Naftali Bennett has made a career out of exploiting Benjamin Netanyahu's weaknesses. To be blunt, for all of Netanyahu's exceptional work on foreign policy and devising macro strategies, he has ignored many areas. Whether this was willful neglect or simply a concession by Netanyahu, Bennett has often seized on those voids in order to build his stature. 

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Like a bird that pecks on the back of a rhino, Bennett's perpetual campaign has always combed through Netanyahu's resume to find imperfections that could serve perception leverages that would make it easier to create the image of "the leftist Netanyahu," and this made it easier to cast himself as the strong "right-wing minder" who would keep Netanyahu's in check. Just pick a topic and you can see how this template was applied, from Operation Pillar of Defense, in which Bennett slammed Netanyahu for not dealing with tunnels, to the release of prisoners, the incendiary balloons and the settlement moratorium, and the judiciary reforms, the coronavirus response. In all those instances, Bennett made sure to flood the airwaves with propaganda on how Netanyahu and the Likud are lousy while Bennett and his deputy Ayelet Shaked are the big shots who would know what to do and only they had what it took. But in the weeks since Bennett and Yair Lapid formed a government with a rotating premiership, virtually every aspect has seen things gone south. Netanyahu's shortcomings pale in comparison to that duo's mismanagement. Just look at the corona figures. Even the fish are ashamed of being wrapped with the pages of Bennett's small book titled "How to beat a pandemic." 

The reports that Bennett is now planning to once again put on hold the eviction of the illegal Bedouin outpost Khan al-Ahmar are part of this mismanagement. But haven't Bennett and Shaked been the most outspoken proponents of this eviction? Just recall the scope of their tirades against Netanyahu on this matter. Of course, there may be legitimate reasons not to take such action right now, because this might lead to another flare-up in Judea and Samaria just as the government is trying to forge alliances with the Arab world and create a coalition against Iran. But they were the ones who said that not evicting would be anti-right-wing, and it was Shaekd who said that "If Bennett becomes prime minister, it will definitely be taken down." 

Well now, Bennett is prime minister, and Khan al-Ahamar will most definitely not be demolished. Yet another bluff has been called, adding to a long list. But the bigger bluff runs much deeper. The fact is Bennett is not our prime minister in practice. It was Lapid who signed the request to delay the eviction. Lapid is the real prime minister. This is Bluff Al-Ahmar. 

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On a shelf behind Israel Police Commissioner Kobi Shabtai's desk stands a small bust of an armed Roman legionnaire. "We learned a lot from the Romans," he says with a smile when I ask him about it at the end of our interview. "We employ their tactics to disperse demonstrations – shield formations, defensive lines, kettling – I learned it all from them. We are good at a lot of things, but in recent years I have begun to feel that we have forgotten the basics. That's why we have started using batons again."

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Shabtai looked as if he would have been happy to give a long lecture on Roman tactics were he not short on time. The impression he gives is that these issues spark his fire far more than administration, and it's not for nothing that he talks of his years in the field as "the best of my life."

Returning to the Roman analogy, one could say that in recent months, Israelis have experienced a difficult period that is reminiscent of events in the history of the Empire, such as the invasion of the Vandals and the sacking of Rome. In Lod, Jaffa, Acre and the Negev, Israelis saw unprecedented riots, but the Legion did not turn up.

"If you were to ask me if we expected these events the answer would be no," he admits. "Tensions were high, but nobody expected anything like that."

Q: Where did you go wrong?

"It's too early to tell, we are still checking ourselves. Personally, I am absolutely sure that social media played a big role. That's something that we haven't experienced in the past and each event sparked the next. It started with attacks on the ultra-Orthodox in Jerusalem and moved on to all sorts of events in Jerusalem, on the Temple Mount, and elsewhere. There are issues here that perhaps haven't been dealt with; tensions that built up in certain locations, and spread like wildfire."

Q: As a civilian, the feeling was that we were abandoned. Where were the police?   

"On the day that the riots began, we didn't have enough police forces in Lod to deal with the pogrom – and I'm categorically calling it a pogrom – arson, assault, and violent events. Most of our troops, from all around the country, were concentrated in Jerusalem. With all due respect, all the police stations in Lod and the reinforcements we sent couldn't have dealt with 40 simultaneous incidents. We weren't able to do it. I want to be straightforward about that without any attempt to hide things.

"The events there were very violent. But we very quickly understood what was going on and were able to respond; we brought forces down from Jerusalem and reinforced the Border Police units that we had called in, and we also received border police units from Judea and Samaria. Within four days we managed to put down an intifada with zero deaths among the rioters. That's something that has never been achieved in Israel."

Q: This isn't the first time that we have seen an uprising like that among Arab Israelis.

"I am a graduate of the October 2000 events, a graduate of the Or Commission [into the 2000 riots]. The events this time around were much more serious, be it the use of weapons against police, live-fire against police, lynchings. From the moment we entered the fray we managed to douse the fire. Part of the reason was that we used measures that have never previously been deployed. And for the first time – and I say this to the government's credit – a state of emergency was declared in Lod, and that enabled us to restore law and order.

"In October 2000, we made almost no arrests, while here we made over 2,000 arrests. As of today, there are still 700 people remaining under arrest and there have been more than 300 indictments."

Q: People are still afraid, there is a feeling that this isn't over yet.

"The situation on the ground is agitated and similar events could erupt again. So we need to keep our finger on the pulse to make sure we maintain the situation. First of all, we need to ensure that such events do not repeat themselves, and if they do, then we will know how to provide the best response."

Q: During the events, there were reports that you blamed the riots on provocations by far-right Otzma Yehudit party leader Itamar Ben-Gvir, and that you juxtaposed the conduct of Jews and Arabs.

"I'm open to criticism. What is said behind closed doors should stay behind closed doors, and I have nothing to say about that. Clearly, with regard to the number of events, there is no symmetry – there is no comparison between the number of events on both sides, the number of people hurt, and the number of fatalities. Note that I called it an intifada.

"What I said publicly was that we will bring to account anyone who rioted and anyone who broke the law. From my perspective, any killing is murder. It doesn't matter for the moment who and why. When it comes to enforcement there is equality. When a person is killed, when a life is taken, that has to be dealt with."

Restoring governance in the Negev

In recent interviews, Shabtai has sought to present the Israel Police's work plan ahead of upcoming budget discussions. It is important to him to underscore the need to allocate resources to the police and to stress the importance of its work. He says that strategic teams have been preparing work plans, and gives away some details about things that have already been put in motion, such as establishing a motorcycle unit for large cities in order to provide residents with rapid response. "Police cars get stuck in traffic jams, and by the time they arrive, it's often too late. Motorcycle police can act quickly and provide a response."

He also speaks about the deployment of forces in the Negev where the police has established four designated command centers to deal with the challenges to governance in the region.

The police have also been busy in the Arab sector in the Galilee and the Triangle region: "Everyone talks about the Arab sector, but we didn't have resources. I took 300 officers from existing forces and deployed them to the Arab sector to reinforce police there and set up new units."

Q: Looking at police reports, the impression is that at the end of the day a lot of arrests are of young people in their 20s. It's obvious that they are "foot soldiers" in criminal organizations, but we hardly ever hear of actions against the crime bosses.

"We are everywhere we possibly can be, because you have cut off the snake's head to kill it and that's what we are trying to do. So far, I have set up three new units that are intended to deal with these issues. We have reinforced the regional units dealing with these matters, and have given them more people. One of the things we plan to attack very seriously now is the economic sphere. We can catch an endless number of criminals, but what really makes a difference on the ground is when you target their finances – that's where you can effect change. "

The commissioner's work program includes improving services for civilians, including digitization of police services, filing of complaints, collection of witness testimony etc. Just like commissioners before him, he also puts a strong emphasis on the police's public image.

"If we could only manage to publish 25% of what we do, the Israel Police's public image would be on another level. I don't want to complain about the media.

"What gets precedence on news broadcasts isn't the police officer who helps an old lady cross the road. It's more interesting when a dog bites an officer, that sounds a lot sexier. I accept that that's the way it is. We aren't devoid of errors and mistakes, and if I am wrong about something then publish it. The media needs to achieve ratings and what sells is more tabloid and less work. We are working on improving our image and getting things out there, and the Israeli police is going to be much more transparent with data and about what it does."

One of the most important topics for Shabtai is the Israel Police's work with communities – Arabs, the ultra–Orthodox, Beduins, Ethiopian Israelis the elderly, the gay community, youth, and more. "I always talk about The Policeman Azoulay [an award–winning Israeli film] as an example of how you can sometimes solve problems just by understanding someone else. We aren't there. We aren't on social media and all those groups, we aren't hearing what is said there, and we don't know what they are thinking. So when you come to solve a problem, if there is dialogue then there's a lot we can do."

One of the examples he gives is a "sabbath station" in Bnei Brak which works in accordance with the halachic requirements of the ultra–Orthodox town's religious residents.

"We try to do everything without desecrating the sabbath so that we won't be seen as an alien presence and so the residents can turn to us. There is no electronic gate at the entrance, people can write with a special shabbat pen and if we need to patrol the area, we prefer to employ non–Jewish officers."

Shabtai wants to adopt a similar approach for other sectors as well. For example, going into Arab schools to explain things like crossing guards, drug abuse, violence prevention, online violence etc. Positive engagement is also part of the program. "When does the average Arab youth encounter a police officer? When he has become a criminal. When it's too late. That has been my approach for many years, from back when I a station commander in the Arab sector. Not 'if you don't eat your dinner, the police will come' but 'the police will come to look after you.'" 

When it comes to some of the issues the commissioner presents, it seems that he isn't talking to me, but, through me, directly to the audience which isn't in the room. He speaks of a "volunteering force" and of "ecological police" and other similar ideas. Rooftops of police stations have been mapped out for the purposes of generating solar electricity, senior officers are getting hybrid vehicles, recycling and other initiatives, that appear to be aimed at impressing decision makers, have been adopted. They may be less inclined to allocate resources to reinforce operational units, but when it comes to green projects, they will give a blank check. Commissioner Shabtai is a warm and straightforward person, and from his body language it seems that he understands what is really important.

Q: We have heard recently about attacks up north that seem to be connected to protection rackets. What is going on there?   

"So far, nobody has said they want money, but it seems that someone at some point will turn up and offer "security services". That's our assumption. We are working on it. We are taking care of persons that we are familiar with; usually what happens is that when they are released from jail they go back to their old ways and then we catch up with them again. It takes time to figure out what is going on, and then you need evidence.

"It's not like you can just arrest someone because you suspect them or even know they have committed an offence. I have to come to court with evidence. And in order to gather evidence to present in court there are several components. The fact that I know is not sufficient, I have to establish a foundation. In Tel Aviv, for example we have uncovered an affair and made several arrests and tens of millions of shekels have been impounded for the state, and a procedure is ongoing. And there are a few other affairs in the works. We are putting a lot of effort into it."

Q: Even once you have gathered evidence and made arrests, the courts often release the suspects. Do you have a problem there?

"We won't talk about judges. I have full respect for the judicial system and for the judges. But you can see that in certain places then this is an issue for us and we appeal the decisions, and in some cases our appeals are accepted. It changes from location to location. In the south for example, the courts are okay and help us out; in other places you see a different approach. But even here in the Coastal District, you can see that during the recent riots people were placed under arrest for the duration of proceedings."

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One thing the Commissioner prefers not to discuss is the Minister of Public Security, Omer Bar–Lev. In recent weeks Bar–Lev has taken an oppositional approach to the police. After the events in Deir al–Assad he called for an investigation into police involved in the incident – in which a resident of the Arab village was wounded by gunfire, a police officer was injured and a police car was torched  – and in a hearing at the Knesset he claimed that police had acted in a discriminatory manner toward Arabs and others, stating "there are other seconds in society that the police relate to in an unequal manner, unlike regular citizens."

The commissioner chooses his words carefully in response: "I admit that I didn't hear everything he said. The minister is a politician and can say whatever he wants, whenever he wants, and I respect that.  I continue to do my work in the best way I can and treat everyone equally."

Q: In the past, the police worked with civil and political organizations such as the Israel Democracy Institute and the Abraham Initiatives. Where is the police on these issues today?

"We will examine every instance. There may be a collaboration that I don't know about. I am in favor of cooperation with everyone – so long as they are legitimate, law–abiding entities, working according to required standards. I have no problem talking to anyone, so long as they aren't pulling in other directions."

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Naftali Bennett is a weak prime minister. That isn't the opinion of a political commentator or publicist or the findings of an analysis of his personality or behavior, it is simple mathematical fact. As a prime minister from a party that garnered just six Knesset seats, Bennett has zero flexibility and no room for political maneuvers.

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Those who needed proof got some on Saturday when Bennett quickly capitulated to the Islamist Ra'am party's demands to transfer the Authority for the Development and Settlement of the Bedouin in the Negev from the Prime Minister's Office to the Welfare Ministry. On Saturday morning, Ra'am MK Waleed Taha tweeted that "Ra'am lawmakers will not take part in committee discussions and will not vote for laws in the Knesset plenum until further notice." Just a few hours later, Ra'am's demands had been reportedly met in full, with the Welfare Ministry made responsible for the authority, effective immediately.

Why was this demand so important for Ra'am? At this stage, one can only guess. It may be easier to conduct affairs from within the Welfare Ministry, a relatively inconsequential office, instead of a large and central body like the Prime Minister's Office.

Moreover, there are claims various municipal officials of local authorities in the Negev may be more amenable to working with Welfare Minister Meir Cohen and his Yesh Atid party.

While this is only conjecture, one thing is clear: This move was of utmost importance to members of the Islamic Movement. We can assume Ra'am party members were not motivated by a desire to increase governance and law enforcement in the Bedouin community.

The Authority for the Development and Settlement of the Bedouin in the Negev was established over 20 years ago. It constitutes a sort of government within a government for Bedouin in the Negev and serves as an operational body aimed at transferring the Bedouin population to permanent communities, managing very large development projects to the tune of millions of shekels.

To many, this is an anachronistic body that maintains a different status for the Bedouin, distinguishing them from the rest of Israeli citizens, thereby creating civil distortion and that should therefore be shut down. Nevertheless, for as long as it continues to exist, the authority is an incomparable cash cow. Ties with the authority offer many opportunities for various agreements on construction, regulation, freezing enforcement, and in connection with the overflowing budgets the state provides. Ultimately, the disappointing data is clear: In every year of its existence, the authority has succeeded in "regulating" a handful of Bedouin families, if any. But nothing will get in the way of the money the government continues to pour into the authority.

Ra'am's threat of a parliamentary strike worked, and they got what they demanded. This time around, it may have been the result of an agreement signed upon the establishment of the government. However, the moment such extortionate ties are established, there is no reason for things to end here. The demolitions and enforcement are already frozen in practice, and one doesn't need too much imagination to see where this is headed. Ra'am has learned a simple lesson: The Bennett government gives in to pressure. Protection works, and Bennett will be made to pay increasingly more as time goes by.

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If there is one thing that can be said about the events of the last few days, it's that we have finally been exposed to some truths that began to peel away the many layers of propaganda, lies and disinformation that have shaped our public sphere.

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One such lie was the concept of a "true Right" that could become an alternative to the Likud. This is the ideological foundation of some right-wingers, mostly among religious circles, whose mindset is idealistic and abstract.

For them, the world's imperfections is the personal failure of the secular national leadership. Every right-wing leader, including former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, had to deal with such criticism from "the moral and ethical Right."

This concept was the springboard for Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Shaked to succeed in the Knesset, now prime minister and interior minister.

After running in the election and failing time and again, the "true Right" finally got its chance. After ousting Netanyahu, it took power and created a center-leftist-Arab coalition through an unprecedented deception of its voters.

The second lie was the concept of a "healing government." We were fed the idea that right-wing governments have made the country sick, and the only way to heal it was to rid ourselves of Netanyahu.

This week we discovered that for Israeli Arabs, mass immigration of Palestinians into Israel is a "civil" issue, as is illegal mass-scale construction on Israeli land. As expected, the current government turned out to be a hybrid creature that even Shaked admits cannot keep Israel safe without support from the Opposition.

Bennett is the first politician in the history of humankind to form a government that, according to his own admission, is incapable of preserving the state's most fundamental interests.

We also found out the true motives of the High Court of Justice. Justice Minister Yair Lapid and many others claimed this week that the Opposition was undermining the state's security by refusing to support the extension of the family reunification law (known also as the Citizenship Law).

As we know, many High Court judges wanted to repeal the law altogether and were only prevented from doing so by a majority of one vote. Turns out, these judges essentially wanted to harm state security.

How many times have Netanyahu and Likud been accused of clinging to power? How many times has the media claimed he put personal interests ahead of those of the public? While in Likud's case, such claims were made in relation to secondary practical issues, the new government this week sacrificed a fundamental value for the sake of premiership.

The most dramatic truth was revealed about journalism. For years, we have been told by mainstream media that the job of the press was to criticize the government, to be sharp and uncompromising. Yet, the last few weeks have revealed a very different kind of journalist, ones that caresses, indulges and obliges politicians.

Calling Yamina MK Edith Silman a heroic victim or fellow party member Abir Kara innocent are only two examples of the media's latest articles that remind us more of Mother Day's greeting card than the watchdog elements of democracy. Israeli journalism has gone to sleep.

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In the world of religious youth movements, there are two types of leaders: "Moses," who is distant, but is prophetically inspired and knows what the people he leads need, not want; and "Aaron," who loves peace and pursues peace, who listens to the people and knows how to lead and "influence from within."

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Based on the leadership of Yamina head Naftali Bennett, the time has come to add a third type to the list: the one that combines the worst of both worlds. Bennett is detached from the public like Moses and a populist like Aaron.

He has no public support and no legitimacy to serve as prime minister, yet he has convinced himself that he is a figure of historic proportions. To use the biblical metaphor again, Bennett would be the one to build the Golden Calf and break the tablets.

Everything he does, he claims, is for the sake of the people. Whoever has been following Bennett's posts lately could not help but notice his megalomania. "My people" is the recurring theme of countless Facebook posts and interviews. Bennett speaks as if he is an absolute monarch or a biblical prophet.

"When I see my people suffering because of leadership failures, I cannot stand idly by; I love my people; My people are hurt, and I will dedicate my whole life to healing the wound," are just several of hundreds more that come up in a simple Google search. This must also be how he justifies his denials, lies, manipulations, and scams.

Bennett is of the opinion that the end justifies the means. His purist idealism attracted the national-religious youth, who granted him a record 12 seats in the Knesset, but it has turned into a cult of personality.

According to Bennett, not only is the Likud the only reason behind all that ails us, but everything will only be resolved once we let him take over the wheel.

Bennett has come a long way since his promise for a new type of politics from when he started out in 2013 to his current Hellenistic approach of "politics is a continuation of the war."

The Yamina leader may soon become a prime minister with zero public support. Even his own voters are remorseful. In Bennett's megalomaniacal journey, we, "his people," have become irrelevant.

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Throughout the history of the 20th century, two patterns of aerial bombardment have emerged. The classic approach, as formulated by renowned Italian airpower theorist Giulio Douhet, sees strategic bombing as one meant to eradicate significant enemy assets and hit its home front with the aim of causing a moral breakdown, or at least the understanding that it would be better to hold fire than keep getting hammered.

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According to this approach, an airstrike should strive to inflict maximum damage on the enemy and its strategic facilities in as little time as possible.

Another approach lends airstrikes a psychological role, saying it should be designed to make clear to the enemy that our intentions are serious and to exert internal political-political-mental pressure on the enemy with aim of making it change its ways.

According to this approach, airstrikes should not inflict significant strategic damage, but should "send a message" to the other side.

This, for example, was the objective of Operation Rolling Thunder – the gradual and sustained aerial bombardment campaign conducted by the US during the Vietnam War. Proponents of this approach will often use terms like "psychological campaigns" or "effects" and others taken from the world of public relations rather than that of the military.

This rather crude segmentation can, however, illustrate why Operation Guardian of the Walls was different than previous military operations in Gaza.

Operation Protective Edge in the summer of 2014 clearly followed the second pattern of "sending a message." Then-Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon said, airstrikes on Gaza "would continue until they understand that the escalation is not worthwhile and that we will not tolerate rocket fire on our communities and civilians."

He later pledged that the military campaign would end rocket fire on Israel, saying, "We will make anyone who employs terrorism against Israel deeply regret it."

Israeli airstrikes were clearly means to also carry an educational value – making Hamas "understand" things and "regret" its actions. If the IDF had the technology, I'm sure they would have made Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh go to his room.

During the 2014 military campaign, the IDF rarely bombed targets deep in the coastal enclave, focusing mainly on neighborhoods near the border. Shujaiyya bore the brunt of the attack, as the IAF had to provide cover for ground forces destroying Hamas' grid of terror tunnels, but Hamas' home front – the towers housing its offices and the lavish homes in which top operatives live – was mostly untouched.

It was only as the conflict was waning, 50 days into the fighting and as a truce deal was being formulated, that several high-rises in Gaza were leveled.

Fast-forward seven years and Operation Guardian of the Walls was completely different. Almost immediately once hostilities erupted on May 10, massive airstrikes targeted significant Hamas assets: towers fell, luxury estates were demolished, vacation homes and hideouts were reduced to rubble and, most dramatically, Hamas' flagship project – the strategic tunnel grid – was destroyed.

The purpose of the campaign was to substantially undermine Hamas' physical infrastructure so that even if it remained oblivious to the "message" it would suffer severe losses. The fact that the Palestinians are hawking victory propaganda does not change these basic facts on the ground.

True, Hamas has not been "defeated" – but no one thought it could be defeated solely by an aerial campaign, nor was that the objective this time.

The same applies to the lull in rocket fire. Without seizing control of Gaza and remaining there for a prolonged period of time it is clear that rocket fire cannot be eradicated.

Those who pay attention to the nuances saw that, in contrast to Operation Protective Edge, this time Israel did name ending the rocket fire as a stated goal of the military operation.

The working premise at this time Arab Israeli sector that there is currently no justification to seizing control of the Strip (for a variety of reasons), and as long as that option is not pursued operational objectives should be adjusted accordingly – limited goals for a limited operation.

The pundits say that Hamas triggered the latest conflagration to send a message to the Arab world that it is a "guardian of Jerusalem." In keeping with his fundamentalist view, Hamas defines religious goals taken from the jihadi wars of the 7th century.

Even if this is true – and the fact that the Temple Mount opened to Jewish worshippers on Sunday shows the opposite – at most Hamas has shown that it has 7th century-style bravado, while Israel has clearly demonstrated that in this 21st-century competition, it has the upper hand.

In the logic of the "rounds of violence" in which we live, we can safely say that this time, Israel actually got it right.

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The week that followed the devastating Lag B'Omer stampede can be described in two words: love and alienation.

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On the one hand, all of Israel – secular, leftist, Arab, and Druze – embraced the Haredi sector and mobilized to donate blood, offer financial support, and visit the mourners' homes.

It turns out that contrary to what the media depicts, the Israeli public does love the Haredim and considers them an integral part of our society.

On the other hand, while the public is incredibly supportive of the ultra-Orthodox as individuals, the disaster exacerbated alienation from the Haredi worldview even more. The response of sage Rabbi Chaim Kanievsky to the tragedy is just one such example.

The public cannot accept the view that such a heartbreaking tragedy was fated and that the answer is to become more stringent in one's observance.

It is a classic religious response to a tragedy, and there might be a place for it in the discourse. However, compared to efforts to find out who is responsible for the catastrophe that claimed 45 lives or making sure that such a disaster never happens again, the theological "Why did this happen to us?" seems detached, messianic, and outright dangerous.

The Meron disaster raises many questions that dive into the very core of the ultra-Orthodox way of life. The culture of separatism and disregard for the modern State of Israel are just two of the destructive characteristics that describe most aspects of Haredi life.

These were manifested in the ultra-Orthodox public's response to the coronavirus pandemic: government restrictions did not matter, guidelines were disregarded, and religious institutions continued to operate despite lockdowns.

The Haredi public must understand: last week's embrace comes at a price. Love and solidarity come with expectations, and the list of those expectations is long.

When it comes to health and protecting life, it is clear that the ultra-Orthodox way of life has failed abysmally. But it doesn't end there.

It is getting harder to understand the ultra-Orthodox public's voluntary choice of poverty and culture of donations, aid and dependence. Israelis are growing tired of extremism and separatism, too.

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Around three months ago, at the start of the election campaign, the polls predicted Yamina would garner nearly 20 Knesset seats. At the time, I tweeted that somehow or another, party head Naftali Bennett would end up, as he always does, wrapping up Election Day by calling on his "religious Zionist brothers" to cast their vote for him.

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How did a politician who started out as the leading candidate for the premiership, someone who directed his efforts at the general public and earned the support of centrists and members of the "soft" Right, end the election race deeply embedded once again in his home turf?

In my opinion, the answer is simpler than it appears. At the end of the day, politics are not a very flexible game. There are more or less fixed positions that represent large groups of voters, and the figures that fill these positions are sometimes trivial. On the Right, there is room for one ruling party and another with a religious orientation to that party's right. This is not the result of political decisions or wheelers and dealers but a reflection of the public's nature. In such a situation, no new leader, charismatic and ambitious as they may be, can come along and create something that will take the central party's place. A party needs voters, and on the Right, there simply aren't any extras waiting to be had.

Where can such an electorate be found? On the Center-Right, in the space filled at one point by Kulanu's Moshe Kahlon and now Yisrael Beytenu's Avigdor Lieberman. Bennett wanted more than anything to be the next big thing on the Right, but that position is simply not available.

When the polls were in his favor, it was because of the electorate in the center, and when New Hope entered the picture and vied for the same electorate, that changed everything. Add to that, Blue and White's Benny Gantz fighting for the same votes, and suddenly, the center also begins to feel a little crowded.

Moderate Center-Right voters that don't want Netanyahu or the Left had quite a few options available to them this time around, so Bennett headed back home. He went from talking about the coronavirus and livelihoods to adopting the talking points of the ideological Right: governance of the Negev and the Galilee, the courts, the labor unions, and so on and so forth. In effect, he went from appealing to the center to appealing to his home base and competing against Bezalel Smotich's Religious Zionism Party.

Bennett may not have wanted to, but he came home in the end. He didn't plan for it to end this way, but that's just the way the Israeli public is built.

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The year 2019 saw a 10-fold increase in the number of cross-border infiltrations into Israel from Jordan, compared to the two previous years, according to IDF data obtained by Israel Hayom.

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The Israeli Immigration Policy Center petitioned the Tel Aviv District to discover the exact numbers, but the IDF Spokesperson's Unit refused to hand the information over for nearly a year. Eventually, the IIPC received the numbers under the Freedom of Information Law.

In 2017, IDF forces spotted 10 infiltrations from Jordan, and in 2018, that number stood at 13. However, 2019 saw 120 identified infiltration incidents from Jordan. However, the numbers only refer to the number of incidents and not the number of people who attempted to cross the border illegally. Most of the incidents involved groups rather than individuals, so it is not improbable to assume that the number of people who attempted to infiltrate Israel from Jordan in 2019 was as high as a few hundred.

Along with the increased number of incidents identified, the army thwarted fewer attempts in the same time frame. In 2018 10 out of 13 infiltration attempts (77%) were prevented, compared to only 81 out of 120 (68%) in 2019.

It is likely that there were other incidents that slipped under IDF forces' radar.

The issue of illegal border crossings from Jordan first came to light through tracking rulings by Israel's immigration custody court, which holds hearings on the cases of migrants arrested by Population Authority inspectors in Israel months or years after crossing the Jordanian border.

Most of the infiltrators who were caught and put in government custody arrived from Turkey, and nearly all of them had entered Israel as migrant laborers or as tourists and were deported after overstaying their visas. Some even tried to return to Israel after their deportations, but were rejected.

The infiltration from Jordan bears similarities to the illegal infiltration Israel saw from Egypt prior to building its border fence in the southern. At its peak, that influx reached some 2,000 Sudanese and Eritrean migrants per month. Those migrants also used paths originally created by infiltrators from China, Georgia, and Turkey.

IIPC attorney Yonatan Yakobovich said, "Past experience teaches us that the moment smuggling networks are in place, they expand both in terms of numbers and the number of countries from which the infiltrators arrive.

"Because the border is completely open in the Arava and there is no expectation that a border fence will be built, it's clear that there is nothing that will prevent a new wave of infiltrators, even from Africa. The government has to try new infiltrators on criminal charges and pass new laws to prevent infiltration in order to deincentivize infiltration into Israel," Yakobovich said.

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There were 2,172 incidents of agricultural crime in 2020 compared to 1,481 the previous year.

Fifty-eight percent of farmers said they had been the victims of agricultural crime in 2020, compared to 67% the year prior.

With more criminal acts targeting a smaller number of farms in 2020, the findings point to criminals having targeted specific farms.

According to the data, the average farm was the target of 12.1 acts of agricultural crime in 2020. The majority of incidents involved the theft of both produce and equipment. In 2020, agricultural damages sustained as a result of crime stood at 23.5 million shekels (around $7 million), a 10% increase from 2019.

Around 35% of farmers do not report the agricultural crime to the police. A majority who refrained from reporting incidents said they either did not trust the police or that the police would not do anything about the crime.

In a disturbing trend, a majority of farmers who did report agricultural crime said they did so for insurance reasons. In 2019, 80% of farmers went to the police to report an agricultural crime.

According to Mordechai Hadad from Moshav Eitan in south-central Israel who spoke to the authors of the report, "There was a time when you could leave a tractor in the yard with the key in the ignition. Now we need dogs, chains, guards, and cameras, and it doesn't always help."

In a statement, the Israel Police called the report "tendentious."

"The data presented in [the report] are far from reality and the data in our possession. Over the past two years, hundreds of suspects have been arrested, and hundreds of indictments have been filed. Nearly 20% of cases opened in the last two years have developed into an indictment. Some of them ended in a conditional settlement in cases where that was appropriate, some of them have unfortunately not been solved, and others are still under active police investigation or have been transferred to the prosecution for review and a ruling."

To tackle the phenomenon, ministers, lawmakers, regional council heads, and social activists are set to take part in the first-of-its-kind conference on agricultural crime in the Negev and Galilee regions, Monday.

The conference, an initiative of Israel Hayom, Hashomer Hahadash [the New Guard], and the Farmers' Federation of Israel, will also focus on governance challenges across the country.

Public Security Minister Amir Ohana told Israel Hayom he intends put task Border Police units in charge of dealing with the phenomenon of agricultural crime.

The move follows a 2017 decision by Israel Police Commissioner Ronnie Alsheikh to shift responsibility for the issue from the Border Police and to that of local police stations. That move, however, did not bring results, according to feedback from regional council heads and other figures in the field.

"I have followed the fight against agricultural terrorism and crime in the rural space for many years as a lawmaker," Ohana said, Sunday. "Families have been ruined and much suffering has been caused as a result of this crime, and this move will bring great news in the field."

Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit is also expected to provide a review of changes made by the prosecution system to deal with the phenomenon.

In a conversation with Israel Hayom ahead of the conference, Mendelblit said he intends to present the activities of a Justice Ministry "super team" that was formed to deal with major crimes.

He said the Justice Ministry was working to promote changes to the concept of "proactive enforcement" aimed at harming financial institutions of those believed to be perpetrating the crime. There are also plans for integrated enforcement that would see a variety of legal measures employed to allow for more effective handling of organized crime.

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