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The United States has provided $6.5 billion in security assistance to Israel since the outbreak of the war against the Hamas terror organization on Oct. 7, according to a senior Biden administration official. This previously undisclosed figure was revealed following talks with Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and his delegation to Washington this week, The Washington Post reported Thursday. 

The substantial aid package, which includes nearly $3 billion approved in May, comes amid recent tensions between the two allies over the pace of arms transfers.

"This is a massive, massive undertaking," the senior official stated, speaking on condition of anonymity. The disclosure aims to highlight the depth and complexity of US support for Israel.

To address Israeli concerns about potential delays in aid delivery, US arms transfer experts conducted a thorough review of "hundreds of separate items" with their Israeli counterparts during Gallant's four-day visit. This effort sought to counter claims of "bottlenecks" in the arms flow, allegations recently made by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and described as "perplexing" and "inaccurate" by the White House.

Gallant emphasized the importance of US support during a press briefing. "Our ties with the United States are the second-most important element for Israel's security," he said, highlighting the need for American diplomatic, political, and material assistance.

The defense minister reported "significant progress" in addressing obstacles and expediting various issues, particularly regarding force build-up and munition supply. "Obstacles were removed and bottlenecks were addressed in order to advance a variety of issues," Gallant stated.

The senior US official acknowledged the complexities of the arms transfer process while noting potential misunderstandings on the Israeli side regarding specific requests. "In terms of bottlenecks, it is a complicated, bureaucratic system that we have for good reason," the official explained, citing obligations to Congress, laws, and regulations.

Describing the visit as "highly constructive and productive," the official praised Gallant's "professional approach." 

Despite the ongoing flow of arms, the Biden administration continues to withhold a shipment of 2,000-pound bombs, citing concerns about their potential use in densely populated areas.

During his visit, Gallant met with key US national security officials, including Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, and National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan. Discussions covered various topics, including efforts to secure a Gaza ceasefire, the return of Israeli hostages, and plans for Gaza's future governance. Some 120 Israeli hostages are still being held hostage by Hamas terrorists, 43 of whom have been declared dead. 

Other topics of discussion included Iran's escalating production of weapons-grade nuclear fuel and ongoing disputes over humanitarian aid distribution in Gaza. 

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Former public security minister Gilad Erdan served as Israel's ambassador to Washington for 10 months. At the same time, he also served as Israel's ambassador at the United Nations in New York – a role he still holds. Taking on both roles brings with it complexities and ramifications.

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Erdan left for the United States in the summer of 2020 after being appointed by the Netanyahu-Gantz government. His agreement with former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was that as long as the latter remained prime minister, Erdan would hold on to the position of ambassador in Washington. As a senior minister in the government, Erdan's departure was fraught with political danger. He knew that the position in Washington, which is the more important of the two ambassadorships, could be short-lived, as indeed turned out to be the case.

But Erdan is someone who aims high, and if he decides to challenge Netanyahu for the leadership of Likud, and he will, he will want to present to the party members not just with his decade of his ministerial experience, but also substantial diplomatic experience. And while his term in Washington ended quickly, it included a number of significant milestones: The transition from the Trump administration to the administration of Joe Biden;  the formation of a new government in Israel, the first after 12 years not led by Netanyahu;  and a development that will influence the lives of all Israelis – a visa waiver for Israelis visiting the United States. Erdan made a significant contribution to the last of these milestones.

We speak by phone as he makes his way from New York to Washington to hand over to his successor, Israel's new ambassador to the US, Mike Herzog. While holding down both jobs, Erdan made the four-hour trip from New York to Washington at least twice a week. It wasn't easy, he admits.

"The first year was extremely difficult, but it was my family that paid the heaviest price. It's never easy to uproot to another country with four children, but our first year in New York was the most difficult we experienced as a family. We arrived in August 2020 at the height of the COVID pandemic, before there were vaccines.

"My kids went to school just two days a week, and were at home for the rest of the time in a new country. People weren't inviting guests over, so it was very difficult to make social connections. It was very challenging. But now that New York has opened up, I go watch [Knicks player] A'mare Stoudemire with my son, and when we're in Washington, we go to see [Wizards player] Danny Avdija. Life has become much easier."

Q: Let's start with life itself, as they say. When do you think Israelis will get a visa waiver?

"At the moment the process is very much dependent on the efforts of [US] governmental bodies. The political will of the administration has already been expressed at the highest levels by President Biden and Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkas. By the way, six years ago, when I was public security minister and Mayorkas was deputy secretary of Homeland Security, he spoke of his desire to give Israelis a visa waiver. So he is very committed.

"When I took up my position, I gathered the staff at the embassy and made the visa waiver issue one of my top priorities. There was a lot of skepticism about it because the issue has been on the table for many years without us managing to solve it. In my conversations with members of Congress and representatives of the administration, I emphasized the importance of the decision to relations between the two countries. I explained that Israeli veterans should be treated differently as people of the same age elsewhere in the world. [Because of the "post-army trip" that is unique to Israel. A.K.]  That was the main obstacle.

"From the moment the personnel authorizing visas in Jerusalem are instructed not to reject visa applications from young people just released from the army, the rejection rate will drop and the countdown to a waiver will begin. The remaining issues are primarily technical: First of all, the police and the Justice Ministry need to make an effort to connect the criminal records system of both countries. If this happens, in the second half of 2022 or at the beginning of 2023, a waiver will be issued. I don't want to celebrate prematurely, but I'm certainly optimistic. It will make things much easier for Israeli citizens after decades in which they've had to stand in line to receive visas, and pay money and go through a process that can be humiliating because they're treated as if they're suspects. It will be a historic moment in bilateral ties, and I'm very proud to have taken a part in it."

Q: Will the visa waiver come at a cost, perhaps Israel agreeing to a consulate in Jerusalem for the Palestinians?

"I am not aware of any price Israel has been required to pay and I don't believe one exists. Look, this is also an American interest from the perspective of both tourism and business. Israel is the United States' closest ally in the Middle East, and one of its closest allies in the world. We cooperate on intelligence and other issues; the administration, including Democratic members of Congress, are very pleased with that cooperation.

"In the near future, Iron Dome may protect American soldiers in Iraq and other places. Countries that are not as close to the United States are included in the Visa Waiver Program. Israel should have been a part of it a long time ago."

Q: Has the administration been persuaded to give up the idea of a consulate for the Palestinians in Jerusalem?

"My impression is that the administration has yet to give up on this idea. The issue was raised in almost every meeting I had with representatives of the administration. They repeatedly explained that the president committed to going ahead with this. We explain the difficulties it will create for us. First and foremost, that sovereignty in Jerusalem is one of our most basic values. Various propositions were made to solve the dispute, but at the moment a resolution has yet to be reached. Even within the family there can be disputes, but that doesn't mean they have to cast a shadow over our relations."

In-depth talks on an American Plan B for Iran

Q: You have been involved for almost a year in the dialogue between Israel and the US on the Iranian issue. Do the Americans not understand that Iran is playing them and racing toward the bomb?

"The Israeli perception is that Iran is continuing to progress with its nuclear program and wishes to be a nuclear threshold state, while waiting for a convenient opportunity to break out. I think there is disagreement between Israel and the US and others in the West over this analysis. This difference of opinion touches on the question of what is the most efficient way to stop Iran, and that is a point on which there is a deep dispute.

"We believe that only if Iran sees a credible and significant military threat is there a chance that threat won't have to carried out, and then, perhaps, a stronger and broader agreement with a longer scope can be reached. On the other hand, the Americans believe that the first step should be to bring the international community on board and that this should be done through a return to the old agreement, a step that we see as a mistake.

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"The positive side is that on both counts, we see the Americans sobering up and they have accepted our position. If a year ago, they thought there was an 80% chance of a return to the agreement, today they put it at perhaps 20%. The second point is that to all intents and purposes, the current administration accepts Israel's position from 2015 that the original nuclear agreement was not a good one. The team managing the Iran file is the same team that was working on it in 2015.

"They say that the JCPOA needs to be improved. When they declare that there is a need to reach an agreement with Iran that is longer, broader, stronger that is an admission that the agreement signed back then was not enough. If an extension of the term of the agreement is required, and tighter enforcement mechanisms are required, and the issues covered by the agreement need to be broader, that means it was not good enough. There is no other way to explain it. Perhaps in 2021 they understand things that they didn't understand in 2015. But it doesn't really matter."

Q: If that's the case, what do they plan to do in the event that there is no agreement? What's Plan B?

"I don't want to talk on their behalf. But we are holding in-depth talks with them."

More countries could join the Abraham Accords

Q: Did Israel make a commitment to work in full cooperation with the United States, or not to operate unilaterally, when it comes to Iran?

"For many years, it has been common practice whenever there been an operation that concerns regions in which the United States has an interest, for Israel to try and notify them in advance. From what I was exposed to in my time as ambassador,  I am not aware of any condition that requires Israel to restrict itself."

Q: When this administration started out, it had low expectations on the Palestinian issue. In your opinion, is this something that is about to change? Can we expect a political process or pressure on Israel to make withdrawals?

"I don't believe this is what will happen. There are subjects on which we don't see eye to eye, like construction in Judea and Samaria and aid to UNRWA without it being conditioned on reforms against [Palestinian] incitement. But as far as an agreement is concerned, from President Biden's first day in office, the talk from the American side has only been about promoting economic projects to improve quality of life of the Palestinians. They also understand the issue of Hamas in Gaza and the danger that if elections are held in Judea and Samaria, Hamas will win.

Q: Do you think we'll see more countries join the Abraham Accords? Are their contacts that are about to mature into success?

"The Abraham Accords are an excellent example of policy that the administration has adopted [from the previous administration] despite the political polarization in the United States. They had reservations about them and came under fire in Congress, but despite that the administration has gone forward and has not put the Abraham Accords in danger. And it has not gone back on the remunerations given by the Trump administration.

"With time, they stepped up their efforts to bring in more countries, to leverage their influence on significant Muslim states that do not have ties with Israel in order to reach peace agreements. Higher echelons are now dealing with the issue and I hope that we will see the results within a few months. There is a chance. In contrast to the beginning of its term, the administration is now much more deeply invested in this, at the highest levels.

Q: What about China? Do you see this as a matter of dispute between Israel and the US administration?

"The issue of China has indeed become a very complex one from Israel's perspective. China is an economic partner, a desired and legitimate economic partner that offers cheap and fast work. On top of that, there aren't many companies, including American companies, that can compete for big construction projects in Israel. On the other hand, there is bipartisan agreement in the United States that China is a strategic threat and a danger to the United States. There is also a problem of human rights. It's very important to the administration that its allies including Israel make a clear choice. One of the most significant challenges for Ambassador Herzog and the government will be how to navigate this issue. It's clear to everyone that the US is our top priority. On the other hand, we're not an empire that can just give up on ties with an economic power like China.

'Biden loves Israel with all his heart'

Erdan took up the post of ambassador in Washington on Jan. 20, 2021, the same day that the Biden administation came into power after four years of a pro-Israel Trump administration. When asked how he would characterize the current administration's attitude toward Israel, Erdan says: "The Biden administration said straight-up that the Middle East is not top of its agenda … But we want the United States to be active in the Middle East, and on that issue, I've made great efforts to get the Middle East higher up on the administration's attention.

"Many of the steps we took, including meetings with Democratic congresspeople, opinion shapers within the party, were made to retain bipartisan support, which is a strategic asset. In that context, we face a significant challenge among minorities and the young generation. President Biden may have a different approach to that of the Trump administration, but he loves Israel with all his heart. In meetings with him I heard him talk at length about what he heard from his father growing up about ties with Israel. Does that mean that we see everything eye to eye? Not really. There are many differences in our worldviews."

Q: You spoke about bipartisan support. Are the anti-Israel streams in the Democratic Party getting stronger? Only recently, an African-American pro-Israel Democrat was elected as mayor of New York, and the same has happened elsewhere.

"Support for Israel among the Democrats is something we have to work hard at. The mainstream within the party was and remains pro- Israel. We saw that, for example, in the vote on Iron Dome, but that doesn't mean we can rest on our laurels. There are streams that are a cause for concern. The problematic group of members of Congress has grown from four to 12. They have an influence on minorities and on the young.

"Unfortunately, the Palestinians have joined forces with the Black Lives Matter movement as if the African-American and the Palestinian experiences are the same story. The two have nothing to do with each other. Because of this, my first trip as ambassador to the US was to the US South to get to know the story of the African-American community.

Q: It isn't just the administration that has changed; there is also a new government in Israel. You are a veteran political player who was a member of a party that is a rival of the current coalition, and it is obvious that you will return to the political arena. How is it possible to represent a government that your party opposes?

"Because of the complexity of the situation that emerged, I decided to not to continue in Washington and I informed Prime Minister Bennett of my decision, at my initiative.  The ambassadorship to Washington is a political appointment and requires personal trust with the prime minister and the foreign minister.

"I understood that this could create problems and therefore we agreed that I would end my role as soon as possible. At the United Nations, on the other hand, there is no real change in the diplomatic context. Defending Israel is something that is more general. As ambassador at the United Nations, I don't represent each cabinet minister or each MK. I with agreed-upon  major issues, and of course I  do so in coordination [with the government]."

Q: Nevertheless, you are a political figure who works with people that were and perhaps will be political rivals. Doesn't that get in the way?

"We have a correct working relationship. True, I was an elected official and a politician, but I made a conscious decision to take a diplomatic and international path for a certain time. I act in a statesmanlike way. My experience has also taught me that there is no point in all sort of speculations because the future can take us in a thousand directions. I worked in coordination with the Foreign Minister to lobby to keep as many countries as possible from taking part in the Durban Conference. And if the prime minister needs to address the United Nations, my view is that the citizens of Israel should want his speech to be as persuasive as possible. My role is to represent the good of the country. At the moment, I feelI have the ability to defend the positions of Israel. If ideological differences emerge, I'll reconsider whether or not to stay on."

Q: What are your future political plans? Will you return to Israel to run in the Likud party primaries?

"I chose to serve Israel in international arena. When I left, I took into consideration all the implications, including the political risks. But today, I'm focused only on defending Israel at the United Nations, in presenting Israel's beautiful face. As for the future, I don't know."

Q: We have already discussed how you held the two roles of ambassador at the United Nations and in Washington. You faced criticism for this. In retrospect, was it the right thing to do to take on both roles?

"Unequivocally, yes. I wouldn't say it would always be the right thing. But one has to look at the circumstances and the person who was charged with doing so. The most important asset we have at the United Nations is American support, and this administration has put at the top of its agenda a number of issues that are directly connected to the goings on at the United Nations.

"My experience as someone who has operated on both these fronts was of great help to me, including during Operation Guardian of the Walls. At the beginning of my tenure, when I had to build up a relationship with the new administration, I discussed with them topics that I had discussed with the American ambassador at the United Nations and her representatives. Perhaps it would have been more difficult for someone else, but I had a familiarity with the subjects from my experience as both a minister and a cabinet member for over a decade."

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US President Joe Biden on Tuesday unveiled picks for several high-profile ambassadorial postings, tapping career diplomats steeped in foreign policy experience – as well as political allies and aviation hero "Sully" Sullenberger.

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The picks include former Interior Secretary Ken Salazar as ambassador to Mexico and former Deputy Secretary of State Tom Nides as ambassador to Israel. Retired airline pilot C.B. "Sully" Sullenberger, most famous for negotiating the emergency landing of US Airways Flight 1549 on the Hudson River with no fatalities, has been named to serve as US representative on the Council of the International Civil Aviation Organization.

Former US Ambassador to Israel Dr. Michael Oren has said that while Nides has had limited contact with Israel, he "loves Israel" and holds moderate opinions. Oren said that Nides' appointment as ambassador would be a "blessing" to Israel.

Former Times Warner executive and political activist Gary Ginsberg spoke to Israel Hayom when it was first revealed that Nides was a leading candidate for the post, and said he could not imagine a better choice.

"Tom has a deep understanding of the state's important to the Jewish people. He has always values the great importance of the strong alliance between Israel and the US, and will certainly strengthen it as ambassador," Ginsberg said, adding that Nides was "honest" and a fervent believer in bilateral US support for Israel, and would also be a fair broker in any post to which he was appointed.

Mark Mellman, president of the Democratic Majority for Israel lobby, responded to the news of the appointment by calling Nides a "wonderful person."

"His long experience at the State Department, his outstanding diplomatic talents, his broad knowledge and his deep commitment to a strong relationship between the US and Israel make him the perfect choice for America's senior diplomat in Israel," Mellman said.

The announcement comes as Biden is on the tail end of an eight-day European trip that included stops in the United Kingdom for a meeting of the Group of Seven leaders and Belgium for a gathering of the 27 NATO countries and the US-EU summit. The trip culminates in Geneva on Wednesday with a highly anticipated meeting with Russia's Vladimir Putin, where the leaders are to discuss rising tensions between their countries.

As a candidate, Biden declined to rule out appointing political donors to ambassadorships or other posts if he was elected. But he pledged that his nominees, regardless of their contributor status, would be the "best people" for their posts–  suggesting he would move away from former President Donald Trump's heavy reliance on political appointees and rely more on the State Department's well of career foreign service officers.

More than 43% of Trump's ambassadorial appointments were political appointees, compared with 30.5% for Barack Obama and 31.8% for George W. Bush, according to the American Foreign Service Association. Biden hopes to keep political appointments to about 30% of ambassador picks, according to the White House.

"Nobody, in fact, will be appointed by me based on anything they contributed," Biden promised last year.

All the nominees must receive Senate confirmation before they can assume their roles.

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It is a word that, over the decades, has been slapped at Israelis who, for any number of reasons, have made their lives abroad. It means "those who descend" and suggests that expatriates are, somehow, a lower class of citizen, less exalted, than those who live in Israel full-time.

I should know: There was a time when I used this word myself.

As a proud tzabareet who went on to serve as an IDF officer and to study in universities in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, I always assumed that Israel would be my exclusive home. I was cognizant of my moral responsibility – not least, as the daughter of parents who escaped the Holocaust by making aliyah – to stay in the country for good and help secure it through national service and hard work. Israel is not blessed with extensive territory, water or geopolitical stability. Its most precious resource is its dedicated and resourceful citizenry, and I had every intention of being one of these. I regarded this as the highest of privileges and could not understand why a Jew would choose to live anywhere other than Israel.

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And, naturally, I looked down on those who left. I remember well the pain, anger and mystification that enveloped my family when I was just a girl in Haifa, upon learning that one of my uncles would be emigrating to the United States with his family.

As it happened, they left because one of their children had severe asthma, which Israel of the 1950s was not equipped to treat. And, indeed, I would eventually gain first-person experience of the fact that not all those who emigrate do so in search of a fabled life of ease and wealth. Many are compelled by circumstance. And many fully intend to return to Israel and, until that day comes, to stay engaged in Israeli life.

What changed my view was my husband, Sheldon. We met while I was on what was meant to be a temporary medical research stint in New York. We fell in love. My life became his, and his became mine.

Sheldon introduced me to an array of Jewish American organizations whose dedication to Israel – in terms of fundraising and political lobbying – impressed and moved me. Even at a far physical remove from Zion, Jews could be partners in the Zionist dream, I realized.

On marrying Sheldon, I became a naturalized American, as well as a native-born Israeli. All of our children would be dual nationals, too. And we, like virtually all Israeli-Americans, see no contradiction at all in that identity. Quite the opposite – we see ourselves as ambassadors of two great countries and embodiments of their magnificent, and eternal alliance.

Unlike some Diaspora Jews, Israeli expatriates tend to be unswerving in their support for Israel. They understand, deep in their bones, Israel's existential problems. They know that the enmity facing Israel today is a new form of anti-Semitism, a virulent evolution of the murderous hatred that Jews faced in the Holocaust and during earlier centuries of persecution in the Diaspora. For them, being loyal Zionists transcends differences between right- and left-wing, liberal and conservative.

Sheldon and I noticed this early on in our own relationship. And we were distressed by the sense that, in the United States, many Israelis were being lost to assimilation, their political and cultural energies untapped. Those who were willing to embrace religion had options like Chabad to keep them engaged to Israel and tradition. But those who were more secular often had to fend for themselves.

Then, in 2007, Sheldon and I found inspiration in the Israeli Leadership Council, a group formed by Israeli expatriates in Los Angeles who were prominent members of the American business community. They were despondent over the relatively low turnout at a pro-Israel demonstration in the city the summer before, during the Second Lebanon War, and were also worried about the next generation's waning connection to Jewish identity and Israel.

The ILC was determined to do more to turn the around 200,000 Israelis then living in Southern California into a supporter base that could be a strong pro-Israel force.

Sheldon and I saw the ILC's potential to go national, and to mobilize Israeli-Americans to effect positive foreign policy. Expanded coast-to-coast, with hundreds of thousands of members, it could be one of the most powerful of advocates for the Israel-U.S. relationship, we believed.

In 2013, Sheldon and I attended the annual ILC gala in Beverly Hills. In the hall were 900 delegates, all of them proud Israeli expatriates like me. These people were both powerful Israelis and powerful Americans, ready to put both national identities to good use. Far from being downcast or cast out – connotations that attach themselves to the word "yordim" – they were energetic, unapologetic and full of sincere love for Israel and the United States.

And, that night, the Israeli-American Council (IAC) was born – a re-launch of the ILC, with Sheldon and me as its main benefactors.

In the years since, the organization has expanded dramatically, with more than 20 new chapters in major U.S. cities. Each year it throws conventions attended by thousands of delegates as well as American and Israeli political figures. The keynote speaker last year was U.S. Vice President Mike Pence. At this year's National Summit – in Florida, on Saturday night – we have the honor of hosting President Donald Trump.

For Sheldon and me, supporting the IAC is a natural extension of our support for Birthright Israel, for the Jewish school we founded in Las Vegas, and for our other philanthropic endeavors. It is a natural extension of our own union – as an Israeli and an American, patriots of both countries, and committed Jews.

We fully expect that the IAC will continue growing and thus shrink whatever gap might exist between American Jews and Israel. This is the time for us to unite, Democrats and Republicans, liberals and conservatives, of any affiliation.

We Jews cannot afford division. There are too few us, and too many others who want us to fail, falter, disperse or perish.

Scholars believe that, in King David's time, three millennia ago, the Jewish population numbered around 5 million. Today, we are 14 million – barely a three-fold increase. Consider that the Chinese population is believed to have increased about a hundred-fold over the same period. By rights, we Jews should number at least a half-billion today.

But, all too often, anti-Semitism has had its way: from the Inquisition to the pogroms to the Holocaust. In the words of the Passover Haggadah: "In each and every generation, they rise up against us to destroy us."

And hatred for us from the outside has engendered drift and doubt among us: All too many Jews assimilate and are lost to the community because they see no good reason to stay. And all too many of these Jews see anti-Israel activism as an express-ticket to successful assimilation.

That is why it is so important to bring closer the world's two largest Jewish communities – in Israel and in the United States. We are a giant extended family. Though thousands of miles separate us, we share the same joy and pain, the same glorious birthright and the same burden of the disasters that befell us because of this birthright. Regardless of our political or religious leanings, we are Jews – always and indelibly.

The Adelson family owns the company that is the primary shareholder in Israel Hayom.

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