The statement clarified that a criminal investigation has been launched regarding the video's publication, with potential involvement of Military Advocate General personnel being probed. Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir approved the chief military prosecutor's leave request, "pending clarification of additional details on the matter," the statement said.

In July 2024, the Military Police initiated an investigation into suspected abuse of a Palestinian terrorist at the Sde Teiman facility. Throughout the investigation, a video recording the soldiers' purported conduct leaked to media outlets, displaying an assault on the terrorist by five reserve soldiers at the Sde Teiman detention center. The accused soldiers rejected the suspicions, asserting they acted to control a terrorist who assaulted them and that the force they employed was proportionate. Right-wing sources argued the leak harms Israel as a moral nation.

Defense Minister Israel Katz responded to the decision, saying, "Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir informed me that following a criminal investigation proceeding in the Sde Teiman recording leak matter, and examination of Military Prosecution personnel involvement in the matter, the decision was made that the chief military prosecutor would take leave. I welcome and back the decision – we're talking about a serious matter that generated a blood libel against IDF soldiers domestically and internationally, and it must be examined and investigated completely."

The attorney general's office also announced an investigation would commence, with the High Court of Justice updated on the development. "Following information obtained recently, the attorney general decided to instruct the opening of a criminal investigation concerning offenses related to publishing the video from the Sde Teiman matter. At this stage, as the investigation continues, no additional details can be disclosed."

MK Tzvi Succot reacted on X to the IDF spokesperson's announcement regarding the investigation's launch. "Amid Israel's most difficult war in history, the chief military prosecutor opted to accuse IDF fighters as though they participated in raping terrorists. The video leaked from investigation materials in the chief military prosecutor's custody, along with the groundless charges the chief military prosecutor circulated about the fighters, transformed into insane anti-Israel propaganda globally during wartime – straight to jail!"

Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Justice Yariv Levin also commented, noting the timing with legislation passage dividing the attorney general's position. "It's no coincidence that right after passing the bills concerning legal counsel to the government in preliminary Knesset reading, we learned about the decision to authorize launching a criminal investigation in the Sde Teiman matter, and about the chief military prosecutor's leave. Appointing the Shin Bet chief and the Public Ombudsman for Judges, along with promoting legal legislation and the resolute struggle to reveal truth and apply equal enforcement, are generating historic transformation before our eyes. I'll persist fearlessly until justice is entirely achieved."

National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir stated, "The investigation concerning Sde Teiman and the chief military prosecutor's 'leave' departure represents a dramatic shift in protecting democracy from criminal behavior disguised as legal action. Everyone implicated in the matter should be held accountable, including the Attorney General herself, who initially attempted to sabotage the investigation with a deceptive High Court of Justice statement."

At Honenu, the organization defending several soldiers charged in the Sde Teiman matter, officials praised the investigation's opening regarding the video leak. The organization now weighs stopping the mediation procedure in the case and demanding indictment withdrawal against Unit 100 fighters. Attorneys Adi Keidar, Nati Rom, and Moshe Polsky described this as an essential measure, arguing the video leak aimed to tarnish the fighters' standing and harmed the IDF's and state's reputation.

Simultaneously, Honenu's lawsuit against Channel 12 News, reporter Guy Peleg, and the IDF for 2 million shekels ($564,000) in defamation damages regarding the video's publication is currently under consideration. The attorneys additionally insisted that all personnel connected to the matter's investigation be removed from their roles.

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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was fitted with a pacemaker overnight between Saturday and Sunday, after which he was said to be in good condition. His office said that he was set to be discharged on Sunday and with his family members as he recovers. His office said that his overseas trips to Turkey and Cyprus, which had been scheduled for late July, would have to be postponed since the procedure "requires weeks of follow-ups". Likewise, the weekly cabinet session was postponed.

On Sunday, doctors revealed that Netanyahu had been suffering from a minor heart condition for many years, and that is what prompted them to install the heart monitor a week earlier, even though his symptoms for the first hospitalization this month were for dehydration. Such decisions are common practice, since sometimes dehydration and other conditions could be related to heart problems.

Before he was admitted to the hospital, he released a video explaining that the operation had to be carried out immediately. Shortly afterward, Justice Minister Yariv Levin was chosen by the cabinet to assume the powers of the prime minister for the duration of the procedure, which was carried out while Netanyahu was partially conscious due to sedation.

Video: PM Netanyahu discharged from his first hospitalization / Maytal Yasur Beit Or

"A week ago I was fitted with a monitoring device. That device beeped this evening and said I must have a pacemaker and that I must do this already tonight," Netanyahu said in the video late Saturday. "I feel great, but I need to listen to my doctors." He added that he hoped to get back to the Knesset on Sunday so that he can continue with the passage of the contested judicial reform, whose final vote is expected by Monday.

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Netanyahu, 73, suffered dehydration earlier this month and had to be rushed to the Sheba-Tel Hashomer Medical Center, where he stayed overnight. A day later, the hospital said that no irregularities were found in tests that included subcutaneous heart monitoring following his admission for dehydration.

Later that day, before he was discharged and as part of additional medical tests, Netanyahu was fitted with the subcutaneous holter, or heart monitor, and found to be "in complete cardiac health," the hospital statement said.

However, this weekend, that device indicated that Netanyahu needs further treatment, resulting in his new hospitalization for the pacemaker procedure.

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The "March of the Million" near the Knesset in Jerusalem on Thursday evening may not have hit its target (organizers say 600,000 attended; police say 200,000), but it succeeded in putting to bed Opposition claims that Israelis are united against judicial reform. It also provided much-needed backing to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's beleaguered government.

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Supporters of reform have been slow to respond to months of protests against it, which have forced the coalition back on its heels, leading Netanyahu to pause the process and enter into negotiations with the opposition under the auspices of President Isaac Herzog. Those favoring reform worry that the result will be a watered-down version of the legislation. Among the crowd's chants at the rally: "Stop being afraid" and "We don't want compromise."

Of the many politicians and right-wing figures who addressed the assembled, the biggest cheers went to the chief architects of judicial reform: Justice Minister Yariv Levin of Likud and Knesset Member Simcha Rothman of the Religious Zionism Party, who chairs the parliament's Constitution, Law and Justice Committee.

"Over two million Israelis voted six months ago in the real referendum: the election. They voted in favor of legal reform," Levin declared. "We are here on this stage with 64 mandates to right an injustice. No more inequality, no one-sided judicial system, no court whose judges are above the Knesset and above the government.

"We are told that if the reform passes there will be a dictatorship. There is no bigger lie than that. Show me a single democracy in which the legal advisers decide [government policy] instead of the government," Levin said, adding to cheers, "I will do everything in my power to bring the desired change to the judicial system.

"If someone were to tell me a few years ago that in 2023 there would be such a broad consensus in Israeli society for the need for judicial reform and that the situation today isn't democratic, I would have told him he was delusional," Rothman said. "Correcting the judicial system is my life's mission and I will continue to promote it in every way."

Likud MK Avichay Boaron acted as master of ceremonies. "The purpose of the demonstration is to remind and demand from our elected officials in the government and the coalition that the people want judicial reform, that the people are behind them, that the people give them strength," he said.

Netanyahu, who didn't attend for security reasons, tweeted, "I am deeply moved by the tremendous support of the national camp that came to Jerusalem this evening en masse. All of us, 64 mandates that brought on our victory, are first-class citizens. You warmed my heart very much, and I thank each and every one of you."

Twenty-nine NGOs sponsored the protest, foremost among them Tekuma 23, an NGO founded by political activist Berale Crombie together with Boaron. Its mission is to build support for judicial reform in the wake of the protests against it.

The pro-reform rally was different in tone from its anti-reform counterparts, which are grim affairs with warnings of pending dictatorship, clashes with police, solemn torchlit marches and women dressed as Margaret Atwood-inspired handmaids with heads lowered. This rally was boisterous, resembling a giant block party. Music pumped through large speaker systems. Protesters danced and sang. Strangers backslapped one another. It was festive. The optimism was palpable.

Encountering Herzl Hajaj of Choosing Life, a forum of Israeli terror victims and bereaved families, JNS asked him to explain the difference.

"The Right is always happier," he said. "There's a lot of money driving the Left's protests. The folks who make all the noise and confusion do it for a payment. People here have left work. They came from Eilat, Metulla, Dimona because their hearts are with this government."

Another notable difference was the age of the protesters. At Thursday's rally, youth was the rule with thousands of teens in attendance. Young families with infants were not uncommon.

Israel's right argues that the Supreme Court turned activist starting in the 1990s under then-Supreme Court President Aharon Barak, who orchestrated what he termed the "Constitutional Revolution." The government says its judicial reform program seeks to fix the problem that has grown with the years and restore the balance of power between the three branches of government.

Rothman told JNS earlier in the week that for the Opposition the protests aren't really about judicial reform but a clash between two visions of what Israel should be, a secular state on the lines of Denmark, or a Jewish state deeply connected to its particular religious and cultural traditions. If such is the case, the young teens chanting "Rothman" at Thursday's rally symbolize opponents' fear that demographics are against them. They see the Supreme Court as a check on right-wing ascendance, which explains their determination to defend its power.

Reformers are just as determined to drive through changes to the court, which they say rules according to a left-wing, globalist worldview.

Hajaj said, "Bereaved families, victims of terror, are here because the Supreme Court plays a big role in undermining deterrence against terrorists. They give them rights that no other country gives them. And we paid with the blood of our children. And the citizens of Israel will continue to pay with their blood until we change this."

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JNS also met Lt. Col. (res.) Maurice Hirsch, director of legal strategies at Palestinian Media Watch, who served in senior positions in the IDF Military Advocate General's Corps.

"What brings me here is the understanding that the legal system has to change. I was part of that ecosystem for 20 years. I was an assistant district prosecutor. And I understand that the legal system as it is today has completely failed," he told JNS, highlighting the self-selection process that goes on in the judicial system and precludes a diversity of views on the bench.

"We have members of the Bar Association appointing judges, lawyers appointing their friends to be judges with the assistance of Supreme Court judges, ensuring that they only appoint lawyers who are the same as they – in their image. Nothing changes. There's only one way of thinking," Hirsch said.

Im Tirtzu, an NGO and one of the rally organizers, organized street theater highlighting the Supreme Court's power. It featured people lined up in orange prison jumpsuits, representing a nation imprisoned by the court's rulings. Each carried a sign with a different ruling: "The Supreme Court requires National Insurance payments to terrorists," "The Supreme Court rejected petitions against the building of illegal mosques on the Temple Mount," "The Supreme Court prevents the removal of illegal [aliens] even when they're violent."

One protester wearing a mask of current Supreme Court President Esther Hayut held a stick with which he pretended to threaten and beat the uniformed protesters should they get out of line.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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"Who is the landlord here?" Itamar Ben-Gvir asked continually throughout the election campaign. Forty days after the establishment of the government, the answer is clear. Benjamin Netanyahu. The tough promises have dissipated. The robust commitments have evaporated. The coalition agreements have been dispersed. For better or worse, Netanyahu is doing what he wants, and whoever doesn't like it, can twiddle his thumbs.

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No action was taken to restore personal security – the promise, according to the media, that Ben Gvir and Netanyahu ran on in the elections (with the exception of handing out guns, which is more dangerous than beneficial), no move has been taken to strengthen Jewish security.

No special operation to fight terrorism has been implemented, even though we suffered the deadliest terrorist attack in a decade. There has been no collection of weapons, no arrests of instigators, and no restoration of any deterrence. Transit certificates have been revoked for several senior Palestinian officials. This is the legacy of the government that was elected under the pretext that its predecessor was "weak."

It is not pressure from the US that has forced Netanyahu to choose the path he has chosen. He knows very well how to get along with President Joe Biden and his companions, and also how to argue with them if he chooses to do so. At the moment he has other considerations; regional, as well as political. It is beneficial for him that Ben-Gvir bleeds: being attacked by his voters and losing the support of his followers.

And the disappointment has begun. The right-wing WhatsApp groups are expressing frustration and resentment; albeit still on a small scale. Government supporters are still giving it a chance. But the current reality is that instead of the law reaching the Bedouin community, the area's disorder is creeping into Gadera, and all that the minister of national security has to offer is empathy for the victims. This is not the government that we were yearning for.

Netanyahu is using the same drying-out procedure towards Bezalel Smotrich and his buddies. Despite the detailed coalition agreement, the minister of finance has been excluded from significant decisions regarding Judea and Samaria. The state's position regarding Khan al-Ahmar was drafted behind his back. He is not heading the Civil Administration, contrary to the signed agreement. The regulation of new communities is not even on the horizon and construction for the expansion of older communities is currently not on the agenda. Netanyahu is failing here too.

What is left for these two to do? Not much. "There will be no freeze on construction in Judea and Samaria. Period. There will be no impairment of Israeli deterrence against terrorists. Period. There will be no continuation of Arab illegal construction and takeover of open areas. Period," Smotrich announced on Tuesday. It is good that we are talking in the future tense because at present all promises have not been fulfilled.

Likewise, Ben-Gvir is also distributing "post-dated checks" with added points. "The evacuation will happen because the minister has issued an order and there is law in the State of Israel. If not tomorrow, then the day after. If not in a week – then in two weeks. It will happen. Period." This was Ben-Gvir's response to Netanyahu's directive not to demolish an illegal building in east Jerusalem.

From the corner into which Netanyahu has pushed them, they are not able to do much more at the moment.

Too many ministers

The government's light right-wing policies are possibly disappointing some of its voters, but they will tame – or at least may tame – much external criticism, because since the results of the elections were disclosed, the Opposition and left-wing media have been feeding the world with dismal predictions about "the most extreme government in Israel's history."

In practice, no signs of these horror prophecies are evident. Because what haven't we got? We haven't got a change in the situation on the Temple Mount; we haven't got a cancellation of the grandchild clause in the Law of Return; we haven't got any anti-LGBT laws; we haven't got any construction in E1; we haven't got an eviction in Khan al-Ahmar; we haven't got an expansion of construction in Judea and Samaria; we haven't got discrimination against Arabs; and we haven't got a plethora of measures, that have even been signed on, in black and white, in the coalition agreements.

Even moves planned by Likud ministers, such as the closing of the public broadcaster, have been rejected by the coalition. The ultimate achievement is the legal reform (see below), which will eventually be presented incrementally over the coming year.

Every day that passes, therefore, shows the extent of the fulfillment of Netanyahu's promise to the Americans that he will be at the helm of the ship. You can love it and you can hate it, but the cries of "wolf, wolf" by the opposition and its partners in the media have once again turned out to be detached from reality.

The problem is that even if almost nothing is actually happening, severe damage has already been caused to Israel's image. Those who read only Hebrew media are not really aware of this situation, but English-anguage readers who believe everything written in the Jerusalem Post, Haaretz, and The New York Times truly believe that Israel is currently being ruled by Rabbi Meir Kahane's doctrine.

In recent weeks, heads of the largest pro-Israel organizations in the US visited Israel: AIPAC, the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, the American Jewish Committee, and more. Only after studying the actual situation did they realize the size of the gap between reports about what is happening here in the Holy Land, and what is actually happening here.

So it is definitely important that at least these leading personalities in the Jewish communities in the US are less intimidated. But what about the masses of supporters – Jews and non-Jews alike – who have not come to Israel and have not met with senior government officials? And what about State Department officials in Washington or their diplomats serving in Israel, or even about the general public that Israel is connected to in the West?

Many harmful and infantile statements by the new ministers have come out of Israel. They were abused by the opposition and opponents of the government in a campaign similar to the Shiite Ashura festival, those who flog themselves until they bleed. This is how those attracting investments and promoting boycotts are behaving towards their own country today; engulfed with a religious fervor that the more they suffer, the faster redemption will come.

On the other hand, the government has a minister of public diplomacy, a minister of Diaspora affairs, a minister of foreign affairs, a minister of national missions, a minister of strategic affairs, a minister of national security, and a minister of national resilience – but not one of them took the time to make a public and orderly statement to foreign media, explaining the government's plans.

The only one who did so was MK Simcha Rothman, who one morning briefed foreign journalists on the legal reform. In an era where social media determines what is right and what is wrong, one briefing by one person is far from sufficient. The information gap has never been greater.

"I will not be a Friedman"

The only one who finally took the time to explain the government's moves to Israeli citizens is Justice Minister Yariv Levin. In a 45-minute talk with Israel Hayom, Levin answered many questions I presented about the legal reform.

Among others, he addressed the concern, also heard from right-wing supporters, that the change in the composition of the committee for the selection of judges would lead to the loss of legal independence, and Israel would no longer be a democracy.

"On the contrary. In almost all democracies, elected officials have a major impact on the selection of judges. This is the principle of the separation of powers. The independence of the judiciary system derives from the fact that judges are elected to their position, and cannot be dismissed. They do not stand for re-election and, in our case, serve until retirement at the age of 70. This ensures that each and every judge  is completely independent in his rulings."

What about the claim that the government's control over the committee for the selection of judges is intended, ultimately, to result in the appointment of judges who will eventually acquit Netanyahu in the Supreme Court?

"That is total nonsense," replied Levin. "Do I have some prophetic sense that made me deal with these issues 20 years ago, because I knew they would file claims against Netanyahu?! And also, the assumption that underlies this argument is that Netanyahu's trial would last 15 years, which is the period during which all Supreme Court judges are replaced. If this is the situation, then the judicial system is really sick."

Levin is not only guaranteeing that legal independence will remain intact, but that even after the enaction of all laws, the Supreme Court will be able to make fundamental decisions, as it did back in the 1950s, long before the Aharon Barak revolution. These rulings include the landmark ruling that anchored freedom of expression in Israel and another ruling from 1986 that guarantees journalist confidentiality, and more.

The mnister of justice believes that the Aharon Barak revolution and his supporters' unwillingness to accept any other opinion are undemocratic.

"What we have now is a biased and terrified system. Read retired judge Varda Elsheich's attack on the former district court vice president retired judge because he dared to show some support for the legal reform. This is a system that silences every alternative voice; that doesn't allow promotion if you have a "different agenda," as former Supreme Court president Barak claimed about the late Prof. Ruth Gavizon.

"He said, 'We are a family, and not everyone can be part of our family.'" And I am saying that the Supreme Court belongs to all Israeli citizens, and all Israeli citizens must have representation in the court. Today there is a  system that polices people's thoughts and beliefs. These are people who all think alike. This is a system that silences every different voice, and does not allow the promotion of anyone who has a different position."

Levin's rationale underlies the assumption that judges from all walks of life will bring the people's priorities to the court.

"The reform will promote judges who will act according to principles of legal certainty, who will understand that it is better not to endanger the lives of IDF soldiers, in the name of principles that I do not understand, in order to protect a population that supports terrorism. This will improve the functioning of the systems that fight terrorism, this will reduce bureaucracy and give citizens a much-improved service."

What is certain is that Levin is not going to give in. "I will not have a Prof. Friedman," he says, referring to the justice system's success in implementing the reforms initiated by former Justice Minister Daniel Friedman in 2007.

As for the demonstrations, protests, strikes, threats of an economic boycott, and President Isaac Herzog's proposal to "stop to let us communicate" – he regards all of these as attempts to thwart the plan that he and Rothman are promoting.

Not only am I ready to talk, but I want to talk," he emphasizes but clarifies that a dialogue will only take place if the opponents to the reform are ready for an essential discussion, and not a tactical one designed to wreck it.

Thirty years after he initiated the legal revolution, during which Barak obstructed all ministers of justice who tried to restore the political system's lost power – Yaakov Neeman, Haim Ramon, Daniel Friedman, Tzipi Livni, Ayelet Shaked, Amir Ohana, Gideon Sa'ar – this time he has encountered an opponent who will not surrender: Yariv Levin.

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The Knesset will vote to approve a new government, formed by opponents of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, by June 14, speaker Yariv Levin said on Monday.

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Opposition leader Yair Lapid has cobbled together a cross-partisan coalition poised to unseat Netanyahu, who has had a 12-year run as prime minister. The deal, announced on Thursday, includes a rotating premiership between Lapid and the head of the right-wing party Yamina, Naftali Bennett.

"A session of parliament to establish the government will be set within seven days, that means by June 14, 2021," Speaker Yariv Levin told the legislature. "An announcement regarding a date for the session to establish (Israel's) 36th government will be conveyed down the line to members of parliament."

Netanyahu has called this a "government of fraud and surrender" in part because Yamina had vowed not to partner with the Left during the campaign leading up to the March 23 election.

The prime minister has further warned that because the so-called "pro-change coalition" is at the mercy of Islamist lawmakers, the emerging government would not be able to protect Israel's interests and would bow to pressure on Judea and Samaria and other matters relating to the Palestinians.

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Knesset Speaker Yariv Levin (Likud) called on Yamina and Yesh Atid on Friday to reveal their coalition agreements and accompanying arrangements to the Knesset and public, which they have yet to do after informing President Reuven Rivlin on Wednesday night that a coalition had been reached.

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"A situation in which coalition agreements are withheld from Knesset members and the public is unacceptable," Levin said. "The understandings must be submitted to the Knesset Secretariat immediately upon their signing to allow for public debate and to inform the members of the Knesset about the kind of government they are required to vote on."

According to Levin, the failure to reveal the documents raises concerns that the information is being withheld deliberately.

Yesh Atid and Yamina said in a statement: "The coalition agreements and the basic structure of the government will, of course, be made available to the public in a transparent and clear way after they are signed. We call on Knesset Speaker Yariv Levin to inform the Knesset as soon as possible that Knesset members [Yair] Lapid and [Naftali] Bennett have formed a government and convene a plenum immediately to swear in this government. The State of Israel needs a functioning unity government that will rescue us from the chaos."

Earlier Friday, Yamina members gathered at Bennett's home in Ra'anana in central Israel to discuss the new coalition and the steps needed to finalize the so-called "pro-change government." The meeting was also attended by wavering Knesset member Nir Orbach and political activist Shirley Pinto.

Dozens of protesters gathered outside the Yamina leader's home, calling on him to withdraw from what they called the left-wing coalition.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday called an emergency meeting of right-wing leaders to discuss ways in which the bloc can prevent the government formed by the Center-Left bloc from being sworn in.

According to Channel 12 News, Yesh Atid has also presented a motion to immediately replace Levin with MK Mickey Levy, as it was believed Levin would use his power to delay the vote in an effort to further delay Netanyahu's ouster.

On Thursday morning, Netanyahu summoned Levin, Coalition whip MK Miki Zohar, Religious Zionist Party leader Bezalel Smotrich, Shas leader Aryeh Deri, United Torah Judaism leaders Moshe Gafni and Yakov Litzman, and the heads of the Yesha Council, the umbrella organization of Jewish localities in Judea and Samaria,to the Prime Minister's Residence in Jerusalem to discuss their options.

Netanyahu said on Twitter that "all legislators elected by votes from the Right must oppose this dangerous left-wing government."

Yamina lawmakers, meanwhile, have come "under tremendous pressure" to back out of the new coalition.

"It's everywhere. Social media, phone calls, protests outside homes – to the point of crossing some red lines. Some MKs feel their children are being threatened. The prime minister is definitely stirring the pot but not just him. They [political rivals] are spearing no effort to undermine us," said Yamina MK Matan Kahana.

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Netanyahu said he would ask the cabinet to advance the extension of Israeli sovereignty over most Jewish settlements and the strategic Jordan Valley.

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Levin told Israel Radio that a cabinet vote on annexing territories on Sunday was not technically feasible because of various preparations, including "bringing the proposal before the attorney general and letting him consider the matter."

Some on the Right have called for the immediate annexation of Judea and Samaria settlements ahead of the country's third parliamentary election in under a year, scheduled for March 2.

Levin, a member of Netanyahu's Likud party, said the Palestinian state envisioned by the Trump peace plan is "roughly the same Palestinian Authority that exists today, with authority to manage civil affairs," but lacking "substantive powers" like border control or a military.

Defense Minister Naftali Bennett tweeted Wednesday that "that which is postponed to after the elections will never happen."

"If we postpone or reduce the extension of sovereignty [in Judea and Samaria], then the opportunity of the century will turn into the loss of the century," said Bennett, a co-leader of the New Right party.

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