During the meeting, lawmakers emphasized their support for the released hostages and their families, and their commitment to continued efforts to return the three remaining deceased hostages from Hamas. Congresswoman Haley Stevens said, "You carry with you a burden, a story, an experience you didn't ask for. We will continue to be your allies and your friends forever – we will continue wearing the pin and telling your story." Congressman Craig Goldman said, "We were with you from the first day – we thought about you, waited for you, prayed for you every evening." He emphasized the memory of those who didn't return home and the significance of meeting with the released captives.

Congressman Brad Schneider addressed the significance of Hanukkah and the aspect of returning from captivity, saying, "Hanukkah is a holiday that brings families together. It's a holiday of light, and I know that for a hostage to come from darkness to light is huge. Your pictures were on our walls and in our hearts, and we continue wearing the yellow ribbon. We're here, both parties, and there wasn't a moment when we weren't all committed to bringing the hostages home." Schneider added, "On a dreidel, there are four letters, here they say 'a great miracle happened there' – but that you're here with us is completely 'a great miracle happened here.'"

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Sources in Washington said that despite the positive atmosphere in the talks and the success in reaching agreements on Saudi investments in the US and other civil matters, security issues remain unresolved and contacts on the subject will continue. Regarding normalization with Israel, the Saudis presented a stubborn position stating they would be ready to begin talks only upon the full conclusion of the war, through the completion of Phase B of the Donald Trump plan.

The American response was that the Saudis are giving Hamas veto power, as Hamas refuses to advance to talks or disarm, partly due to Iranian pressure on several regime officials. Iran aims to torpedo or delay such normalization, which strengthens the regional alliance against it.

A second demand raised by the Saudis is the full establishment of the path to establishing a Palestinian state. Reports indicated that Israel, meaning Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, must publicly confirm his commitment regarding this clause in the Donald Trump plan and the Security Council resolution. As Israel Hayom revealed, Riyadh made clear in early contacts that it could not sign onto joining the Abraham Accords and normalization with the government in its current composition, meaning with the right-wing parties of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

This concerns not only statements by the right-wing MKs against a Palestinian state or Saudi Arabia itself, but mainly their push to expand the settlements. A Saudi diplomatic source told Israel Hayom that it is clear to the Saudi leadership that in the current government, Netanyahu will struggle to advance the basic conditions for promoting the establishment of a Palestinian state. The Saudis do not rule out talks with Israel soon, and even reaching agreements on civil and economic matters – but they rule out normalization and official accession to the Abraham Accords with the current Israeli government.

An Arab diplomatic official said the prevailing assessment is that such official talks would begin with the war's conclusion phase, but unofficial talks and contacts between the countries would continue and even accelerate before then, due to pressure from Donald Trump. "We estimate that the acceptance of Saudi security requests, or at least most of them, will be announced then," the official said. The official referred here to the supply of advanced weapons types, including F-35 stealth aircraft.

Regarding the issue of selling the advanced aircraft to Saudi Arabia, Israel did not object in principle but asked the US for two things. First, Israel asked to supply the Saudis with models that do not possess the most sophisticated systems available for the aircraft. Donald Trump said Tuesday that in his opinion it is possible to give Saudi Arabia and Israel the same systems, but the Pentagon and the State Department believe Israel's qualitative edge must be preserved in this aspect.

The president added that Israel is aware of the entire issue of the aircraft sale, and it will be very satisfied with the results of this move, meaning it will gain in other places. The second request is receiving specific security items and access to technologies that until now existed only in the hands of the US military and were not sold to Israel. There is some progress here, although the entire request was not fulfilled.

An Israeli security official criticized the diplomatic level for not sharing the management of contacts with the administration with the relevant security echelon, noting that in the past this level was involved in talks such as these. The official said the approach to the security echelon occurred only after the objection in principle to the sale had already been removed.

The IDF, incidentally, is not very concerned about the sale of F-35 aircraft to Saudi Arabia, as the Israeli qualitative edge lies in the levels of technology integration of the aircraft with other technologies and systems, as well as in the much higher skill of the Israeli pilots.

In the diplomatic bottom line, Israel has swallowed a bitter pill in the form of consent to the "path to a Palestinian state" clause. It will swallow another bitter pill or two regarding weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and other countries in the region. The first and major return, the hostages and remaining in Gaza, has been accepted. Now the diplomatic return is awaited, though its political price will be high.

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This week, that red line may face its biggest test in decades, with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's planned visit to Washington and the expected US approval for the F-35 deal to the kingdom.

The Americans have always viewed the Saudis as an important strategic partner, but the idea of supplying the stealth fighter – the only fifth-generation jet operated by any country in the Middle East (Israel) – was seen until recently as a line best not crossed. The reason is simple: the F-35 is no longer just a fighter jet. It is an intelligence, strike, and electronic platform that enables penetration into spaces that were previously impassable, and it is a source of security, diplomatic, and strategic power not only in the local arena but also in the broader regional balance of power.

The stealth fighter entered Israeli Air Force service as a result of a long, complex, and sometimes politically sensitive process. Although the F-35 was born as a large-scale international project led by the United States called JSF – Joint Strike Fighter, Israel was not included in the first group of countries that participated in it.

The main reason was that the Americans carefully examined the combination of industrial partnership and security sensitivity: Israel was not a producer in NATO frameworks, and it was known as a country that makes deep modifications to almost every air platform it acquires. From Washington's perspective, there was a need to carefully examine whether Israel's modification requirements would not endanger particularly sensitive technological components. Only at a later stage, after a prolonged process of secret coordinations and technological protection mechanisms, did Israel join as a special procurement partner and not as a full member in the JSF coalition.

The US president who essentially approved the sale of the stealth fighters to Israel was George W. Bush. His administration made the principled decision to allow Israel to acquire a fifth-generation jet, out of the understanding that the rise in regional threats – including Iran – requires Israel to have a significant qualitative advantage. The actual agreement was signed during the Obama administration, which continued this policy and gave the green light to the first order. Israel was indeed outside the circle of countries that contributed to the development of the tool, but it became the first customer in the world to receive Washington's approval for deep Israeli modifications in the avionics systems, electronic warfare, and connectivity.

The first Adir landed in Israel on December 12, 2016, at Nevatim Airbase, in a ceremony that made clearer than anything the significance of this acquisition for Israel. For the first time, the Air Force received a jet capable of entering almost any point in the Middle East with little warning, generating independent intelligence, and carrying out precise strikes with a level of survivability higher than that of any other tool. It gave Israel an advantage that is not only technological but also conceptual: the Air Force moved from an era where it had to "break into" enemy airspace to an era where it can operate within it with relative ease.

Since 2016, three batches of jets have arrived in Israel. Today, the Israeli Adir fleet numbers about 36 F-35 jets integrated into squadrons at Nevatim. The Israeli government has already approved the purchase of another 25 jets, which will bring the operational strength to more than 60 jets. There are also discussions about further expansion later this decade, among other things to ensure a response to new threats and the replacement of some of the veteran fourth-generation jets.

The combination of operational flexibility, stealth capability, unique Israeli electronic warfare modifications, and natural integration into national control systems created a new reality: the stealth fighter is no longer just a component in the Air Force but an overlay layer that gives Israel freedom of action that no one in the arena holds, and continues to shape Israeli combat doctrine even today.

In Israel, especially after Operation Rising Lion, the significance of this process is even clearer. In the campaign that lasted 12 days and spanned thousands of kilometers, the F-35 was the tool that changed the rules of the game. It enabled deep penetration into Iranian airspace saturated with radars, missile batteries, and electronic warfare capabilities without the need to open a route through a wave of preliminary strikes. It provided real-time intelligence, sensor fusion that creates a continuous battle picture, and surgical strike capability on targets essential to the nuclear program – and all this while maintaining almost complete stealth. Israeli pilots described how they saw Iran's defense arrays "waking up", if at all, only after the strike had already been completed. That was a moment that illustrated how much this tool changes reality, and how much the Israeli advantage on it is not only tactical but essential.

This is exactly where the Israeli concern lies. If Saudi Arabia indeed joins the select club that holds the American stealth fighter, the implication is not just another advanced jet in the region; it is a change in the basis of the balance of power. Not because Saudi Arabia is an enemy state, today it is seen as a potential strategic partner, but because the qualitative advantage is a resource that must be maintained over time, especially in a region where the balance of alliances can change in a few years, if not months.

Israel needs unique technological depth, one that cannot be closed in two or three years. And if Saudi Arabia is indeed equipped with the stealth fighter, it will be the first time an Arab country receives access to a technological generation equal to that of Israel. In the past, Saudi Arabia requested – and received AWACS and F-15 jets from the US, but Israel managed to impose certain restrictions on the Saudi jets, thereby leaving a technological advantage in its hands.

Supporters of the move argue that Israel holds an advantage of many years over any country that enters the deal now. They point to its extensive operational experience, the unique hardware and software modifications it has made, and the complementary capabilities – intelligence, communications, and logistical capability that other countries are still far from holding. The QME mechanisms (ensuring qualitative edge), they remind, do not erode in one day. But on the other hand, there are those in Israel who warn that these gaps are not a given. Technology is a dynamic matter, and from the moment the door opens, it is hard to return it to full closure.

In this reality, Mohammed bin Salman's visit to Washington becomes a top event. The US president's decision will not approve just a deal – it will define the contours of air supremacy in the Middle East in the coming decade. The fact that in Israel they use examples from Operation Rising Lion to gauge the significance of the stealth fighter only sharpens the tension: Israel knows very well what the F-35 allows it to do. It also knows what will happen the day these capabilities reach its large, wealthy, and ambitious neighbor.

Either way, the discussion is not about Saudi Arabia. It's about Israel, about a longstanding American commitment, and about the question of whether the era of Israeli exclusivity in the stealth domain is about to come to an end – or whether Washington will find a way to preserve the additional edge on which Israeli security policy has relied for three decades.

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Olabi noted negotiations continue, and their nature remains primarily security-focused, based on the agreement signed after the Yom Kippur War. "The focus of the talks is mainly on border checkpoints, the number of forces on each side, and similar matters," the ambassador was quoted as saying by the Syrian news site Al-Watan.

"The discussions address several issues and concerns of both sides. If Israel has security concerns, they can be addressed. If other issues are not security-related, they require a different approach," the ambassador said, apparently referring to the Druze issue in the Druze Mountain region, who were attacked by the Damascus regime.

The ambassador described Syrian President al-Sharaa's visit to Washington as a "historic opportunity" and stated that his country aims to establish "a space of peace, security, and stability on its southern border."

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According to the source, Qatar and the US presented the sharp Israeli responses to the two incidents in recent days, in which IDF soldiers were killed, as a warning to Hamas that if it is not willing to give up its weapons, no one will prevent Israel from continuing the attacks. The source rejected the criticism from the right regarding the scale of the responses and said that dozens of dead Hamas commanders, including commanders at various levels of the organization, are the greatest means of pressure on the terror organization.

It appears that in the weeks before the ceasefire, Hamas members were particularly afraid of these types of attacks, in which family members of senior Hamas officials – those involved in terror or uninvolved – are also killed. It is possible that these attacks led to appeals from senior officials in the organization to the negotiation managers to bring about a ceasefire.

Hamas claimed that the perpetrators of the attacks against IDF soldiers were not subject to their authority and not in contact with the headquarters. Israel presented the Americans with information contradicting Hamas' claims and accused the organization of carrying out deliberate attacks to accelerate the IDF's withdrawal from the Strip.

An Israeli source said, "Hamas has a perception that it is possible to make the soldiers' lives miserable, to cause casualties, and thus create pressure on the government to speed up the withdrawal, as happened in the Disengagement and in Lebanon. With that, it will not take responsibility and will claim it is adhering to the ceasefire." In contacts with Hamas, the organization was required by the mediators to impose authority on the terrorists carrying out the attacks and to stop the delays in handing over the deceased hostages' bodies.

The Qatari PM said, "The situation in Rafah is disappointing; it is clear to us that Hamas is ready to give up rule in Gaza." Israel has conditioned the continuation of negotiations on the second stage upon the completion of the handover of hostage bodies, and the assessment is that pressure from the mediators and the Americans, as well as Israel's attacks, will lead to the handover of at least eight more bodies in the coming days.

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The difficulty, naturally, resides in the following phases of the agreement – a flawed accord whose execution timeline and methodology remain completely ambiguous. Pressure can undoubtedly persist on Israel in subsequent stages – to retreat from further sections of the Strip and allow entry of Turkish or Qatari military forces, but anyone expecting Hamas will willingly disarm or that an Arab force will be prepared to force its disarmament dwells in fantasy.

Nevertheless Trump seeks to convert through empty rhetoric a temporary and fragile ceasefire arrangement into a peace-on-earth agreement between Israel and the complete Arab and Muslim world. If only he proves right.

Yet it appears the troublesome element of the agreement from Israel's standpoint is not the engagement with Hamas in the Strip, but rather the concealed American obligation to establish a Palestinian state, which Washington may impose upon Israel.

Did President Trump found the Palestinian state in Washington? On its surface, that represents the agreement's goal, but it's questionable whether the American president genuinely intends this, and what's definite is that irrespective of what the Americans desire, and especially the Europeans – a Palestinian state will not emerge, and any initiative attempting to impose it will merely stimulate violence and bloodshed, not exclusively between Palestinians and Israelis but also among the Palestinians themselves.

Trump's relationship toward Israel, and essentially that of all preceding American administrations, demonstrates profound commitment and emotional alignment with the Zionist enterprise. Conversely, concerning the Palestinians, no alignment or commitment is evident, neither in the agreement's wording nor in Trump's own statements, and he articulated this effectively when stressing that all he pursues is an arrangement everyone will accept, and from his standpoint it makes no distinction whether there will be two states – Israeli and Palestinian – or one state, Israel. His comments about corruption, violence and terror as the defining characteristic of the Palestinian Authority and Hamas disclose his assessment of the Palestinians' lacking capacity to establish and sustain a state.

One should recall that the fixation with establishing a Palestinian state among numerous world nations originates – beside the impulse to strike at Israel (in the manner of "beat the Jews") – also from the fantasy that a Palestinian state would resolve not merely the Israeli-Palestinian conflict but all the Middle East's difficulties, and alongside this, from the fantasy that exclusively Israel prevents the establishment of such a state.

All this is untrue. For 19 years from the War of Independence until the Six-Day War, Egypt and Jordan governed Gaza and the West Bank and never considered establishing a Palestinian state. Furthermore, the Oslo Accords opened the opportunity for Palestinians to establish a state entity that would administer and manage their existence. But this entity swiftly became a corrupt dictatorship dedicated to dreams and delusions, for instance about "return to Palestine." Meanwhile, the alternative that emerged to this entity is Hamas, a radical Islamic movement dedicated to religious fanaticism, violence and terror.

A trial-and-error approach of state establishment can be pursued in Libya or Somalia, where nobody genuinely cares what occurs there. But here we're addressing Israel's future and security – and these cannot be compromised.

Moreover, contrary to our pattern, Israel must not depend on the Palestinians to destroy Trump's show and undermine any effort to advance peace, as they have done previously. It must depend exclusively on itself and proactively advance policy alternatives that eliminate the threatening shadow of a corrupt dictatorship functioning as an incubator for religious fanaticism, violence and terror, which some attempt to establish in our vicinity and at our expense.

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Hamas is currently confronting an existential challenge it has never faced since its inception. The population is utterly worn out, confidence is deteriorating, and the exhausted Gazan public is no longer lauding the mouqawamah (resistance) but asking instead, "where is the bread". Local militias – including armed tribes, rebellious factions, and even former Hamas operatives – are defying the organization, weakening its authority, and triggering internal conflicts. Hamas, once the strip's iron-fisted ruler, must now handle this through the Wahdat Sahm, its Gestapo, facing a double threat: internal collapse and vengeance from external militias.

The Gazans, on their part, are moving in great numbers toward the Al-Mawasi area. These convoys also symbolize the break from Hamas, indicating a profound shift. An increasing number of citizens now view the organization not as the "protector of the nation" but as a "curse". Many are willing to take the risk with Israel if it provides hope for genuine change.

Simultaneously, the Arab bloc is uniting around a clear objective – to conclude the Gaza episode and bring back stability. Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the Emirates, and even Qatar, have started to indicate that "the resistance" has turned into a strategic liability. The damage caused by the Houthis to commercial trade, the significant economic expenditures, and the concern about the potential for another regional conflict all contribute to a new consensus. Hamas is no longer perceived as part of the solution but as the primary barrier to achieving it.

Trump, undeniably one of Israel's greatest allies in history who has stood by Israel in the most challenging times against the entire world, but in collaboration with Steve Witkoff, perceives Gaza as a venue for a deal, not necessarily a dangerous minefield. Both are real estate professionals who operate on the belief that when an asset declines, one merely needs to purchase it at a low price, refurbish it, and sell it for a profit. This mindset, however, is ill-suited for the Middle East. Here, the "refurbishment" involves a deep psychological transformation, and the assets are not lucrative, as the foundations are built on beliefs and blood. Consequently, his dangerously naive declaration that "Hamas wants lasting peace" reflects a fundamental misunderstanding. In the world of real estate professionals, there is no consideration for the Islamic concept of taqiyya: a calculated deception for survival that allows Hamas to feign compromise while actively regrouping.

The actual deal right now is not between Israel and Hamas, but between Washington and itself. Will the US uphold the unequivocal 20-point plan it authored, which received international support, or will it gnaw at its own tail like a cornered animal. The pressure for a "compromise," combined with the vast Qatari funding and the appeal of a "historic deal," will achieve their purpose. Hamas is experiencing a historic nadir. Therefore, it currently appears that Hamas might accept the "soft" components of the agreement in part, enough to claim an internal victory but without relinquishing its arms. Israel will be compelled to grant substantial relief and concessions in exchange for the deal's implementation. The remaining factors depend on US pressure and the disorganized dynamic on the Gazan street.

In the end, Trump may discover yet again that the Middle East is not an Atlantic City casino available for a contract closing, but rather a mysterious, deeply ancient archaeological site complete with ancient labyrinths and secrets. The hidden elements outweigh the known ones: blood, faith, and its own unique tribal laws. Here, an "agreement" serves only as a preface to a new stage, rather than the conclusion of the entire narrative.

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The meeting on Thursday with President Donald Trump is expected to clear the way for Turkey to acquire everything from Lockheed Martin and Boeing aircraft to liquefied natural gas worth more than $50 billion, according to Turkish officials, who requested anonymity because the agreements have not yet been finalized.

The largest portion of the potential agreements on Thursday is expected to be in aviation. Boeing and Lockheed Martin may receive orders for up to 250 commercial airplanes along with additional F-16 fighter jets, Turkish officials said. The purpose of the new aircraft purchase is to modernize the Turkish air force's aging fighter fleet and adapt it to the challenges of the coming decade.

More importantly, Trump said last week that there is a chance to resolve the long-standing impasse regarding the F-35 stealth jets. Turkey was an original partner in the Lockheed's most advanced fighter jet program, but was removed after it acquired Russia's S-400 air defense system. This acquisition resulted in congressional sanctions, known as CAATSA, which are directed at Turkey's defense industries and still remain in effect.

Dr. Assa Ophir, a Turkey expert from the Department of Middle Eastern Studies at Ariel University, explained, "The issue that should concern Israel most is Turkey's desire to rejoin the stealth jet project and receive the F-35 aircraft. The US expelled Turkey from the program in 2019 because of its purchase of the Russian S-400 defense systems. Stealth jets in Erdoğan's hands could lead to the loss of Israel's air superiority in the region, and this is a very undesirable outcome for it."

However, Dr. Ophir said, "But the path for Turkey's return to the stealth project and the receipt of the aircraft is still long. Erdoğan will need to overcome two serious obstacles that do not depend solely on Donald Trump – CAATSA, which imposes sanctions on all countries that buy military equipment from Russia, and the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), both of which are laws that must be passed through the US Congress where there is a hostile atmosphere toward Turkey."

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Nvidia had not fully complied with provisions outlined when it acquired Mellanox Technologies, an Israeli-US supplier of networking products, China's State Administration for Market Regulation (SAMR) stated on Monday, according to Reuters. Beijing provided conditional approval for the US chipmaker's acquisition of Mellanox in 2020.

Monday's statement was released as US and Chinese officials were conducting more trade talks in Madrid, with a tariff truce between the world's two biggest economies scheduled to expire in November, Reuters noted.

Two individuals with knowledge of the situation said SAMR arrived at its conclusion weeks before the announcement on Monday, adding that the regulator released the statement at this time to provide China with greater leverage in the trade discussions.

The regulator initiated the anti-monopoly investigation in December, one week after the US revealed stricter export controls on advanced high-bandwidth memory chips and the equipment for making chips sent to the country.

SAMR subsequently spent months interviewing relevant parties and collecting legal opinions to formulate the case, the people stated.

In 2020, Nvidia purchased Mellanox for $6.9bn, and the acquisition assisted the chipmaker in advancing into the data center and high-performance computing market, where it is currently a dominant player.

The preliminary findings against the chipmaker could lead to fines between 1% and 10% of the company's sales from the preceding year. Regulators also have the authority to compel Nvidia to modify business practices that are deemed to be in violation of antitrust laws.

A statement from Nvidia said it complies "with the law in all respects" and would continue to co-operate with all relevant government agencies.

Over the past few years, Nvidia has risen to become a global market leader in artificial intelligence chips, with its graphics processing units (GPUs) being critical in the development of leading AI models.

This has also meant that Nvidia has become more and more entangled in the trade tensions between Washington and Beijing.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, who spoke at the Madrid talks on Monday, said the regulatory finding against Nvidia was a topic in the meetings.

"We discussed the poor timing of the Nvidia investigation [on] the day of these talks," his comment was, as cited by Reuters.

Successive administrations in the US have put in place export controls that have required Nvidia to sell less powerful versions of its essential graphics processing units in China, creating a large black market of smugglers who illegally transport its more advanced processors into the country.

The US this year also prevented sales of the H20 chip, which Nvidia created for the Chinese market while following export controls. The company later made a deal to let sales resume in return for giving the US government 15% of the revenues.

Despite this, Chinese regulators have been putting pressure on the nation's tech companies, warning them against buying Nvidia's H20 chip, which has created uncertainty over the US group's business in the country.

Nvidia Chief Executive Jensen Huang, who has frequently visited China in a display of his commitment to a vital overseas market, has criticized the US curbs, calling them a "failure" that has motivated Chinese competitors to speed up the development of their own products, according to Reuters.

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The stark contrast could not be more pronounced. Young Jews and Israel supporters arrive at community gatherings filled with optimism, perhaps tinged with naivety, fully aware of the personal costs their unwavering support for the Jewish state will exact. Having already encountered hostility on university campuses, in synagogues, and across social media platforms for standing with a people fighting for survival, they nonetheless answer the American Jewish Committee's invitation to connect with fellow pro-Israel advocates.

These dedicated individuals represent a small but determined minority, constantly under siege yet resolute in their convictions. Israeli embassy representatives routinely attend such gatherings worldwide, serving multiple functions including identifying emerging leaders, reinforcing key messages, and advancing Israel's strategic interests.

Into this atmosphere of genuine commitment, another young American infiltrated with deadly intentions. Unlike the stereotypical radical Muslim extremist from remote caves, this terrorist possessed an American education from the University of Illinois and professional experience as both a content writer and a historian. His academic credentials became weapons when he coldly executed the diplomatic couple who planned to celebrate their engagement in Jerusalem the following week.

Elias Rodriguez operated within a toxic ecosystem of hatred. The global conversation surrounding Israel has become saturated with deliberate falsehoods and modern blood libels. After absorbing messaging from UN officials, European foreign ministers, American news outlets, social media provocateurs, academic institutions, and tragically, some Israeli public figures, Rodriguez simply transformed rhetoric into violence. Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar articulated this connection Thursday, noting the undeniable link between inflammatory words and murderous actions.

The assassination of Yarón Lischinsky and Sarah Milgrim represents multiple levels of tragedy extending beyond personal grief. These victims died while serving as official Israeli embassy personnel in Washington, meaning the attacker successfully eliminated two formal representatives of the Israeli state. This constitutes a significant assault on Israel's diplomatic standing.

Equally concerning, this barbaric act unfolded in Washington, DC, the world's most powerful capital, virtually beneath FBI headquarters. The attack damages America's security reputation precisely as President Donald Trump and his appointed officials wage intensive warfare against antisemitism, blood libels, and systematic disinformation targeting Israel and Jewish communities. Trump's administration demonstrates a greater commitment to protecting Jews and their homeland than Israel shows in defending itself.

Trump's administration has expelled campus agitators, reduced funding to universities promoting anti-Israel sentiment, and demanded university leadership's accountability for protecting Jewish students. Yet Thursday night's tragedy demonstrates these measures remain insufficient. Additional action becomes essential to safeguard Western values of freedom, truth, and justice, currently being demolished by Qatari financing, TikTok's manipulated algorithms, and covert incitement networks operated by Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood.

Confronting this cognitive "Al-Aqsa Flood" launched from within Western societies against Jewish populations and Western civilization itself requires Israel, the Jewish people, and America to mount their own consciousness offensive. Israel must immediately reconstruct its national public diplomacy infrastructure, which has deteriorated significantly over recent years. This reconstruction demands coordination among all public diplomacy entities that currently work at cross purposes rather than functioning as a unified force.

Establishing additional organizations and institutes dedicated to communicating Israel's moral case globally becomes imperative, extending beyond domestic audiences. Effective consciousness campaigns require saturating international media with factual information, deploying social media influencers, training sophisticated spokespersons in multiple languages with particular emphasis on English, and educating official representatives, including political leaders, on effective global media engagement.

Responsible opposition leadership proves equally crucial. While Yair Lapid demonstrates appropriate statesmanship regarding foreign policy issues and recognizes that governmental opposition cannot justify endangering national security, his political rival, Yair Golan, has provided ammunition to Israel's adversaries. The severe damage resulting from Golan's irresponsible rhetoric cannot be undone.

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