Minister Amichai Eliyahu of Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) announced on Wednesday that he would vote against the legislation to adopt language of the Trump initiative – which led to the Israel-Hamas ceasefire – after it is introduced in the Knesset members for an official up-or-down vote.

Lapid (Yesh Atid) initiated the measure, stating, "I will bring a motion to the Knesset plenum for a vote on a resolution for the Knesset of Israel to accept and adopt the 20-point plan of United States President Donald Trump."

Lapid elaborated, "The entire Israeli people is grateful to President Trump for having led a courageous deal for the release of the Israeli hostages. We support President Trump and strengthen his hand in his efforts to implement the plan's stages. I expect all parties to vote in favor of the President's plan."

Minister Eliyahu told the radio station Galei Tzahal, "We will certainly vote against – if Lapid wants to embarrass the state, that's his business. A Palestinian state will not be established." The plan, however, includes a "path to the establishment of a Palestinian state."

The opposition previously embarrassed the government from the right last month when a bill to apply sovereignty was passed. Vice President JD Vance, who was visiting Israel at the time, criticized the move. Following the support of MK Yuli Edelstein (Likud) for the move, which went against the directive of the Coalition, he was removed from the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee.

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"I think right now it's almost impossible," said Alghashian, a researcher of Saudi foreign policy, in an interview with Israel Hayom. "First of all, Netanyahu has made relations with Israel and his government too toxic. Saudi public opinion has a very negative perception regarding normalization, and in effect Saudi Arabia is distancing itself from normalization. Second, the things Saudi Arabia wants from the US are achievable in stages. It can achieve a defense alliance because that doesn't require Congressional approval."

Beyond that, Alghashian noted that since Israel's strike in Qatar, its perception in Saudi Arabia has become particularly negative. "I think many people are trying to raise speculation out of wishful thinking or even as part of a certain practice. It has become the norm to raise speculation about normalization. It seems as if nothing else is happening in the region besides this. There is a situation of ethnic cleansing in Sudan, but people mainly talk about Saudi Arabia and Israel."

Factors are in motion

According to him, there are too many factors related to normalization that "are in motion" – like the elections in Israel, the conduct of the administration in the US, and even potential elections in the Palestinian Authority – so it's doubtful whether Saudi Arabia will even consider such a move.

When asked by Israel Hayom why Saudi Arabia views the strike against Hamas leaders in Qatar as something negative, he replied: "It's not necessarily related to Hamas. There isn't much love for Hamas in Saudi Arabia, it must be said. What the Saudis were furious about is that the talks (regarding a ceasefire agreement and hostage deal) were held in Qatar because that's what the Americans wanted for this mediation. Netanyahu and his people appreciated the fact that Qatar was mediating and serving as a channel of communication. From the Saudi point of view, the reason for the fury is the fact that the Qataris hosted the mediation efforts and Netanyahu attacked Doha.

"Another reason is that right now it seems Israel reaches anywhere it wants in the Middle East. It shows that, and it doesn't hide it. That's another reason why Saudi Arabia is not interested in normalizing its relations with Israel right now. Any discussion about normalization now will appear as if it's being conducted from a position of weakness on Saudi Arabia's part, or that it's being pushed into normalization forcibly. That's something that would be considered political suicide, to be honest. There's also a question regarding relations with the US. There is a lack of trust because the Americans are not willing to restrain Netanyahu."

Different government

Given that there will be a different government in Israel, will this development advance normalization, or is it more complicated?

"In my opinion, if such a government could bring something to the Palestinian issue, then it could happen, but it's more complicated than that. Theoretically, it's not enough, as I think a significant move is needed to be convincing to both parties. First of all, for the Saudi public opinion. Right now, Saudi public opinion must be taken into account. For a long time, they say 'Palestinian state.'

"Therefore, anything less than a state will need to be significant enough. Another matter is that the Palestinian Authority also needs to be convinced by this move. That the Palestinian Authority will say 'yes, this is good enough.' Lapid, Eisenkot, and even Bennett can get there, but these are the conditions. And this doesn't include the American component. The Saudi public knows much more about the dynamics of the occupation and the Palestinian-Israeli issue. That's the reason something significant is needed, and public opinion needs to be taken into account more."

You mentioned the influence of Saudi public opinion on decision-making. Is this a new phenomenon, or has the royal house considered this over the years?

"It's not new," he said. "Saudi Arabia always took public opinion into account. This is one of the reasons why, historically, the Saudis were gradual or slow in their process regarding Israel and regarding their foreign relations in general.

"That's the reason why people think Saudi Arabia opened quickly under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, when the reality is that it's part of a gradual process. In foreign policy decisions, they always took local public opinion into account. That's the reason why fatwas (religious rulings) are very important, and they will continue to be important. You can see this even in the case of 'Desert Storm' (the first Gulf War, in which American forces were deployed to the kingdom). Believe it or not, Saudi Arabia made relations with Israel legitimate in the early 1990s in religious discourse."

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Following the selection of the prime minister's son, Yesh Atid and opposition parties backed away from the agreement between the parties, and the vote on Yair Netanyahu's appointment was postponed by two weeks.

"A corrupt cross-party political deal to appoint Yair Netanyahu as head of the advocacy and diaspora division in the WZO is a value collapse, corruption and nepotism," wrote Yashar! party leader and former IDF Chief Gadi Eisenkot. "A person who didn't return to Israel in its difficult hour, didn't serve in reserves throughout the period and spreads conspiracy theories against the State of Israel. Another characteristic of the government of negligence and evasion. Herzl is rolling in his grave."

Democrats chairman Yair Golan also addressed the storm and wrote, "We were shocked to discover Likud's intention to appoint Yair Netanyahu to a senior position in Zionist institutions. This is a corrupt and disgraceful appointment and another step in the destruction of Israel's national institutions. Yair Netanyahu, a person who dedicated his life to incitement and division, is not worthy of representing the Jewish people or enjoying status and public funds. We will not cooperate with the despicable appointment and will do everything to block the mafia-like takeover by the Netanyahu family."

Yesh Atid claims they were surprised by the attempt to appoint the prime minister's son and withdrew from the agreement. Yair Lapid wrote on social media, "Won't happen. Period."

 Zohar wrote a response to the firestorm on social media and tried to justify the demand to appoint Netanyahu's son. "For years, all left-wing representatives have worked to appoint family members and associates to positions in national institutions, and suddenly when it comes to Likud and Netanyahu, it becomes a storm," Zohar wrote. "This is yet another part of the personal persecution campaign by the left and the media against the prime minister and his family. Here's another repulsive display of malicious hypocrisy unlike any other against Yair Netanyahu, who simply wanted to do Zionist advocacy in the diaspora for the Jewish people."

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Israel's opposition leader testified Monday that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu apparently tried to persuade him – twice – to back legislation that would have given a Hollywood mogul millions in tax breaks.

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But Yair Lapid, a former prime minister himself and a major Netanyahu rival, said he was not convinced.
Lapid made the statements as he testified in Jerusalem in one of three corruption cases against Netanyahu. The indictment claims Netanyahu used his position of power to further Hollywood mogul Arnon Milchan's interests in exchange for gifts, representing a conflict between the premier's public duties and personal friendship.

Netanyahu did personal favors for Milchan, including asking US officials to extend Milchan's US resident's permit and extending Israeli regulations exempting Israeli returnees from declaring foreign income, according to the indictment.

Lapid testified Monday that Milchan and his attorneys had tried first without success to persuade him that extending the tax breaks for a decade would be good for Israel, Israeli media reported. Then Netanyahu broached the matter twice with Lapid, he testified – once at the prime minister's residence and once outside a Cabinet meeting, according to the reports.

Lapid said he told Netanyahu that it wasn't going to happen, and the prime minister responded that it was "a good law." Netanyahu, Israel's longest-serving leader, denies claims of wrongdoing, saying he was not acting in Milchan's personal interests and even occasionally acted against them. He says the exchanges of gifts were just friendly gestures.

Milchan is expected to testify in the case in a video call from London, where he resides, sometime later this month.

Haaretz newspaper has reported that in 2013 Lapid, then finance minister sought legal advice on the possibility of promoting the legislation that would have benefitted Milchan. Earlier, Lapid had reportedly said he replied, "No way," to Netanyahu and Milchan about the prospects for the legislation.

Netanyahu is charged with fraud, breach of trust, and accepting bribes in three separate scandals involving powerful media moguls and wealthy associates. He denies wrongdoing. Critics say that Netanyahu is driven to weaken the courts and change the judicial system as a way to open an escape route from his trial, claims he dismisses as untrue.

The corruption charges also have been at the center of a protracted political crisis that sent Israelis to the polls five times in less than four years – each vote essentially a referendum on Netanyahu's fitness to rule. After losing power in 2021 to a coalition of opponents, Netanyahu returned as prime minister late last year, despite his legal problems. Under Israeli law, the prime minister has no obligation to step aside while on trial.

The trial, which began in May 2020, has featured more than 40 prosecution witnesses, including some of Netanyahu's closest former confidants who turned against the premier. Witness accounts have shed light not only on the three cases but also revealed sensational details about Netanyahu's character and his family's reputation for living off the largesse of taxpayers and wealthy supporters.

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Israel lambasted the United Nations on Saturday after a key committee approved a draft resolution Friday calling on the International Court of Justice to urgently issue its opinion on the legal consequences of supposedly denying the Palestinian people the right to self-determination as a result of Israel's actions since the 1967 Six-Day War.

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The measure was vehemently opposed by Israel, which argued it would destroy any chance of reconciliation with the Palestinians.

"This step will not change the reality on the ground, nor will it help the Palestinian people in any way; it may even result in an escalation. Supporting this move is a prize for terrorist organizations and the campaign against Israel," Prime Minister Yair Lapid said in a statement, adding that "the Palestinians want to replace negotiations with unilateral steps. They are again using the United Nations to attack Israel."

The vote in the General Assembly's Special Political and Decolonization Committee was 98-17, with 52 abstentions. The resolution will now go to the 193-member assembly for a final vote before the end of the year, when it is virtually certain of approval.

Prime Minister Yair Lapid:
"Israel strongly rejects the Palestinian resolution at the United Nations.

This is another unilateral Palestinian move which undermines the basic principles for resolving the conflict and may harm any possibility for a future process.

— Prime Minister of Israel (@IsraeliPM) November 12, 2022

The draft cites Israel's supposed violation of Palestinian rights to self-determination "from its prolonged occupation, settlement and annexation of the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967, including measures aimed at altering the demographic composition, character and status of the holy city of Jerusalem, and from its adoption of related discriminatory legislation and measures."

It would ask the court for an opinion on how these Israeli policies and practices "affect the legal status of the occupation, and what are the legal consequences that arise for all states and the United Nations from this status."

The International Court of Justice, also known as the world court, is one of the UN's main organs and is charged with settling disputes between countries. Its opinions are not binding.

"Israel strongly rejects the Palestinian resolution at the United Nations. This is another unilateral Palestinian move which undermines the basic principles for resolving the conflict and may harm any possibility for a future process," Lapid tweeted and thanked that handful of countries that voted against the resolution with Israel. "We call upon on all the countries that supported yesterday's proposal to reconsider their position and oppose it when it's voted upon in the General Assembly. The way to resolve the conflict does not pass through the corridors of the UN or other international bodies," he continued.

This is not the first opinion sought from the court stemming from the nearly 75-year-old Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In 2004, the court said that a barrier Israel had built against terrorists was "contrary to international law."

The draft also demands Israel comply with the court's 2004 decision and stop construction of the wall, dismantle it, and make reparations for all damage caused by its construction, "which has gravely impacted the human rights" and living conditions of Palestinians.

The call for a new opinion was one of six Palestinian-related resolutions approved by the committee on Friday.

Before the vote, Israel's UN Ambassador Gilad Erdan told UN member nations they had a choice on whether to support negotiations or "to be an accomplice in destroying any hope for reconciliation" and perpetuating the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

He warned that "involving a judicial organ in a decades-old conflict only to dictate one side's demands on the other ensures many more years of stagnation."

"By co-opting the court," Erdan said, "the Palestinians are given the perfect excuse to continue boycotting the negotiating table to perpetuate the conflict."

After the vote, the Palestinian UN ambassador, Riyad Mansour, expressed gratitude to member states that approved all six resolutions and cited Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas' speech at the annual General Assembly in September that urged for the mobilizing of "all the components of our international law-based order, including international justice."

Mansour thanked the countries that supported the resolution and said that "nothing justifies standing with Israeli occupation and annexation, its displacement and dispossession of our people."

"Our people are entitled to freedom," he said. "This occupation will need to end."

"There will come a day, a day when our people will bring the flag of Palestine over the churches of Jerusalem and to the mosques of Jerusalem and Haram al-Sharif," Mansour added, referring to the Muslim name for the flashpoint holy site in Jerusalem's Old City that Israeli's refer to as the Temple Mount.

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Prime Minister Yair Lapid on Sunday issued a plea for national unity, days after he was defeated in national election by the former premier, Benjamin Netanyahu, with the backing of a far-right ultranationalist party.

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In a memorial ceremony for the assassinated Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, the outgoing prime minister warned of the deep divisions plaguing the country after the bitter campaign, Israel's fifth election since 2019. He appeared to take aim at Religious Zionist Party, whose leaders have made repeated anti-Arab, anti-LGBTQ comments. Religious Zionism emerged as the third-largest party in Parliament and is expected to play a key role in in Netanyahu's government.

"There is no 'us and them,' only us," Lapid said in his first public comments since last week's election. "An absolute majority of this country's citizens believe in the rule of law, democratic values and mutual respect."

"The absolutely majority of Israelis want a Judaism that unites us, not a Judaism that is a political tool and certainly not a Judaism that is an endorsement of violence," he added.

Netanyahu's Likud Party, along with Religious Zionist Party and a pair of ultra-Orthodox religious parties, captured a 64-seat majority in the 120-seat Parliament in last Tuesday's election. They are expected to put together a new governing majority in the coming weeks.

Lapid's outgoing coalition, a diverse collection of parties that included the first-ever Arab party to be part of an Israeli government, won just 51 seats. The election, like the previous four, focused on Netanyahu's fitness to rule while he faces corruption charges.

Religious Zionist Party has promised to push through new reforms that could weaken Israel's judicial branch, help Netanyahu get immunity and possibly make the criminal charges against him disappear. Critics say this agenda would deal a tough blow to Israel's democratic institutions. The party also promotes a hard line against the Palestinians.

"The absolute majority of Israel's citizens are not willing to let hatred dictate their lives," Lapid said during the ceremony at Israel's national cemetery. "We have to decide now, at this moment, where this country is going."

Netanyahu did not attend the ceremony. But speaking later in Parliament, Netanyahu said that following the election, "it is time to get out of the trenches and know how to work together."

The leader of Religious Zionist Party, Bezalel Smotrich, complained that his voters have been unfairly "demonized" as supporting Rabin's killing, an act he called "horrendous".

Smotrich's running mate, Itamar Ben-Gvir, famously held up a hood ornament pulled off Rabin's car weeks before the assassination. "Just as we got to this emblem, we can get to Rabin," Ben-Gvir, who is now up for a senior Cabinet post, said at the time.

Rabin was killed on Nov. 4, 1995, by a Jewish extremist who opposed his peace efforts with the Palestinians.

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Former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu appeared to hold a narrow lead early Wednesday in Israeli elections, according to exit polls, potentially paving the way for a return to power after it appeared that at least one left-wing party failed to meet the necessary threshold to enter parliament.

The exit polls were preliminary, and the final results could change as votes are tallied. However, they pointed to a continued rightward shift in the Israeli electorate, further dimming hopes for peace with the Palestinians and setting the stage for possible conflict with the Biden administration and Israel's supporters in the US.

Tuesday's election was Israel's fifth in less than four years, with all of them focused largely on Netanyahu's fitness to govern. On trial for a slew of corruption charges, Netanyahu is seen by supporters as the victim of a witch hunt and vilified by opponents as a crook and threat to democracy.

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The vote, like past elections, was tight. The exit polls on Israel's three major television stations all predicted that Netanyahu and his hard-line allies would capture 61 or 62 seats in parliament, giving him the majority in the 120-seat parliament needed to govern.

But the polls showed a small Arab party close to crossing the threshold required to enter parliament – a development that could erase his slim majority.

Elections officials worked through the night tallying votes. Early on Wednesday, nearly 45% of the ballots had been counted, and the final outcome remained unclear.

If Netanyahu's allies emerge victorious, it could still take weeks of negotiations for a coalition government to be formed. Continued deadlock and a new round of elections are also a possibility.

Speaking in Jerusalem in the middle of the night, Netanyahu asked his supporters to have patience and said his Likud Party was "on the verge of a very big victory."

Perhaps fearing that Arab voters would deny him victory, Netanyahu tweeted allegations of violence and vote tampering at Arab polling stations. He provided no evidence, and the country's nonpartisan Central Elections Committee dismissed the "baseless rumors."

Netanyahu later said he was "asking for total electoral purity because that's the basis of democracy."

Arabs make up some 20% of Israel's population and have been a key factor in blocking Netanyahu in recent elections. But this time around their vote was split among three different factions, each of which was at risk of falling below the threshold, which would mean those votes were wasted.

Netanyahu was Israel's longest-serving prime minister, governing for 12 consecutive years – and 15 years altogether – before he was ousted last year by a diverse coalition led by the Center-Left candidate Yair Lapid.

But the coalition that Lapid cobbled together, which included the first Arab party ever to join a government, was ravaged by infighting and collapsed after just one year in power. Those parties were poised to capture just 54 seats, according to the polls.

Lapid, addressing supporters early Wednesday, insisted that the race was not decided.

"Until the last envelope is counted, nothing is over and nothing is final," he said.

The night's strongest showing was by far-right lawmaker Itamar Ben-Gvir's Religious Zionism, which emerged as the third-largest party. Ben-Gvir is a disciple of a racist rabbi, Meir Kahane, who was banned from parliament and whose Kach party was branded a terrorist group by the United States before he was assassinated in New York in 1990.

But while Kahane was seen as a pariah, Ben-Gvir is one of Israel's most popular politicians, thanks to his frequent media appearances.

At the celebration, Ben-Gvir's supporters chanted "Death to terrorists."

"We want to make a total separation between those who are loyal to the state of Israel – and we don't have any problem with them – and those who undermine our dear country," he said.

Muhammad Shtayyeh, the Palestinian prime minister, said the rise of Israel's far-Right was "a natural result of the growing manifestations of extremism and racism in Israeli society." He said Netanyahu, if asked to form the next government, might try to seek other potential coalition partners instead. With Netanyahu's opponents vowing never to sit in a government with him, that could be a difficult task.

In Israel, voters vote for parties, not individual politicians. No party has ever won a majority on its own, and coalition-building is necessary to govern.

The Likud Party was projected to be the largest, with some 31 seats in parliament, followed by Lapid's Yesh Atid, with 22 to 24 seats.

Lapid was the mastermind of the coalition that turned Netanyahu into the opposition leader.

The coalition was made up of nationalists who oppose Palestinian statehood, dovish parties that seek a peace agreement and – for the first time in the country's history – a small Arab Islamist party. The groups were united over their distaste for Netanyahu. But that coalition collapsed this spring because of infighting.

The centrist Lapid, a former author and broadcaster who became premier as part of a power-sharing agreement, has portrayed himself as an honest and scandal-free change from the polarizing Netanyahu.

In his short term as caretaker leader, Lapid welcomed President Joe Biden on a visit to Israel, led the country in a brief military operation against Gaza terrorists and signed a diplomatic agreement with Lebanon setting a maritime boundary between the enemy nations.

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Prime Minister Yair Lapid stopped short of conceding Tuesday's election, saying he will wait until final results were in after exit polls predicted a loss for his camp and a comeback for former premier Benjamin Netanyahu.

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"We have no intention to stop," Lapid told his supporters at his Center-Left party headquarters. "We will continue to fight for Israel to be a Jewish and democratic, liberal and progressive state," Lapid said.

Lapid's ruling party Yesh Atid ("There is a future"), which was leading a transition government based on a loosely based coalition, won just over 20 seats, compared to Likud's 30. Overall, Netanyahu's bloc of right-wing and religious parties appeared poised to win an outright majority in the Knesset, all but guaranteeing Lapid would be unseated.

Lapid told his supporters shortly after 1 a.m that "this long night will last two days; nothing is over until all votes are counted, and we will wait patiently despite being impatient  for the final results."

Lapid thanked his supporters and said that "over a million Israelis voted for Yesh Atid, we won an unprecedented number of seats, we showed responsibility toward the rest of the bloc." He said the strong showing meant that "a million Israelis went to vote for being Jewish and Israeli; both liberal and patriotic; both secular and connected to the Bible and tradition."

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For the fifth time since 2019, Israelis were voting in national elections on Tuesday, hoping to break the political deadlock that has paralyzed the country for the past three and a half years.

Although the cost of living is surging, Israeli-Palestinian tensions are boiling over and Iran remains a central threat, the foremost issue in the vote once again is former leader Benjamin Netanyahu and his fitness to serve amid corruption charges. His main rival is the man who helped oust him in 2021, the center-left caretaker Prime Minister Yair Lapid. "These elections are (a choice) between the future and the past. So go out and vote today for our children's future, for our country's future," Lapid said after voting near his home in the Ramat Aviv neighborhood in Tel Aviv. "Vote well, good luck to everyone. Thank you very much," he added as he and his wife, Lihi, cast their ballot.

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Polls have predicted a similar result: stalemate. But a powerful new player is threatening to shake things up. Itamar Ben-Gvir, a leading far-right politician, has surged in opinion polls recently and will be seeking a harder line against the Palestinians if he helps propel Netanyahu to victory. After he cast his vote in settlement where he lives, Ben-Gvir promised that a vote for his party would bring about a "fully right-wing government" with Netanyahu as prime minister.

Netanyahu hopes to make comeback and resume his longest-ever premiership voted in Jerusalem. Arriving at the polling booth with his wife, he asked Israelis "to exercise the democratic right to determine the country's fate". He added that "it is a great privilege to vote, don't pass up this opportunity."

With former allies and proteges refusing to sit under him while he is on trial, Netanyahu, who was expected to cast his ballot later Tuesday, has been unable to form a viable majority government in the 120-seat Knesset, or parliament. His opponents, an ideologically diverse constellation of parties, are equally hamstrung in cobbling together the 61 seats needed to rule. That impasse has mired Israel in an unprecedented political crisis that has eroded Israelis' faith in their democracy, its institutions and their political leaders.

"People are tired of instability, of the fact that the government is not delivering the goods," said Yohanan Plesner, a former legislator who now heads the Israel Democracy Institute, a Jerusalem think tank.

Video: PM Yair Lapid at the polling station / Moshe Ben Simhon

Buoyed by his followers' almost cult-like adoration, Netanyahu, 73, has rejected calls to step down by his opponents, who say someone on trial for fraud, breach of trust and accepting bribes cannot govern. Netanyahu denies wrongdoing, but embarrassing details from his ongoing trial repeatedly make front page news.

In Israel's fragmented politics, no single party has ever won a parliamentary majority, and coalition-building is necessary to govern. Netanyahu's most likely path to the premiership requires an alliance with extremist ultra-nationalists and religious ultra-Orthodox parties. These parties would demand key portfolios in a Netanyahu government, and some have promised to enact reforms that could make Netanyahu's legal woes disappear.

The ultranationalist Religious Zionist party, whose provocative top candidate Ben-Gvir wants to deport Arab legislators and is a disciple of a racist rabbi who was assassinated in 1990, has promised to support legislation that would alter the legal code, weaken the judiciary and could help Netanyahu evade a conviction. Ben-Gvir, promising a tougher line against Palestinian attackers, this week announced he would seek the Cabinet post overseeing the police force.

Critics have sounded the alarm over what they see is a destructive threat to Israel's democracy. Netanyahu, currently opposition leader, paints himself as the consummate statesman and only leader capable of steering the country through its myriad challenges. Polls say the race is too close to predict.

Netanyahu was ousted last year after 12 years in power by the diverse coalition forged by Lapid, Netanyahu's main challenger. The coalition, made up of nationalists who oppose Palestinian statehood, dovish parties that seek a peace agreement, as well as for the first time in the country's history, a small Arab Islamist party, united over their distaste for Netanyahu but collapsed this spring because of infighting.

The center-left Lapid, a former author and broadcaster who became premier as part of a power-sharing agreement, has portrayed himself as an honest and scandal-free change from the polarizing Netanyahu.

In his short term as caretaker leader, Lapid welcomed President Joe Biden on a successful visit to Israel, led the country in a brief military operation against Gaza terrorist and signed a diplomatic agreement with Lebanon setting a maritime boundary between the enemy nations. Still, Lapid's chances to return to leadership are shaky. He is relying on voters from Israel's Palestinian minority, who make up one fifth of the population. Their turnout is predicted to reach historic lows, but if they unexpectedly do come out to vote, that could slash the Netanyahu camp's numbers.

After the votes are tallied, the parties have nearly three months to form a government. If they can't, Israel will head to yet another election. "I hope this time it will be final," said Avi Shlush, a voter in Tel Aviv. "But it will not be final. We are heading to another election."

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In a special interview with Israel Hayom ahead of the Jewish new year, Prime Minister Yair Lapid promised that he would not shy away from acting against Iran to prevent it from having a nuclear program, even without US approval. Lapid, who became prime minister in June as part of a rotating premiership agreement with Naftali Bennett that was invoked due to the dissolution of the Knesset and a decision to go early to the polls, also spoke about the prospect of winning another term in office and whether this would be possible with the help of the Arab parties.

Asked if "Israeli children are safe from Iran," Lapid said, "From the first day, we have been telling the Americans that we will engage in the most heated debate you have ever seen behind closed doors and will make you see intelligence you will have never wanted to see. But we will not deliver speeches in Congress against you; we will not get into the US political fray. We have already seen how ineffective this is, but we are going to reserve the right to act without clearing this with you or giving you a heads up; we are not going to commit to informing anyone." 

Q: Perhaps you woke up too late, now that a nuclear deal is almost a done deal? 

"We have been dealing with this over the past year. I flew to Riga to discuss this during the coronavirus pandemic to discuss this far away so that no one could see me talk with Secretary of State Antony Blinken." 

Q: Will this stop the bomb? 

"We will do whatever it takes to stop the bomb. The Americans are not going to deal with this [the nuclear deal] until the midterms, but we will continue working on this issue nonstop. Even in 2015, despite Israel's incessant efforts to prevent the deal, it was concluded. The world views this issue through a different lens. Does Israel have the capacity and ability to stop Iran from becoming nuclear? The answer is yes." 

Q: Will Israel use this ability in the near term? 

"We will do everything to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear state." 

Q: The US has been very critical of Israel when it came to the death of Shireen Abu-Akleh, it tried to meddle with the IDF rules of engagement, has not given a green light to sell the Iron Dome to Germany and Joe Biden has not picked up your calls. Have relations hit a road bump? 

"This strange story on a phone call that he supposedly refused to accept, where did it come from? Biden was on vacation. His people asked us if this call was urgent, and we answered that we needed to talk in the upcoming 10 days because there is a piece of information that needs to be discussed. I said this was not urgent."

Q: How could it not be urgent if the US was on the verge of concluding a nuclear deal? 

"Think about the other side of the coin. You request a call with the president and when they ask you if it is important you answer 'Yes' and then he picks up the phone only to discover it is not urgent. How serious will they take you next time around? A person in this office must be able to think long term, and without emotion." 

Q: What is the most important thing that has happened to you in politics? 

"It happened just last year before I became prime minister. I was standing at the Mauthausen concentration camp and the Austrian chancellor told me, 'We are sorry before Mr. Lapid that we killed his grandfather.' My entire political journey was worth it just because of that moment." 

Q: And what is the most important thing that happened to you as prime minister? 

"I have an answer but I can't share it with you." 

Q: Something maybe? 

"I am sorry, I am not going to compromise state security. What I can say is that the falling of IDF officer Maj. Bar Falah is a painful tragedy that I will carry with me for the rest of my life. 

Q: Do you share the feeling that Israel has been paying a much-too-heavy price for being too humane on the battlefield? 

"No, absolutely not. I am the first to say that you have to rise up and kill those who threaten you. The fact that we are a nation of laws is not a weakness, it is a strength; this is where we get our strength. Judaism views morality as power. We are not militias or a rag-tag army and this is how it should remain. 

Q: One of the videos online against you shows you talking about a situation in which a soldier stands with his troops near a kindergarten in Gaza even as he faces enemy fire. If he doesn't respond, his men will die; if does respond, children will die. The clip claims you don't have an answer to this situation. 

"This is yet another example of the toxic attacks against us. This video was taken from a lecture on the Holocaust and the two conclusions one can draw from it: that we cannot rely on anyone but ourselves, and that we have to uphold morality. I said that in Israel, this could eventually mean we would find ourselves in such scenarios, such as in a situation. Is there an Israeli soldier who would order, 'Bomb a kindergarten so that all the kids die.' No, I don't think so."

Q: So what should soldiers do if a terrorist shoots at them from a kindergarten? 

"You cannot ignore the probability that there are children there. A democratic and Jewish state doesn't kill children." 

Q: You are ignoring the basic premise of us vs. them.

"No, in both cases it's us before them. A country that doesn't target kids is a strong country. The goal of that lecture was to make it clear who the enemy is. To highlight that Hamas is the one using kids as human shields." 

Q: So you don't have an answer? 

"No one can have a boilerplate answer for a complex situation."

Q: What would you expect the officer to do in such a situation? 

"To retreat with his troops, to call in for air cover, and to use a multi-faceted response. They can wait nearby, and do the things that extremists in the likes of Itamar Ben-Gvir won't like." 

The interview comes just before Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, as Israelis take stock of the past year and change their overall tune to a more conciliatory one. But it is also just weeks away from what could spell the end of Lapid's political career, with polls showing he is neck and neck with former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over who can emerge victorious and secure enough support in the Knesset following the national election. 

"Let's talk about Israeli society. I think everyone has erred in constantly talking about unity. What is that a mistake? Because the reaction to such statements among the Israelis is 'Why should I unify with something that outrages me?'. People on the Left and on the Right can't see themselves coming together with the extremists. This kind of discourse takes the truth out of the conversation. We were wrong; we must not engage in this charade of unity; we must talk about respecting, not unifying. I think we can respect people who think differently." 

Q: But some cynics would say that the only reason you are saying this is because you want to court the Haredis.

"I have no problem engaging the Haredim as someone who respects them. Take for example the disagreements over the core curriculum." 

Q: If this becomes the deal breaker for having them join your coalition, wouldn't you relent the way Netanyahu has? 

"I will not give any pledge that would have them exempt from the core curriculum."

Q: So what are you willing to offer them.? 

"Any party that subscribes to our basic coalition guidelines would be welcome. A Netanyahu partnership with the Haredim would spell disaster for the state." 

Q: You are 59. Where are you going to be when you turn 60?

"Here, at the Prime Minister's Office."

Q: Are you sure? 

"I think I will be here. I will make every effort, but it ultimately rests with the Israeli voter. I am not sure that Israelis are troubled by this question right now on the eve of Rosh Hashanah." 

Q: How will the elections end? 

"When I get the results, I will have an answer." 

Q: Things are not looking good for your parliamentary bloc. You don't seem prepared. 

"When I get the results, I will have an answer." 

Q: But what can you say? 

"Let's drop this issue; I am not going to discuss polling numbers." 

Q: It's not polling. It's your preparation.

"That's speculation."

Q: Your failure to have Meretz and Labor run together on the same list is just speculation? 

"When I get the results, I will have an answer." 

Q: Some have criticized you for not being able to lead the bloc because of your failure to get mergers. 

"I am sitting right now in the Prime Minister's Office. It is a good indication that I know how to do politics. Netanyahu may have got his bloc in order, but he lost the election [in 2021]."

Q: Will you agree to a government with Gantz that would not have you serve as rotating premier? 

"When I get the results, I will have an answer." 

Q: Why do you never speak about him? 

"He is an excellent defense minister, you won't hear anything bad about him coming from me." 

Q: I get the feeling you don't really like Otzmah Yehudit leader Itamar Ben-Gvir.

"I don't know him; never spoke to him." 

Q: Do you believe him when he says he has changed? 

"I don't. I think he represents a dangerous phenomenon. Someone who until two years ago had a picture of [Jewish terrorist], Baruch Goldstein, on his living room wall does not change. This so-called change was too fast and conveniently suits his political needs." 

Q: Do you feel the same disgust you have toward Ben Gvir when you hear Joint Arab List MK Waleed Taha say, as he did during the recent operation, that he stands by the Gazans or when he says that LGBT people are perverts? 

"The difference is that there is no chance Taha could convince thousands of Israelis to agree with him. Ben-Gvir could. 

Q: What Taha said is bad.

"I think the problem with Ben-Gvir is worse because he has been convincing young Israelis to follow his lead. Taha will not convince a single Israeli to join him.".

Q: But still, don't you think it is problematic that you have ruled out partnering with Ben-Gvir but not you have not said the same regarding Taha? 

"I won't sit together with Ben-Gvir. He has been a disgrace to us." 

Q: What about Taha? 

"He is not part of who we are, so he does not disgrace us, he is not part of me." 

Q: He is part of your coalition.

"My coalition comprises eight parties that were built in a certain constellation. Are his views influential? No. We have passed budgets and decisions that are more pro-LGBT than any previous government."

Q: I assume you are going to once again say that you do not like his views.

"They are difficult to hear; I am against them and disagree with them." 

Q: You see, you once again use that line.

"More than that – I have been at the helm of a party that does exactly the opposite of those views. But just before Rosh Hashanah, I don't want to talk politics; let's talk about the political-media discourse that has all but ignored substance: The upcoming election is on where the new government will take Israel. We present a better alternative on substance and on values. The other side thinks differently. The problem is that there is no debate on the substance. For example, why is no one asking why we have succeeded in fending off a bad agreement with Iran, unlike the previous government? Likewise, we managed to get a deal with the teachers union and with the medical residents. These are the serious issues that go beyond which headline each tabloid has to run, or what the latest political outrage is all about."  

Q: I noticed that you have not mentioned tackling the cost of living as one of your successes. You also don't mention the middle class in your speeches. Maybe because you have been a total failure on this front over the past year? 

"Cost of living is no longer just about the middle class. It's been affecting every Israeli." 

Q: Has the middle class buckled? 

"No, but it has found it hard to get by. But it understands that the government can only do so much over the short term." 

Q: Are you sure middle-class Israelis think this? 

"I believe Israeli voters are intelligent and have realized this. We have a smart electorate." 

Q: They also remember all your talk about the cost of living as a campaigner and they have seen prices go up in the supermarket and in their rent going up to new highs. 

"Over the past year, the cost of living has been growing exponentially all over the world on a scale not seen in years, because of the effects of emerging out of the pandemic and the ongoing war in Ukraine. This happened during my watch. Israel has been disproportionately affected because this spike hit us after 12 years that we had no action on this front." 

Q: So it's Netanyahu's fault?

"We were handed over a country that has one of the highest costs of living. The person who had been prime minister should be held accountable. Netanyahu ran a campaign on the cost of living in which he could be seen filling up his tank for the first time in his life. He then dropped this theme because everyone realized that he caused this problem, and therefore cannot be its solution. We are engaged in a fight; shifting from one thing to the next: from gas prices, to the bread. There is no one-size-fits all solution to how to solve the cost of living; those who believe they have such a method are lying. This is a defensive battle, but it won't be won overnight."

Q: The Bennett-Lapid government has been in power for more than a year. When does the "Netanyahu is to blame" become obsolete? 

"I have not used it; you mentioned it. I have been prime minister for two months. You cannot pin the cost of living on me." 

Q: Has anything changed on a personal level since you have become prime minister? 

"I see the kids much less often. I don't see my mother that much, and she has been increasingly scolding me. I have less time to see my friends. But this is by no means designed to sound like complaining. I am doing things I believe in. Some things I have managed to maintain." 

Q: Like what? 

"The training sessions, the food, the Tuesdays with my daughter Yael [who is autistic - Y.S.]."

Q: How do you do that with all the security measures? 

"My wife Lihi brings her home to Tel Aviv and that's where we meet." 

Q: There have been claims that you don't really live in the official residence in Jerusalem. You put up a post on moving there, but you have stayed in Tel Aviv. 

"We evenly split our time between the two places. On Saturday I am in Tel Aviv with my family and then on Saturday night, I go to Jerusalem, where I stay throughout Monday. On Tuesday I go back to Tel Aviv and on Wednesday and Thursday, I am usually once again in Jerusalem. There are two magnificent rooms there. Lihi and I  feel like two college students who now study fine arts. It's really nice." 

Q: People are very interested in your personal life. You were spotted near an ATM and then people said you were there just so you could show that, unlike Netanyahu, you are an ordinary person.

"That was a very bizarre incident. I was on my way to the barbershop, so I went to the ATM to withdraw some cash. But it turned out that the machine for taking out money was moved nearby, so I then went to the right to get to the machine I needed. Someone took a photo of me [near the first machine], and people started crying foul that I had staged this. When we looked at the reactions, it just dawned on us that this is so out of whack that it does not merit a response. But it says something about where we are as a society. The willingness to believe all the bad allegations on the other side at every given moment without a shred of evidence – is dangerous. Israel has become a victim of this attitude on the world stage, more than any nation. What is antisemitism? It is believing the very worst about people without any evidence. We are the biggest victims of this attitude and now we have imported this here and lob it on one another." 

Q: Maybe because we are living at a time when people no longer believe politicians who keep changing their views 180 degrees. 

"There are two moments in Israeli history that made Israelis suspicious: The Oslo Accords and the settlement enterprise. The Right woke up one day to discover that someone far away pulled a fast one on them. THe Left woke up one day and saw that people had placed trailers overnight and formed a settlement.

Q: That may be a philosophical argument, but the reality is much simpler: people saw how Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Shaked promise one thing and then go do the exact opposite. They saw blatant lies over the past year. 

"I understand, but I still think there is a big difference between historical processes and specific disappointments." 

Q: Forming the Bennett-Lapid "change government" was not a historical process? 

"Correct, it was a historic moment. I would be the first to say so. Every historic move involves painful choices, otherwise, this would not be a historic milestone. What Naftali did was an exemplary display of leadership when facing a difficult and complex situation." 

Q: Or maybe it was all planned, when Operation Guardian of the Walls began he said the "change government" was off the table to quell opposition. Was he lying? 

"Since I was 50% of this process, I can tell you this was no lie. He truly believed at the time that it was the truth. I told him, 'You are wrong; you will see that things will continue,' and that is what happened. 

Q: Has he disappointed you? 

"Not at all

Q: You were his deputy. You gave him backing, and he just jumped ship. 

"That is not what I feel." 

Q: It has been reported that your relations were tested after you refused to grant him special privileges as an ex-prime minister.

"That is just nothing here." 

Q: Did you talk about this? 

"No." 

Q: How has he been handling the Iranian portfolio? 

"He is very much engaged on this matter." 

Q: Some say that prime ministers become divorced from reality as soon as they enter office. How aware are you of the latest viral trends?

"Very much so." 

Q: So you know who I am referring to when I say that there was a bride that drove Omer Adam crazy?

"I send Ms. Ben Asulin on behalf of the entire country my warmest regards over her wedding and I am very happy for her. As someone who is about to see his son get married [the wedding took place after the interview on Friday, Sept. 23], I believe that having a happy daughter-in-law is a good thing and that being too judgemental is a bad thing. Regardless, I am not disconnected. I have this mechanism that can filter out what is not important."

Q: You know a thing or two about Israeli society. The criticism heaped on the bride eventually became a discussion on society as a whole. What did you think? 

"I think what's online is very different from reality. I sat with Lihi at a coffee shop and about 15 people came up to us and showered praise on us. Lihi was awed and asked me, 'What is going on here?! When I look at your Facebook I see only vile comments, swear words, vitriol, and hate.' I told her that the people who come and express their love are sometimes the very people who spread hateful comments. Do the Israelis you meet on the street have an iota of the cruelty and aggression you see online? I don't think so. 

Q: Let's talk about the important things – when was the last time you ate shawarma? 

"Wow, it has been a few years." 

Q: Really? 

"I need to remind you that I am the son of Tommy Lapid, who was at his thinnest 300 pounds. It's a constant struggle between him and me. If you want to win you have to steer clear of shawarma." 

Q: How can you survive without it?  

"I have self-discipline. I still train for 50 minutes every day. It has also become the time of day I get briefings."

Q: But everyone needs shawarma.

"Why shawarma? Once a week I have a cheat meal. In recent weeks I have tried to start having a weekly dinner with my wife at a restaurant." 

Q: I saw you went out to Dixie. Did you get the wings? 

"I don't like wings. I ate a Philly sandwich. I am glad we are having this very insightful discussion. We have moved on from the topic of how to have Israelis respect one another to discuss these matters."

Q: That's what life really looks like. For example, when was the last time you took a siesta? 

"On Saturday. I also do power naps of 10 minutes, something only a few people know how to do. I have a couch in the office. I just sit with my earphones and doze off for 10 minutes."

Q: What music do you listen to? 

"It's a wide spectrum ranging from Bruce Springsteen to Mozart." 

The post 'We were wrong to talk about unity; instead we should focus on respecting one another' appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.