Since Raviv Drucker exposed the submarine affair almost seven years ago, I have wondered about the super-powerful magnet that binds Benjamin Netanyahu to the shackles of power more than any other politician who also strives to sit on the leader's chair without vacating it. What is it that makes him so eager to hold on to the helm of government even by improper means?

It is a historical curiosity. What are Shakespeare's "Macbeth" and "Hamlet" if not that? The modern West dealt with this in the 1960s in two resounding bestsellers: one – Allen Drury's "Advise and Consent," and the other – "What Makes Sammy Run," by Budd Schulberg. It was a brilliant depiction of what drives politicians. Only that they were forgotten over the years.

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A long line of psychologists deals with this issue in democratic countries, and in Israel, they tried to solve the puzzle, which is essentially quantitative – that is, a lust for power to an extraordinary degree. Netanyahu's biographers, Ben Caspit and Mazal Mualem, dealt with this, and the question remains unsolved.

One possibility, simplistic and straightforward – the pursuit of honor. The urge to impose the will of the individual on the many. Joseph' biblical dream of the sheaves bowing down before the leader. The craving for money. Hedonism.

Another possibility, which has developed over the years, is a process of self-conviction that befalls Netanyahu, according to which he was chosen by some divine presence to lead the people of Israel in an age of shaping its sovereignty. Since 2003 he has been sharing in private events a survey conducted among public figures in Israel in which he came out as the most intelligent and wisest of them. The Messiah? Not in the sense of faith, but in the test of changing regimes, in the style of sages: "There is nothing between this world and the days of the Messiah except the subjugation of kingdoms alone."

It is reasonable to assume that the fusion of these two possibilities plays a role in Netanyahu's clinging to the seat of power, and they are what cause him to reject convenient plea bargain proposals in the criminal prosecution against him, which would have required his resignation as prime minister.

My wife, Dana Margalit, who is a professor of psychology, raised an interesting idea: In their old age, there are people who do not want to prolong their lives, but do so because of their fear of death. So too, it is possible that Netanyahu is no longer in the throes of striving for achievements, but fears that his retirement will highlight his string of failures, and therefore acts to prolong his days in power.

In my opinion, it is inconceivable that Bibi – who educated and intelligent and versed in the history of nations and their leaders –operates a mechanism of denial so strong that it clouds the dialogue between himself and his failures: in stopping the Iranian nuclear program; in his heavy responsibility for the flawed paradigm of bolstering Hamas' rule in Gaza; in the rift he caused in relations with the Democratic Party in the US, whose pro-Palestinian wing further exacerbates President Joe Biden's reluctance to help Israel; in the disproportionate damage he has inflicted on Israel's rule of law, blindly following Yariv Levin and Simcha Rothman; and in the surrender that is capitulation by inviting Itamar Ben Gvir into his government.

He understands full well what history books will write about all this, and in trying to push away the embarrassment – he adds one blunder after another. 

Most of all, he understands that the demand for his removal from the premiership is the biggest consensus that currently exists in Israeli society, whether openly or for now only in private. 

All this could lead him to wrong conclusions, chiefly among them – lengthening the war beyond what is necessary. He probably does not feel that the judicial reform protests that preceded the war will pale in comparison to what awaits him on the streets.

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President Joe Biden and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are eager to have a Saudi-Israeli peace deal signed before each country holds elections. Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman shares such a vision. 

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But the current government won't get a ceremony on the White House lawn; Riyadh has already made it clear that this won't happen so long as Netanyahu is in power. Or to put it less diplomatically: Saudi Arabia will not be a prospective candidate for peace so long as toxic politicians such as Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir are in the cabinet. 

Netanyahu has empowered Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer to talk about this in his media interviews from which it appears he was counting his chickens before they hatched. In fact, even before there were any eggs, to begin with. 

In a marketing move aimed at setting optimism in Israel, Netanyahu's inner circle has been saying that in return for the American arms and capabilities given to Saudi Arabia under such a deal, Israel would consider asking for a defense treaty with the US. But this is for the time being just talk that is nothing more than political campaigning aimed at hiding the fact that Netanyahu is walking back his objection to Saudi Arabia having a nuclear reactor on its soil. 

Israel has always been the bride-in-waiting, with the groom – a much-coveted defense pact – never showing up. To save face, the bride has always claimed that she does not seek such a deal. The proof that Israel does in fact want such a deal is found in a much-forgotten episode: David Ben-Gurion sought to have Israel join NATO, but was rebuffed. He even considered sending IDF troops to fight in the Korean War in the 1950s. 

After the Six-Day War, Richard Nixon's confidant Leonard Garment arrived in Israel. Then-Defense Minister Moshe Dayan told him in Hebrew (with Abba Eben translating to English), that Israel only seeks to have US weapon systems so that it could defend itself on its own. "We don't want a single US soldier to shed blood for our defense," they told him, both knowing that there was zero chance of a defense treaty passing the Senate in light of the ongoing upheaval over the Vietnam War.

A defense pact that would shore up Israel's deterrence and stature abroad will not be finalized this time around as well. Dermer is trying to sell goods that are not in his possession, because the minimum demands set by the US for a Saudi normalization pact is having Israel commit to forgo settlement construction beyond four blocs, effectively abandoning Smotrich's megalomanic expansionist vision, along with an Israeli commitment not to annex Area C. It will also insist that Israel grant many benefits to the Palestinians and restrain the IDF's conduct in counterterrorism raids. 

Even if all those obstacles were to be overcome, a Saudi deal would not result in a US-Israel defense pact, because the only thing Israel would commit to is not to use nuclear weapons, which the US is convinced Israel has. The US will demand that its commitment goes beyond that – that Israel will be allowed to fight terrorists but not launch any pre-emptive war like in 1967, however just it may be. Who is going to sign such a deal that would effectively have the US control anything that is produced in the Dimona reactor? 

There is nothing wrong with dreaming about a defense treaty, but as scripture says, False dreams; they comfort in vain. With relations between Israel and the Democratic Party and the Biden administration at a low point, and in light of the ongoing hostility toward Israel, it would best to avoid pipe dreams and focus on preserving the current level of commitment by the US to Israel's security: keeping its qualitative edge; providing military aid for procurement of sophisticated weapon systems; and maintaining the implicit defense pact that already exists, according to the Economist. 

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America is probably the most tolerant, liberal, and democratic empire ever seen in international relations. The founding father George Washington cast it as a new world that would have nothing to do with the old ways of the corrupt Old World. He saw the ocean as the best way to protect it.

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President James Monroe championed isolationism but broke with it in 1823 when he sought to prevent European inroads in South America. Theodor Roosevelt flirted with the idea of imperialism in the early 20th century, but ultimately isolationism carried the day and made it difficult for the US to join both world wars. 

After World War II, its sheer power made the US the world's de facto juggernaut, forcing it to act as an empire to block Communist Russia. But compared with other empires before it, the US imperial dominance has been moderate, and it has often turned a blind eye to its allies not falling in line. Its forgiving attitude to Germany and Japan also attests to this. 

Israel, as a darling of Washington, has enjoyed the US empire's kid-glove treatment like a child who gets away with mischief because his parents love him.

But things have not always been perfect. When Israel captured a swath of land in Sinai at the end of the War of Independence in 1949, then-US ambassador all but forced Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion to relinquish that territory. In 1956, after Israel captured Sinai in the Suez Campaign, all it took was a reprimand from President Dwight Eisenhower to disabuse Ben-Gurion of the notion that Israel could hold on to the Straits of Tiran. 

The biggest analogy to what could unfold in the near future in the relationship is the post-Yom Kippur War period. Back then, the master of US diplomacy, Secretary of State Henri Kissinger, suggested Israel withdraw from part of Sinai in an interim deal with Egypt. But then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who had supported the idea as ambassador to the US, refused, even though the plan was originally drafted by Moshe Dayan, the former Israeli general and defense minister. 

As the Haaretz correspondent in Washington, an outraged Kissinger told me, "America doesn't need to shout in order to for it to be heard all around the world." Kissinger eventually showed how this is done: He exerted pressure on Israel without confronting it in public, and this proved effective. Rabin eventually caved and embraced the plan; the interim deal was finalized. It ultimately became the critical foundation for the most important peace deal Israel has: the Israel-Egypt peace treaty signed by Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat in 1979. 

Anyone who doesn't see how President Joe Biden's administration is quietly marching toward the same pressure point with Israel doesn't know US diplomacy or is willingly blind. 

Washington is not going to let Israel get away with action on settlements that would contradict its pledges in the Aqaba Summit several days ago. Nor will it turn a blind eye to cases where the IDF, which depends on US funding for some of its weapon systems, shows inaction in the face of Jewish rioters carrying out pogroms against Palestinians. 

The US is moving toward the junction where it will force Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to do things, just like Kissinger used his leverage on Rabin. Netanyahu knows more than anyone else what impact the US can have simply by changing how it votes in the UN.

Netanyahu has, for all intents and purpose, entered a period of political incapacitation. He has been holding on to his seat like a criminal grabbing the horns of the altar during biblical times. He should get a plea bargain that would allow him to clear the stage. This would pave the way for Likud to form a reasonable right-wing government that would safeguard the high-tech sector, restore security and revive the mutual respect and friendship with Washington. 

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Finance Minister Avigdor Lieberman has turned out to be an effective public official. Judging from the alacrity in which he has engaged public sector disputes, one has to wonder whether he enjoys taking a beating. The Finance Ministry's proposal to the nation's teachers union  (before a deal was announced early Wednesday) was good, even though it could have been tweaked. It is a solid basis for tackling a school system beset by a lack of effectiveness.  

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As the threat of the strike loomed, I could not but feel envy toward the Haredi school system. I saw how one official there said, "We don't have strikes here." Yes, we should criticize the Haredim for not taking up the core curriculum, but we must also keep in mind that the very precept of engaging in Torah study is what has preserved the Jewish people over the ages. To paraphrase the Jewish sages, Jerusalem was destroyed only because schoolchildren there were interrupted from studying Torah.

I was reminded of my teacher Rachel Alper, who despite being an ardent socialist, crossed the picket line and made us attend class. We hated her for it, because we were the only ones who would not get a day off to play in the schoolyard, but Alper would just slam the door shut and announce, "There is no teachers strike in the Jewish state." 

That's why Lieberman's main test is not just in how much he would be willing to pay a teacher but whether he could set up a new mechanism that would reward teachers based on their merit. If that is accomplished, then the ugly battle will have been worth it.

The teachers who excel at their jobs are those whose students will choose to take up A-level math or other highly demanding majors. The path to closing the socioeconomic disparities and leveling the playing field is not just about tackling ethnic-based discrimination of the past but about lunging forward.

Teachers would excel if they insist that alongside drilling down their subject matter on math and sciences, they introduce youngsters to civilization's classics, including by rote memorization of famous poems and biblical verses. 

They should be rewarded for this, and we would all benefit from this if we get a generation that would embrace its heritage alongside modernity without diluting the affinity to the land and no longer celebrating relocation away from Israel. 

You may say I am a dreamer who is too naive. But while you can't turn back the clock, you can definitely turn it forward until you reach your destination. Just like when the IDF's ethos of equality was enhanced by opening up positions for women, so too will the teachers' status be greatly improved by having them paid based on merit. 

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The makeup of the Likud leadership shows that the vanguard of the Opposition's battle ahead of Election Day will aim to hold up Benjamin Netanyahu's criminal trial.

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There is almost no one in the top 10 spots on the list, or after them, who hasn't taken a stance in this spirit, either by directly addressing the indictment against him or by harsh criticism of the legal system, the state prosecutors, and the Israel Police. They all made monolithic statements about people being tired of the State Attorney's Office, and there isn't a single one who will tell the truth about what the emperor isn't wearing.

The parties will also address disagreements about issues like national security, the economy, and diplomacy, and hair-raising stories about political rivals might pop up, but the trial will be at the core of the election. Therefore, Netanyahu needs not only 61 coalition members to form a government, but also the same number to support a bill to stop witnesses from testifying.

In effect, as much of a thrilling political drama as this is, it's just the tip of the iceberg in a wider sea of legal issues that can be summed up by the battle for the legacy of former Chief Justice Professor Aharon Barak.

The struggle began with Barak's predecessor, Meir Shamgar, who ruled that the High Court of Justice must be opened to the Palestinians, who realized that if Israel remained in control of Judea and Samaria without annexing it, then residents of Nablus must be allowed their day in court just like residents of Raanana.

Aharon Barak expanded judicial activism, and turned the court into a beacon of Israeli justice throughout the world. A ruling he wrote about the security barrier in the territories is a calculated piece that removed the threat of the Palestinians appealing to the International Criminal Court in The Hague, and thereby to the UN Security Council to sanction Israel, a possibility that kept many international legal scholars awake at night.

Barak was Israel's legal Iron Dome, and anyone seeking to wear down his legacy because here and there he ruled that some piece of land or other should be returned to a Palestinians does not understand the viper's nest that Israel could land in if it follows that foolish path.

The debate about judicial activism is legitimate. It took place in the Supreme Court itself, when Barak's colleagues Dr. Moshe Landau and Menachen Elon preferred the conservative route. There are people on the Right and in the center, like Justice Minister Gideon Sa'ar, Naftali Bennett, and Matan Kahane, who want to see changes to Barak's legacy, and that's natural. Every thesis throughout history has been met with an anti-thesis, until a compromise is reached.

But these people wanted a discussion about strengthening conservatism, not wild verbal incitement against judges and state prosecutors and high-ranking police officials. There is no reason not to discuss a bill that would allow the Knesset to overrule a Supreme Court ruling, but when the public discourse takes place in David Amsalem's provocative style, there's actually no one to discuss it with.

If Amsalem and Yoav Kisch's tactics succeed, Israeli citizens will wake up one morning and discover that the "Barak school of thought" has been uprooted and there is no one to defend us against the ghosts of international law and sanctions, and the term "generational curse" will move from Exodus to Israel being cast out from the circle of enlightened nations, battered and bruised.

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Only future historians will be able to judge whether the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority's deliberate avoidance of consequential negotiations to resolve the conflict between the two nations was a tragedy that would affect generations or a successful political wink, which for the time being prevented the outbreak of another intifada.

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The outgoing government was established with the understanding not to renew the negotiations, which ended in 2009, an agreement that for left-wing members of the coalition was almost too difficult to bear.

All Meretz ministers shunned a part of themselves because they honored their promise to put the future of the Bennett-Lapid government above the demand of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. With the elections campaigns in full swing, Labor and Meretz activists have adopted a slogan inspired by David Ben-Gurion.

When Britain capped the number of Jews allowed to immigrate to pre-state Israel, but kept fiercely fighting Nazi Germany, he said, We will fight the White Paper as if there is no Germany and support England against Germany as if there is no White Paper. Brilliant, but impractical, as the passivity of the Jewish settlement in Israel proved during the war.

Leftist public figures speak of the need to fight the return of Benjamin Netanyahu to power as if there is no Palestinian problem, and to strive for an agreement with the Palestinians as if there are no criminal charges against Bibi. Again: brilliant, but impractical. The Bennett-Lapid government was more efficient than its predecessor, and the practical (albeit challenging) goal is to garner the necessary majority at the ballot box to continue on the path it set.

As such, I propose that coalition parties immediately appear before the public and announce that they constitute an ad hoc confederation of factions uniting into one block under several banners: to legally pledge never to join a government headed by Netanyahu; To launch a thorough campaign detailing the former prime minister's failure in fighting the Iranian nuclear project, causing a major rift in ties with the US Democrat administration, with Jordan, and above all – the criminal accusations against him; To praise the work and platforms of the confederation parties hoping to form the next government, and not to criticize and be dragged into a public conflict with them; And if Netanyahu retires from politics, each of these parties will be exempts from the obligations. The Likud itself is a worthy partner in a government, only without Netanyahu as its leader.

When such a confederation is established, the prevailing sense of helplessness in the electoral process will disappear, as support for Bibi is not a constant.

May someone have the courage for such a move.

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