Hours before a terrorist attack in Tel Aviv on April 7, Biden administration officials told members of the American Jewish community from across the country that they were hoping for calm in the region as the three religions celebrate major holidays.

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White House liaison to the Jewish community Chanan Weissman hosted a pre-Passover briefing with as many as 1,000 members of the American Jewish community over Zoom, where he invited administration officials to speak about the two major areas of concern for the community.

Joining the briefing on behalf of the US State Department, Yael Lempert, acting assistant secretary of the State Department's Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs, spoke about US Secretary of State Antony Blinken's recent visit to the Middle East and North Africa, where he spent time in Israel and attended the ministerial meeting with leaders from Israel and its Arab allies in the Negev Desert.

Lempert first began by offering condolences on behalf of the administration for the "senseless terrorist attacks" on Hadera, Beersheva and Bnei Brak over the past two weeks, which killed 11 civilians. Three more people were killed in the Dizengoff Street attack in downtown Tel Aviv, making a total of 14 dead in a matter of weeks.

She told those who joined the briefing that US President Joe Biden spoke to Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett after the attacks and offered assistance.

"The administration is deeply concerned about the increase in violence and the potential for more, and deeply vested in preventing that," she said, adding that one of Blinken's top priorities during the visit was to urge calm between Israelis and Palestinians.

"In April, there's a confluence of Ramadan, Passover and Easter, which sadly has been a volatile mix historically in Jerusalem, in particular, and we are monitoring the situation closely," Lempert said. "We're working with Israel, the Palestinians and Jordan in an effort to de-escalate tensions, avoid violence and allow for people of all faiths to celebrate peacefully this month."

Lempert added that the Negev Summit was truly "history in the making."

"The Abraham Accords and the normalization agreements, and now the Negev ministerial, have created the opportunity for nothing short of transformation, and they demonstrate what is possible when countries put aside their differences and build bridges," she said. "As Secretary Blinken noted, this gathering really would have been impossible to imagine just a few years ago."

Despite criticism the administration has recently received from lawmakers from both parties over its efforts to negotiate re-entry into the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran, Lempert said that the negotiators are working through complex issues and that the onus is now on Tehran, though she added that the administration has prepared a scenario if a deal is not agreed to.

"I understand that perhaps some on this call may have serious doubts about returning to the deal, and I respect that, but President Biden and the Secretary of State are convinced it is the best way to restore strict limits on Iran's nuclear program and restore the IAEA's most stringent inspection regime ever negotiated," she explained. "I know the criticism, but our critics haven't come up with an alternative. Even the toughest sanctions combined with the ravages of COVID-19 didn't cause Iran to slow down its nuclear advances or regional activities. Quite to the contrary."

The second half of the briefing focused on the war in Ukraine. Weissman noted that few-foreign policy issues have galvanized the American Jewish community as much as the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

To speak for the administration about Ukraine, Weissman introduced Matt Miller, special advisor for communications at the White House National Security Council.

He began by speaking about Biden's recent trip to Poland and Belgium, and the speech he delivered in Warsaw.

Miller said Biden tried to emphasize that the war is not just about Ukraine, but whether a nation's citizens are able to live in a world where one country can change the boundaries of its neighbors by force, coupled with the struggle between democracies and autocracies.

"We've really have tried to have a three-part response to number one, support Ukraine; number two, impose costs on Russia; and number three, rally our allies and partners in NATO and throughout the democratic world," he said.

Miller said that the administration has been heartened by the unity of countries around the world, but even more so by the bipartisan nature of support for Ukraine in the United States among lawmakers, corporations and individuals.

He also spoke about the aid the US is providing Ukraine, both military and humanitarian.

"I'll tell you, there's not a day that goes by that there's not a direct conversation between someone in the Ukrainian government and someone in the United States government at a very high level about what particular weapons systems Ukraine needs. Then on our part, actions taken to try to fulfill those needs," he said.

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When asked why fighter jets from Poland were not able to be given to Ukraine and why a no-fly zone has not been enacted, Miller replied that the government's position was not against Poland providing the MIG-29s to Ukraine and that it was the sovereign decision of Poland to do it. But the proposal was to transfer the airplanes from their custody into the custody of the United States at a US-NATO base in Germany and then fly them to Ukraine.

He said the US was opposed to the proposal because having jets flown from a US military base into contested Ukrainian air space could potentially escalate the conflict.

The administration also made the assessment that they could keep the skies over Ukraine contested by providing other types of weapons like surface-to-air missile systems.

"And one of the things that's sometimes hard about this process, there are so many systems that we move in that we are not able to talk about either because number one, the third-party country doesn't want to make it public, or number two, for operational security reasons, we don't want to tell the Russians what we've moved in," Miller said. "And so, there can be a perception sometimes that we haven't gotten these weapons to Ukraine, when, in fact, we have. We just can't talk about it because we don't want to give Russians the targets to go and try to hit."

As far as a no-fly zone, Miller said that what that means is American combat aircraft taking off from NATO airspace and engaging in direct combat with Russian aircraft over Ukraine. Some people, he said, think that it's a step that is less than "boots on the ground," when in reality, it has the same escalatory risk and will almost certainly lead to direct conflict between American and Russian forces.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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Jewish groups and leaders adhered to partisan lines in their responses to President Joe Biden's first State of the Union address to a joint session of Congress, a speech that mainly focused on domestic policy but began with a rebuke of Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

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The Jewish community's praise for the president's agenda included the administration's support for more funding for police, the commitment of additional resources to secure the southern border, efforts to fix the immigration system, reduction of dependence on China through manufacturing in the US, and plan to tackle inflation.

"Tonight, President Biden made clear that the State of our Union is strong – against an imperialist Russia, against a global pandemic, and against rising inflation," said Jewish member of Congress Rep. Brad Schneider (D-Ill.) in a statement. "Through united diplomacy, America is holding [Russian President Vladimir] Putin accountable for his unprovoked war. Through a dedication to development, America experienced record job growth in the last year, outcompeting China and every other economy in the world as we recover from COVID. And with the President's new plan to combat inflation, we will make more goods in America and bring costs down for families, building a better America."

Democratic Majority for Israel President and CEO Mark Mellman said that the first 13 months of the Biden presidency have delivered record job growth and economic expansion while featuring the passage of important legislation such as the American Rescue Plan and the Bipartisan Infrastructure law, as well as the nomination of the first black woman to the Supreme Court.

"We were heartened to hear President Biden's four-point plan to tackle higher costs, including increasing American-made products, reducing expenses for families, promoting competition, and eliminating barriers to good-paying jobs," Mellman said in a statement. "These are all vital to fighting inflation."

Yet Sam Markstein, the Republican Jewish Coalition's national political director, told JNS that Biden's address "ignored his administration's failed agenda: skyrocketing inflation, surging crime, surrendering American energy independence, failing to enforce the law on the southern border, rushing to re-enter the disastrous Iran nuclear deal, caving to China, and orchestrating the catastrophic withdrawal from Afghanistan – just to name a few."

"It's no wonder 7 in 10 Americans say the country is on the wrong track and President Biden's approval rating continues to plummet to all-time lows," Markstein said.

Biden's speech comes as the president is facing one of the lowest approval ratings for a president during his first State of the Union, with 41% of respondents in a recent POLITICO/Morning Consult poll saying they disapprove of his work so far.

The president covered a wide range of topics in his address, though he omitted some important concerns of the Jewish community, mainly Iran and rising anti-Semitism.

Biden began his speech by expressing support for the Ukrainians who for almost a week have been fighting off an invasion by Russian military forces into their sovereign territory. Ukrainian Ambassador to the US Oksana Markarova was a guest at the speech, sitting next to First Lady Jill Biden.

Biden said that Putin badly miscalculated how difficult it would be to get the free world to "bend to his menacing ways," and that now the free world is holding him accountable.

He announced the closing of American airspace to Russian flights and announced that the US Department of Justice is assembling a dedicated task force to go after the crimes of Russian oligarchs.

Biden announced an agreement between the US and 30 countries to release 60 million barrels of oil from reserves around the world, including 30 million from American reserves, to ease skyrocketing fuel prices resulting from the war. He said that more fuel could be released if needed.

He also highlighted the sanctions that the US and the European Union have put in place to cripple Russia's economy.

"We are joining with our European allies to find and seize your yachts your luxury apartments your private jets. We are coming for your ill-begotten gains," Biden said, adding that the US is giving more than $1 billion in direct assistance to Ukraine.

Biden speech did not mention Israel or address ongoing negotiations to re-enter the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran, which the administration believes would prevent the Islamic Republic from obtaining nuclear weapons against the objections of Israeli and Arab leaders.

Democratic Majority for Israel's Mellman said he believes the Biden administration has strengthened America's international alliances to the point where the US is once again recognized as a "strong leader and reliable partner."

"We're proud President Biden demonstrated again tonight his deep commitment to our Democratic values here in the United States – as well as the democratic values we share with our allies around the world," Mellman said. "His efforts to rebuild and strengthen our alliances following four years of antagonism recently culminated in the united response to Russia's unprovoked aggression in Ukraine."

B'nai B'rith International said that Biden's speechhit on many of the issues the organization works on, and that it will continue monitoring and advising the administration to make sure the goals set out by the president are accomplished. B'nai B'rith also affirmed Biden's solidarity with Ukraine, noting that the organization and its affiliates in Europe are providing humanitarian aid to Jewish communities in that country.

"This conflict has put into sharp focus the danger of global reliance on Russian gas and oil exports. Energy independence is vital to ensure the United States and its allies do not rely on oil from countries whose interests are not aligned with our own. We must continue to work with our allies to diversify Europe's energy supply and reduce dependence on Russian energy," B'nai B'rith said in a statement.

Over the course of the Biden administration so far, the US has increased its imports of crude and refined oil from Russia.

On the domestic front, B'nai B'rith thanked the president for calling for the need for Medicare drug prices to be reduced, and urged the White House and Congress to support legislation that provides more relief to seniors, especially for affordable housing and hearing aids.

Biden vowed to crack down on gun trafficking and ghost guns – guns that could be bought online and made at home with no serial number or way of tracking – and to pass laws creating a universal background check on gun purchases and allowing gun manufacturers to be held liable for crimes committed using their weapons.

He also called for a ban on assault weapons and high-capacity magazines.

"Do you think the deer are wearing Kevlar vests?" Biden ad-libbed during the speech.

B'nai B'rith stated, "Sensible gun reform measures are urgently needed to address the disturbing rise in gun violence and crime across our cities. We worry greatly about the rise in hate crimes against Jewish individuals and institutions and call for increased funding of the Nonprofit Security Grant Program to protect Jewish communities and other vulnerable targets."

meanwhile, the Jewish Federation of Palm Beach County has raised more than $100,000 through its Ukraine Emergency Relief Fund to help Ukrainians during their country's war with Russia.

All proceeds from the relief fund are used to help Ukrainians fleeing their home country as well as those who are sheltering in place, Melissa Arden, the Jewish group's vice president of community strategy and planning, told WPBF 25 News.

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Funds are also being allocated for food and medical supplies; housing assistance; establishing medical centers in conflict zones around the country; providing satellite phones for at-risk people; and supporting Jewish institutions. The federation has partnered with the Jewish Agency for Israel and the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee to also help support armed forces on the ground.

"It's really an incredible amount of effort and support that we're getting," said Arden. "Every little amount helps. Collectively, we're really able to provide the support that that community needs."

More than 100 people have so far died in bombings and hostilities in the ongoing war between Ukraine and Russia.

Ukraine has one of the world's largest Jewish populations – a number estimated to be around 43,000 – and is home to many elderly Jews, including thousands of Holocaust survivors.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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Pro-Israel organizations have recently been confronting a growing number of candidates for office with decidedly anti-Israel positions, in very few cases successfully defeating stalwart pro-Israel incumbent Democrats in primaries.

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While the growth of anti-Israel sentiment in politics is concerning, Representative Jake Auchincloss, who is running for a second term representing the state's 4th Congressional District, is part of a new crop of young Democrats who believe that support for Israel has and will remain essential to the Democratic Party's platform. 

Representing the most Jewish congressional district statewide, Auchincloss, 34, has been vocal in supporting a strong US-Israeli relationship since taking office, supporting pro-Israel legislation, and in September, introducing the House version of a bill that directs the US State Department to create the US-Israel Artificial Intelligence Research and Development Center.

He has supported supplemental Iron Dome funding for Israel and joined colleagues in denouncing anti-Israel rhetoric and bias from Amnesty International's recent report on Israel that falsely compares its policies to "apartheid," in addition to antisemitic statements made by colleagues such as Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib.

Growing up in the heavily Jewish Boston suburb of Newton, Massachusetts, Auchincloss attended Newton public schools before going on to study at Harvard University. After Harvard, he received a commission as an officer in the US Marines, in which he continues to serve as part of the Individual Ready Reserve. He then attended the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, earning an MBA.

Auchincloss sat down with JNS recently for a conversation about his political views.

Q: Tell me about yourself and your connection to Judaism.

"I'm Jewish, had a bar mitzvah, and grew up in a mixed household. My mom is Jewish, grandparents Jewish on her side. My father comes from the Episcopalian tradition, and when my mom and my dad were married in the early 1970s, it was still a little bit unusual.

"I believe they got married at the Harvard memorial church and had a rabbi officiate. And that caused a stir in his family.

"So they were at the forefront of that, and I think in some ways that made me more aware and more appreciative even of my Jewish heritage growing up and what Judaism stands for."

Q: Do you practice?

"I'm really not observant in my day-to-day life. Judaism is important to me, and I feel Jewish, but I'm not a religious person."

Q: As Jewish Democrat, are you concerned about the criticism leveled at Israel from the Democratic Party?

"The most important thing to emphasize is that the Democratic Party, in its totality, is a pro-Israel party. If you look at the party's voting record, if you look at the party's positions – and you look at the Iron Dome funding, for example, you look at the Memorandum of Understanding that was signed with Israel for $3.5 billion in perennial security aid – that happened under a Democratic president.

"If you look at the voting record and track record of the Democratic Party as a totality, look at where the majority leader is, look at who our speaker is; we are a pro-Israel party. So let's start with that premise. We are a "big tent" party. We've got a cacophony of voices on every issue, not just the US-Israel relationship. But we don't define ourselves by outlier voices; we define ourselves by the modal voice. And the modal voice is pro-Israel."

Q: Have you condemned Omar or Tlaib for some of their statements?

"I think you've seen on the record we condemned the statement by Rep. Omar when I've been in office. I joined the 12 other members when she made the statement about the US and the Taliban, and I think that's the way to handle these things – "this statement was made, this statement was not acceptable, here's why" and just put that on the record.

Q: But the leadership has not condemned them by name, and there have been no consequences. I mean, if you compare it to the Republicans, you had Representatives Paul Gosar and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene lose their committee seats.

"Those are different, and I think not analogous. Marjorie Taylor Greene directly incited political violence. That is the red line for me.

"We have vigorous, heated debate in Congress. We disagree; that is our job description. You cannot be kicking people off committees because they say things you don't agree with. We start playing that game, and all of a sudden, we just don't even talk to each other anymore. The red lines that we put down need to be very thoughtfully chosen and direct incitement to political violence is one of them. And that is something that MTG [Marjorie Taylor Greene] has failed."

Q: Do you see a growth in that type of rhetoric in the Democratic Party?

"I'm not going to try to forecast that. I'll tell you what I'm concerned about. It's wider and deeper than Congress, although clearly I'm engaged in issues that are US-Israel relationship and antisemitism in Congress. My son's generation – he's 2 years old – will be really the first that has no longer a living connection to the Holocaust.

"I grew up in Newton public schools; Holocaust survivors would come in, they would tell us about their experience, and there was a visceral connection. I had relatives, you had relatives, people had relatives. It was a living connection to the genocide. And that is fraying now. And when that happens, I think it's easier for misinformation to take hold, and it's easier for the antisemitic tropes that were put directly in the sunlight and sanitized by the direct memory of the Holocaust; it's easier for those to fester again.

""And these tropes, as obviously you know, are centuries-old – the globalist money cabal seeking the levers of power, more loyal to the tribe than to the country. These are things that have been trotted out from ancient Egypt through the medieval ages, through college campuses today. So we know what these tropes are, and I worry that they gain more traction in an era that no longer has a visceral living connection to the Holocaust.

And that means that we need to double down on education about antisemitism, education about the Holocaust; that's why it's so important to have a working definition of what antisemitism is, and the IHRA [International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance] definition is a good one. This type of activity, I think to me, gains even more importance in future generations as we get further away from the actual event.

"Because we are seeing a rising tide of antisemitism: Jews are 2% of the American population, and they account for, I think, more than 50% of all religious-based hate crimes documented by the FBI. It's an upward trajectory."

Q: As a pro-Israel Democrat, how do you prevent antisemitism from growing and metastasizing in the Democratic Party?

"Well, there's not one silver-bullet approach. It's a number of things. It's direct one-on-one conversations with people with whom you disagree. I mean the House floor, in committees, over a drink. You know, 'Here's the facts about Israel, here's how it's a partner, here's why it's a false dichotomy that somehow you support one or the other of Israel and Palestine.' Their fates are intertwined and that two-state solution is the path forward.

"It is isolating and condemning statements that are truly anti-Zionist, antisemitic. Making clear that this is not within keeping of the Democratic Party's values and principles. It is bringing good legislation to the floor, and moving in and doing the hard legislative work of building coalitions and support, and log-rolling and persuasion and arm-twisting, and all of the stuff that goes into getting a bill passed. It's the good blocking and tackling.

"And then, of course, it's in the elections. It is making clear that the pro-Israel community is going to engage in American elections, both primaries and generals, and just like other advocacy groups do they are taking note of rhetoric and votes and those are going to be a factor in the kind of support you can receive on the ballot."

Q: Do you know if you have a primary challenger yet?

"Nobody has announced as of yet. The papers haven't even come out yet."

Q: Do you worry that there may be a challenger further left of you come up?

"I don't spend my days concerned about challengers left or right. I spend my days focused on my job performance. Am I representing the values of my constituent? Am I advancing their priorities? Am I delivering world-class constituent services?

"If I do those three things, I think I've got a strong case to get re-elected."

Q: So I read your positions, and you're obviously for a two-state solution. Tell me what you envision that to be and how it can be achieved?

"I think right now, the prospects – in the immediate term – the prospects for a two-state solution are faint, and yet they must be kept alive. And I think there are really two ways to do that. One is to shrink the conflict as much as possible and to find diplomatic, economic, humanitarian means of exchange between the Israeli and Palestinian peoples.

"To recognize that the conflict is there. It's not something that can be resolved probably at this exact moment, given the lack of any kind of Palestinian leadership and the coalition government that exists right now in Israel, but the conflict does not need to be all-encompassing. That there can be other ways to work to improve economic and security and living conditions for the Palestinian people and provide for near-term Israel goals.

"Shrink that conflict. At the same time, widen Israel's diplomatic and geosecurity reach through the Abraham Accords. The bilateral agreements that Israel is striking with Arab states in the region enhance its security; they foment trade and diplomatic ties that prevent the Israel-Palestine conflict from becoming regionally destabilizing.

"And also, just give both sides more oxygen to eventually strike a deal. Sometimes, the way to get to "yes" is to just not say "no" right now. And I've learned this sometimes being in Washington is that you're not always going to get to yes in the immediate term. But if you can just not have both sides say no. If you just keep the conversation going, timing and situation may change and you can get to yes later."

Q: Both sides are saying no. That's kind of the problem, right?

"I think the destinies are intertwined, so the fundamental construct of land for peace is ultimately still going to be how a two-state solution is achieved. As I said, the situation is such that it's not going to happen right now. I don't think anybody with expertise is saying it's going to happen in the near term. But that does not mean that you stop trying to engage in ways that are productive. I think it's all the more reason for Israel to be engaged in the Abraham Accords."

Q: Do you think the label of occupied territories is a fair one when considering the conflict?

"That statement can't be carte blanche across all the different territories in question here."

Q: I'm talking about the West Bank and Gaza.

"Well, I mean, Israel is not occupying some of those places. Those places are governed by the Palestinian Authority."

Q: But the Palestinians see it otherwise, right?

"Yeah. I mean it's an inflammatory phrase, and it's a phrase that, like I said, about situations you may not be able to get to agreement or consensus right now, but there are other ways to proceed. We may not agree on what territories would go where in a final-status determination, but we can agree that we want to work on getting clean water and security protocols better in Gaza."

Q: So right now, everyone is talking about the Iran nuclear deal, do you think US President Joe Biden and the administration should be trying to get back into the Iran deal?

"I think back into is an inaccurate clause because it's not back into it. It would be a functionally new deal. And Iran's behavior at Vienna was such that it has frustrated even China and Russia, which tells you something about how intransigent they're being. And the hardline behavior of Iran needs to change if we're going to be able to get to a longer and stronger deal.

"A nuclear deal is one of really three different areas that need to be addressed, along with ballistic-missile development and funding of proxy terror groups in the region."

Q: But all those things are supposedly coming after they go back into the original deal.

"I think they need to be addressed on parallel tracks. If there's log-rolling to be done between them, it should not be an all-or-nothing proposition. I think diplomacy and this kind of geopolitical engagement is messy, and we need to address all three of them in the best way we can at any given time."

Q: But Iran already said that they're not going to go for a "longer, stronger" deal. So if they say no to that, do you think that the whole re-entry into the nuclear deal should be scuttled?

"We keep talking. The hardline is posturing in Iran. A nuclear option from Iran is not an acceptable outcome here. Nobody wants military conflict in the Middle East, and so we keep talking."

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Q: A State Department official recently brought up the idea of having direct talks with Iran. Do you think that would be a good idea?

"I'm always in favor of talking. Now the right stratagem for when we do it through our European allies – when we do it face-to-face – are you giving oxygen to the hardline in Iran if you deny them a face-to-face? Are you supporting the moderates if you don't? These are things I have confidence the administration and the State Department to be able to handle. I'm not going to weigh in on the exact tactics of their negotiations.

"As we saw with Trump, when he just granted a face-to-face, that was a dumb decision, right? It elevated the North Korean regime in a way that gave the United States nothing. And Biden is a much more savvy foreign-policy operator than that. So he's going to decide the best timing and sequence of how we engage with Iran."

Q: You also supported the creation of the Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Islamophobia. Can you tell me why? Do you think there's a threat it can be used against Jews?

"Well, we have a special envoy to monitor antisemitism, which I'm thankful looks like the Senate is actually going to take up her confirmation. And that's an important position and a special envoy to monitor Islamophobia I think performs an analogous function."

Q: Do you think antisemitism and Islamophobia are analogous?

"It's a core American value that we judge people by the content of their character and not based on ethnic or religious or sexual orientation or nation of origin. And so it is in keeping with and supportive of American values and principles that we spotlight and disinfect hate as possible throughout the world. And insofar that we can gather information and make it public, I think these roles are important."

Q: I know you have worked a lot with diversity issues, including on a local level.

"I'm on the Diversity and Inclusion Subcommittee for [House] Financial Services [Committee]. In fact, we've got a hearing tomorrow."

Q: A lot of times in those situations, you have a confluence of diversity and an undertone of anti-Israel bias and antisemitism. Have you experienced that, and how would you go about getting rid of that?

"I don't know if I accept the premise of that question. What I think you're kind of alluding to is that sometimes what we're seeing is anti-Zionism and antisemitism are emerging – particularly on college campuses – but also other elite institutions, in the media and elsewhere, that the very progressive elements are incorporating anti-Zionism as part of the progressive mantra.

"I worry about that as well. I've seen that on college campuses. It deeply concerns me. I think Zionism is about progress and the progressive movement should be embracing Zionism, and I've been clear about that and upfront about that from the get-go."

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

The post 'Democrats are a big tent party that in its totality is pro-Israel' appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Pro-Israel organizations are likely closely watching a contest between two Democratic incumbent members of Congress running against each other in a newly formed congressional district in the metropolitan Detroit area.

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Michigan lost a seat in the US House of Representatives, and for the first time in state history after a successful referendum in 2018, a new independent commission was formed to create new districts in the state.

The commission released its new district map on Dec. 28, and within two hours of the announcement, two Democrats – Michigan 9th Congressional District Rep. Andy Levin and Michigan 11th Congressional District Rep. Haley Stevens – said they would be running in the newly formed 11th Congressional District, which will become the most Jewish district in the state.

While there are ongoing legal challenges to the new districts, most believe the federal district map will remain the same or with minor alterations.

For the national pro-Israel community, the race pits two distinct political positions on America's relationship to the State of Israel, with Levin – who is Jewish – reflecting the far-left progressive stances of J Street; and Stevens, who is not Jewish, representing the traditional pro-Israel perspective that has long been a consensus among Democrats and Republicans in Congress.

Rabbi Asher Lopatin, executive director of Detroit's Jewish Community Relations Council and American Jewish Committee, said his organization has relationships with both candidates and does not take sides. He also noted that both candidates are considered pro-Israel, and both are in favor of a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict but have different opinions on how America can best have a relationship with Israel.

Lopatin said many of Levin's political stances "are very much in keeping in harmony with J Street's positions, including being very concerned about what J Street calls the occupation," also noting that Levin participated on a J Street-sponsored trip.

He describes Stevens as "much closer to what I would describe as an AIPAC position, really being very supportive of Israel; this is for the benefit of the United States. It's not out of loyalty to another country; it's only out of loyalty to the United States. She sees America supporting Israel as the best thing America can do as an ally of Israel."

He did point out that Levin also voted in favor of the supplemental funding of Iron Dome when it was approved in the House of Representatives on Sept. 23.

"Obviously, whatever your politics are, you might find one position more attractive than the other," Lopatin said.

'Respecting each other despite our disagreements'

Lopatin called the newly formed district the "heart of Jewish Detroit" – covering most of Oakland County, with major Jewish populations in the cities of West Bloomfield, Bloomfield Hills, Birmingham, Farmington Hills, and Oak Park.

He estimated that about 50,000 Jews live in the district.

"Jews vote in higher percentages, and participate more and are very much involved in the political process," the rabbi said. "I know Jews already had events to meet the candidates and to discuss this. Letters have gone out in support of both candidates from Jews."

Lopatin said that when it comes to Israel, the Detroit Jewish community's views are more mainstream, closer to that of AIPAC than J Street, and against pressuring Israel on what its policies should be.

Both campaigns, he said, have already reached out to the Jewish community to make sure that they know that they are pro-Israel and are supportive of the values of the Jewish community.

Lopatin said that he knows the candidates want it to be a friendly race. "They're friends, and they don't want this to be a bitter race," he said. "They want this to be a positive thing."

"I'm really hoping that this actually could be very healthy for the Jewish community to understand that people have disagreements, and yet we can all be friends. And we can all understand that we're committed to the things we value, like the State of Israel," Lopatin said. "There's just a very small group that's probably not Zionist; it's not pro-Israel, but it's a very small group of Jews. The vast majority are pro-Israel and are Zionist.

"I think that this is a chance for the Jewish community to rise to the challenge of how can we disagree in an agreeable, friendly, and even loving way. So this will be a challenge, and we can be a model for other communities on how they can have a really serious, substantive conversation and election campaign, and at the same time, respecting each other despite our disagreements."

How to court a mix of voters

David Dulio, professor of political science at Oakland University in Auburn Hills, Mich., said that after redistricting, it's not uncommon to have incumbents forced to run against each other, though he was surprised by how quickly both Stevens and Levin jumped into the race, despite it being obvious that they would have to run against an incumbent.

Dulio said that Stevens's advantage is that a larger part of her old district is within the newly formed district. But this time, the new district will also include part of what's currently Michigan's 14th Congressional District, represented by Rep. Brenda Lawrence (D-Mich.). This part, with its most significant city being Pontiac, will bring in an influx of African-American voters.

"So you've got a large number of African-Americans in this district. And the question will be: How do Haley Stevens and Andy Levin court those voters?" Dulio said.

So far, Levin has been endorsed by Pontiac Mayor Tim Greimel, who was once a primary opponent of Stevens when she ran for her first term in 2018, while Lawrence has been campaigning with Stevens.

Levin has also built a strong level of support with labor unions, which could be important in the area.

Stevens, on the other hand, is a prodigious fundraiser, who has so far raised $2.6 million and has a little less than $2 million cash on hand as of the last reporting period on Dec. 31. Meanwhile, Levin has raised a little more than $1.3 million and has $1.1 million cash on hand.

Stevens won her seat in the 2020 election running on what Dulio called "bread and butter" issues such as manufacturing jobs, coupled with her work on an auto-industry task force in the Obama administration – issues that resonated with voters in Oakland County. Since her election, she has garnered more support from the political left without paying a political price.

Dulio, who lives in Levin's district, described Levin as a member who stays below the radar.

"I think he's a nose-to-the-grindstone kind of member who works to represent his constituency without much flash," he said.

"I think it's going to be really interesting to watch how these two colleagues battle each other," said Dulio. "They may each have issues that they want to focus on. And they may not go the traditional route of trying to create contrast by creating conflict."

'A very one-sided bill'

Jeff Mendelsohn, executive director of Pro-Israel America, said that his organization endorsed Stevens in the last election and has already endorsed her again even before redistricting.

"And we stand by that endorsement. She has demonstrated during her time in Congress consistent and clear commitment to advancing America's relationship with Israel through her actions and the legislation she has supported," said Mendelsohn.

In Congress, Stevens has supported further sanctions on Hamas through the Hamas International Financing Prevention Act. She also co-sponsored a piece of legislation that seeks to extend and encourage the benefits of the Abraham Accords between Israel and Arab nations. Mendelsohn said that when supplemental funding for the replenishment of defensive Iron Dome interceptor missiles was taken out of a spending package by Democratic leadership after members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus threatened to vote against it, Stevens was one of the members of the House to pressed leadership to do a standalone funding bill, which passed overwhelmingly.

She is also signed on to several letters, reiterating support for America's security alliance with Israel, encouraging the Biden administration to take a strong negotiating position with Iran, as well as signing letters that stressed the bad actions of Iran and the need for the United States to push back "not just on the nuclear program but the full range of bad actions by the Iranian regime," said Mendelsohn.

During the 11-day conflict between Israel and Hamas in the Gaza Strip last May, Mendelsohn said that Stevens clearly expressed her support for Israel and for Israel's right to defend itself against Hamas rockets.

Meanwhile, Levin has stood up against accusations of anti-Semitism against progressive members in the House of Representatives – namely, Reps. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), an American with Palestinian ties who represents a neighboring district.

In September, Levin also marked the end of the High Holidays by introducing the Two-State Solution Act, a bill supported by J Street, Ameinu, Foreign Policy for America, Partners for Progressive Israel, and Americans for Peace Now, which, if passed, will condition aid to Israel if Israel's actions are not seen as conducive to a two-state solution and provides a pathway to terminate the terrorist organization designation of the Palestine Liberation Organization.

"There's nothing wrong with the title, it's what's in the bill that's the problem," said Mendelsohn. "It's a very one-sided bill. It at its core, places the blame for the lack of progress towards a two-state solution on Israel, which is both unfair and doesn't represent the facts. The fact is that Palestinian leadership, for decades, has refused to recognize Israel as a Jewish state, the homeland of the Jewish people. And it's that refusal to recognize and accept Israel in the midst of the Middle East that's really at the core of the lack of progress towards peace."

Mendelsohn said that he believes it will be an important race to watch, with a lot of national attention focused on it, but the organization's strategy and whether it will have to run ads on behalf of Stevens is still to be determined. So far, Pro-Israel America PAC has donated more than $10,500 to Stevens.

"We are very serious about our support for Stevens, and we'll do what we can throughout the election cycle to support her," he said. "I'm confident that the Jewish community will participate fully in the election and will be vocal about the candidate they support. I think that the pro-Israel community will stand with [her]."

'Being female is helpful'

Mark Grebner, a Democratic political consultant and founder of Practical Political Consulting in East Lansing, Mich., said that neither Levin nor Stevens have very deep roots in their districts, each concluding only their second term.

Levin comes from a long line of Michigan politicians, the son of former Rep. Sander Levin (D-Mich.), nephew of the late Sen. Carl Levin (D-Mich.), and cousin of former Michigan Supreme Court Associate Justice Charles Levin.

"Andy Levin is best known as being related to Sander Levin. If you just kind of went and did a focus group," you wouldn't get a deeper response, Grebner said. "I don't think that either of them has really made a deep impression."

This won't be helped by the area's media market, which is so big that it would be hard for them to get the proper exposure with their district being such a small piece of it.

Grebner did not see the Jewish community playing a large role in this or any Michigan election, despite it being the most Jewish district in the state and higher voter turnout.

According to Grebner, the new district has 79,000 likely voters, whose median age is 61. Of those likely voters, 28,000 overlap the old 11th Congressional District currently represented by Stevens and 24,000 from the old 9th Congressional District represented by Levin.

"When you actually look at the voters, you discover that no area is heavily Jewish. There are Jewish concentrations, but the next-door neighbor is something else, the people across the street are something else," Grebner explained. "There's sort of a flavor of it, but it's when places are settled initially by an ethnic group, you can get very high concentrations. But when you're settled secondarily, you just don't get that. … There may be a hint of Jewishness to, say, Farmington Hills, but it just isn't a Jewish town."

"Jews make up a substantial part of the civic life of Bloomfield Hills, but it's not a Jewish town," he said. "They're a substantial factor in some walks of life and in some neighborhoods, but … they're not like a solid ethnic community about to deliver a big vote."

Rather, Grebner believes that Stevens will have an advantage because she is female, and women make up 60% of the Democratic primary vote.

"There are people who are neutral or people pro-female, but there's nobody who's anti-female in a Democratic primary," he said. "So being female is helpful. I mean, it's not a huge factor, but it's helpful."

"Look at the Democratic [state election] ticket in 2018 and ask yourself how was that we ended up with a Democratic candidate who was female for attorney general and a female candidate for Secretary of State and a female candidate for governor and two new members of Congress, in addition to Andy Levin winning primaries," Grebner added. "If I were running a candidate and I had a choice – if I know nothing else about it – but one is male and one is female, I'd go with female. A female is in a better position to win a Democratic primary."

Levin, on the other hand, has the benefit of a famous last name and even if voters don't know anything about him, they may have a positive association with the Levin family.

One interesting fact Grebner pointed out is that out of the total amount of likely Democratic primary voters, 92% have voted absentee in the last four years – meaning that it's highly likely people's choice will be made well in advance of the Aug. 1 primaries.

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'A lot of politics is transactional'

J. Miles Coleman, associate editor of Professor Larry Sabato's Sabato's Crystal Ball at the University of Virginia Center for Politics, which has been a barometer of national politics for decades, said that with Michigan losing seats in Congress for several decades, incumbents running against other incumbents is not uncommon in the state.

While Stevens's old district makes up the largest share of the new 11th Congressional District, the Levin brand is very strong, he said.

According to Coleman, the district's voters are 68% white, 15% black, 10% Asian, and 5% Hispanic. Voters from Stevens's old district make up 36% of Democratic voters in the new district, compared to 30% of Levin's and 33% of Lawrence's.

Coleman said Lawrence's former constituents look like they will be the swing block in the district, and it appears that during Martin Luther King Jr. Day, Lawrence was introducing Stevens at talks.

"It comes back to how a lot of politics is transactional. The Levins – I know at least Sander Levin, who is Andy's father – he endorsed against Lawrence in the 2016 race. So if Lawrence endorses Stevens now, is that payback?" Coleman posed.

The majority of Levin's district is now in the new 10th Congressional District, where even though Levin could easily win the Democratic primary, the seat will be marginal in the general election, according to Coleman.

"I would just guess that it would be the kind of calculation of the primary versus the general election," he said. "Yeah, it's maybe a tough primary in District 11, but District 10 voted for Trump," while also voting for Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.).

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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Jewish leaders at a virtual panel hosted by the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, held on Wednesday to commemorate International Holocaust Remembrance Day on Thursday, were told by experts that the community should unite and go on offense against anti-Semites across the political spectrum.

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The hour-long event was moderated by Conference chair Dianne Lob, who discussed antisemitism with former Obama-administration Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat antisemitism Ira Forman, his Trump administration counterpart Elan Carr, and Rep. Kathy Manning (D-NC).

All three agreed that in the past decade, antisemitism has been growing, as indicated by data from the Anti-Defamation League, the FBI and other organizations.

"One of the things I think we've all seen since 2017 is the end of certain taboos about saying things about Jews, as well as others, that four or five, six years ago people would have thought twice about saying this," said Forman, pointing to the conspiracy theories about the Rothschilds and the coronavirus pandemic on the political right and left.

"If we only criticize antisemitism from our political opponents and not people in our own party, our own ideology, we really aren't caring about antisemitism. We're really not battling antisemitism. We're just using the platform of antisemitism to wage war against our political opponents," said Forman. "And those are those of us on the left, like myself, those on the right, have done too much of this and we have to end it."

Carr followed Forman, saying that the fact that antisemitism is rising just eight decades after 6 million Jews were murdered in the Holocaust speaks to the insatiable hatred and bloodlust for the Jewish people. Post-Shoah, he said, it was taboo to be a Jew-hater, compared to the uptick in antisemitism seen in the past 10 to 15 years.

He pointed out that one more contemporary contributing factor was social media and the Internet.

"It is terrifying how much more efficient and how much more fast the process of radicalization happens online. And all three sources – ideologically diverse as they may be – all three sources of Jew-hatred are making remarkably efficient use of the Internet and social media to drive their venom at the speed of a click around the world," said Carr. "That's the far-right – these ethnic supremacists on the far-right – the anti-Zionists and Israel-haters on the left, and militant Islam."

Carr said those challenges should not be met with censorship. He said Jews have to "counter the tsunami" of online antisemitism, which doesn't only target Jews but is a primary factor in other maladies such as racism and polarization, "fraying the very fabric of our republic."

He agreed with Forman that another change was the mainstreaming and legitimization of hatred against Jews, which he said in the past have come mainly from the left.

"Obviously, on the right – as dangerous and vile and disgusting as the haters on the right are – essentially still they remain largely in the fringes, in the margins, as repulsive as those margins are," he said. "We would never have imagined that these things would be said … in classrooms, never mind by radical-left campus groups, but preached by professors in class, in high schools in Manhattan, on the best college campuses … in polite company, and really, really propagated in a way in the halls of Congress as well. And this is really, really an urgent crisis because the moment that the hatred of the Jewish people becomes accepted, becomes mainstream, becomes tolerated and becomes preached, becomes orthodoxy in certain circles, it will grow and metastasize, and that is something that is new.

"That is a deep and urgent challenge for all of us as we really share this common cause of fighting this ancient scourge," he said.

Lob posed how such assaults don't become the new normal in light of direct attacks on synagogues, including the Tree of Life*Or L'Simcha Synagogue in Pittsburgh; Chabad of Poway, Calif.; and the recent hostage situation at Congregation Beth Israel in Colleyville, Texas.

Forman said security alone cannot fight antisemitism; the Jewish community has to enlist allies from outside the community to help.

He told about a story from the 1990s when a brick was thrown through a window of a child's room, which had a menorah, by a white nationalist in Billings, Mont. While the area's Jewish community was very small, the town's entire community united, including putting menorahs in their windows to show that the white nationalists were not welcome there.

"Unfortunately, sometimes rational arguments alone and don't move people," said Forman. "But people are moved when they know that they're being ostracized because what they say is so abominable."

"We have to consider this a priority to harden and protect Jewish community assets," said Carr. "But, you know, I'm a military officer. I know firsthand from my experience that if all you do in the face of such a threat is simply to kind of circle the wagons and protect your asset, then really you've lost and you've got to be proactive. You've got to take the fight to the enemy."

An example he said, is to use the resources the community already has, such as intelligence on antisemitism, to monitor and be proactive against threats.

He agreed with Forman that the Jewish community has to start "ostracizing and shaming expressions of antisemitism, wherever they come from. Regardless of the ideological source, the community has to come together and make clear this is unacceptable. [It] might be protected speech under the First Amendment, but it is morally outrageous."

Manning said there needs to be more education about why Jews are so concerned about antisemitism, saying that Americans know something about the Holocaust, but not the Spanish Inquisition and the Crusades. Even some Jews, she said, see antisemitism as a lower level of discrimination. One of the positives she has seen during her time in office was that colleagues come to her and say that they want to join her whenever she wants to speak against antisemitism or about Israel.

'When do you give those people more oxygen?'

Mort Klein, national president of the Zionist Organization of America, asked if Jew-haters should be ostracized, then why haven't Reps. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich) been called out by the Democratic leadership, taken off committees and publicly condemned by name?

"That would go a long way to show that Congress will not tolerate in a serious way, antisemitism," he said. "Why do you think that hasn't been done?"

Manning noted that she has called out Omar and gotten a lot of blowback with the first three meeting requests she received from people upset that she called Omar out from rabbis.

As far as the leadership, she says there has to be a balance between calling something out from the "highest mountaintop" as opposed to not.

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"When do you give those people more oxygen than they deserve? When do you help them create a platform that helps them raise even more money?" she said.

She pointed out how much cash Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) is able to fundraise when her statements are challenged.

"I believe the same is probably true with Ilhan Omar when she makes a very antisemitic comment. She probably raises a lot of money," said Manning.

Still, she pointed out when she and her colleagues fought for the standalone Iron Dome funding bill in the House of Representatives, which passed 420-9 votes, it demonstrated that while the anti-Israel wing of the Democratic Party may be very vocal, they have little impact on legislation when it comes to Israel or antisemitic incidents.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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Following the Jan. 15 hostage situation at a Texas synagogue, Jewish organizations in the United States have reignited their push for Congress to double the funding of the Nonprofit Security Grant Program, ensuring that more targeted non-profit institutions such as synagogues get federal funding to invest in protection.

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While none of the hostages, including Rabbi Charlie Cytron-Walker of Beth Israel Synagogue in Colleyville, Texas, was hurt in the ordeal, organizations such as the Jewish Federations of North America and the Orthodox Union are pointing to increasing threats to Jewish institutions to justify an increase in the NSGP from $180 million annually to $360 million.

"If the events in Colleyville do not reinforce how crucial nonprofit security grants are in securing our communities, I don't know what will," said JFNA president and CEO Eric Fingerhut in a news release on Sunday.

Elana Broitman, JFNA senior vice president, said the request was not new, as the Jewish community has been calling for $360 million in funding for a number of years. While still not funded at the ideal level, support had been growing – doubling last year to $180 million.

That number was still only enough to cover 45% of funding requests made by non-profit organizations last year, of which approximately $220 million worth of requests were not granted because of insufficient cash, said Broitman.

Another $100 million for the NSGP was written into the Build Back Better bill, which has stalled.

But as Congress works to pass an omnibus spending package before the latest Continuing Resolution (CR) funding the government expires in February, the organizations see this as a perfect opportunity to increase the NSGP grant budget.

After the Texas hostage situation, the urgency has increased, Broitman said – not just in the Jewish world but for other targeted communal facilities that can also access the grant funding.

"I mean, the antisemitic trend is horrendous, and there are law-enforcement reports that really show that it is the worst among religiously motivated hate activities. That said, we're the canary in the coal mine," said Broitman. "This fund goes beyond Jewish communities, and I think everybody recognizes how important it is."

The NSGP grants go toward security measures in non-profit organizations, including religious centers, museums and houses of worship. These measures include the installation of security cameras, secure doors, barriers and active-shooter training drills.

Cytron-Walker said the training he was provided helped him act against the hostage-taker.

Additional security measures through this and other programs also helped avert further loss of life at the Tree of Life Synagogue shooting and other attacks on synagogues.

"When something happens in one place – regardless of what details were in the particular attack – the security risk in other places of course rises because we always worry about copycat attacks, and every incident is a little bit different," said Broitman. "And so the more we can protect institutions, the higher the bar for breaching those institutions."

"We're rallying the community because we just have to protect our vulnerable institutions," she said.

'Definitely more in ballpark of where demand level is'

According to Nathan Diament, executive director of the OU Advocacy Center, the $360 million figure was proposed by Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) himself a few years ago.

Diament said the omnibus spending package will be the obvious place to include the amount, as congressional leaders and heads of the appropriation committees have started meeting to negotiate the omnibus to cover the remainder of the fiscal year.

The $360 million, he said, will be "definitely more in the ballpark of where the demand level is."

Diament had just concluded a Zoom meeting on Tuesday organized by the Orthodox Union with more than 1,000 synagogue representatives from across the nation, in addition to department officials such as US Attorney General Merrick Garland, US Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Majorkas, FBI director Christopher Wray and FBI deputy director Paul Abbate.

Besides messages of solidarity from the administration officials, the synagogue representatives were promised that the agencies would do whatever they could to bolster the community's security as well as go through practical steps that synagogues could take in the coming weeks.

NSGP funding and other security resources provided by Homeland Security and the FBI were also part of the discussion, according to Diament, as well as practical steps for the synagogue representatives.

"For example, the FBI director said to the synagogue leaders, 'If you or your synagogue leadership doesn't currently have an open line of communication to your local FBI field office, you should pick up the phone and start that now because that's an important relationship to have,'" he said.

Diament added that another security measure the OU has been advocating for years was for the federal government through the US Department of Justice and other grant programs to provide more resources to local police specifically to increase patrols and presence around synagogues and other houses of worship.

"If we're in an environment in which houses of worship are targets, we need a more regular – at least, hopefully, only on a short-term basis – but we need a more regular police presence at houses of worship," he said.

Eric Fusfield, director of legislative affairs for B'nai B'rith International, said his organization has long supported the increase.

"One result of Colleyville is the growing awareness that such attacks can occur anywhere, at any time, from multiple sources," he said. "Also, the FBI's hate-crimes data affirm that the Jewish community is by far the most vulnerable among religious groups."

Rabbi Rick Jacobs, president of the Union for Reform Judaism, the denomination Beth Israel is affiliated with, noted that Muslim, Christian and other faith leaders quickly gathered to support the congregants.

"While the uptick of antisemitism is clear, we've never lived in a community where there's more solidarity," he said.

Anna Eisen, the founding president of Beth Israel, experienced that first-hand, citing support "from neighbors, strangers, churches, the governor" and others.

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"I feel safer," she said. "I know now I'm a part of this community and this country."

Some advocacy groups and lawmakers have cited the Texas hostage situation in calling on the Senate to take up Biden's nomination of Deborah Lipstadt to serve as a special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism.

The Emory University professor's nomination languished last year, forcing Biden to resubmit her name two weeks ago. The Anti-Defamation League called on the Senate to "act now" to show the urgency of confronting antisemitism.

"We need to treat antisemitism not as an aberration but an everyday reality," said Jonathan Greenblatt, chief executive officer of the ADL.

Rabbi Noah Farkas, the president and CEO of the Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles, said he has been speaking with rabbinic colleagues in the wake of the Texas incident and many have trepidations about leading services.

"To be a Jew in America today, to wear Jewish ritual garb like the yarmulke or a Star of David, is an act of courage, and I would say defiance as well," Farkas said.

The attack underscores how "the Jewish community is an affected and targeted group," said Bradley Orsini, senior national security adviser for Secure Community Network, which consults with major Jewish organizations on security.

He took part in a weekend webinar that drew about 1,600 Jewish community leaders to update them on the Colleyville situation. "We really need to keep preparedness in front of us," he said.

JNS.org contributed to this report.

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With a deadline to fund the US government past the temporary Continuing Resolution (CR) passed last month set to expire mid-February, pro-Israel organizations have been pushing to bring supplemental funding of Iron Dome interceptor missiles back to the forefront.

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Since September, senators have tried four times to bring a standalone supplemental $1 billion Iron Dome funding bill, which was passed by the US House of Representatives by an overwhelming 420-9 vote, for unanimous approval, but each time have been thwarted by the objection of Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky).

Paul stated that he didn't oppose the funding, though he is usually opposed to foreign aid; rather, he would like to see the funding offset by taking it from the $6 billion allocated to aid the recovery of Afghanistan and deposit the remainder in the US Treasury.

Passing a bill through unanimous consent is a common occurrence for legislation that is not controversial and supported by both parties. It avoids the time-consuming process that requires the bill to be debated on the Senate floor for 30 hours of valuable time before it can be voted on through the regular lawmaking process in the Senate.

After months of delay on the matter, pro-Israel organizations, organizations representing Jewish denomination and Jewish communal groups, are expressing that they are losing patience over delays that threaten the security of Israel.

One of the letters sent to Senate Majority Leader Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-NY) and Minority Leader Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky) last week was spearheaded by the American Jewish Congress and the Jewish Council of Public Affairs. It called on the leaders to find a way to quickly move the legislation through.

Joel Rubin, executive director of the American Jewish Congress, said he was proud with how the Jan. 11 letter turned out, garnering 15 signatories from groups on both sides of the political spectrum that are rarely seen advocating together.

Rubin, who has worked in both chambers of Congress, as a foreign-policy adviser in the Senate, as well as serving as deputy assistant Secretary of State during the Obama administration, said that pro-Israel groups are worried that if a solution isn't found soon, the critical funding may not come under consideration again for a long time.

If Paul doesn't lift his hold over the House-passed bill, the most likely option for the bill to pass would be to include it in an omnibus spending bill that is passed by both chambers.

The omnibus spending bill is currently being negotiated ahead of the expiration of the current continuing resolution. Including Iron Dome funding in a defense appropriations bill that is included in an omnibus spending bill is seen as the most likely solution to get the funding through – funding US President Joe Biden has said multiple times that he supports.

Still, there is no guarantee that an agreement could be reached on an omnibus spending bill, which would then require Congress to once again kick that can down the road and pass either a CR, which carries over previous spending levels, for a period of months to up to a year in order to avoid a government shutdown.

Prior to passing a standalone funding bill for Iron Dome, Democrats in the House attempted to include the funding in a CR passed in September, but its inclusion was blocked by a group of progressive Democrats known as "The Squad." Needing their support to pass the CR over the opposition of Republican members, the Iron Dome funding was taken out, and it's unlikely if a new CR is agreed to in February that it will again be included.

Rubin said that this didn't have to be the case.

"This is a non-controversial bill. A non-controversial bill should go right through. It should be passed by unanimous consent and they should be done," he said. "And that's not happened now because one senator alone has decided to make a stand for perplexing reasons that are impossible to decipher and shift and, by doing that, requiring either floor time to be used for a non-controversial bill that will pass 99-1, or having it pushed into an omnibus bill which will then require house support and opening up again another ongoing debate about Israel in the House."

Schumer, whose office did not respond to a request for comment by JNS, has told Jewish organizational leaders that the funding will be passed, though he was not specific on how. And while that promise and the Biden administration's support provides confidence, Rubin said that in his career of working in public service and on policy, one can never take anything for granted.

That's why he was glad to see the Jewish community unite on the issue because "absent that voice, issues go lower on the checklist of the leadership."

Rubin and others following the issue who spoke to JNS believed that the quickest option to get the funding passed was its inclusion in the omnibus, assuming that Paul won't drop his opposition and that Schumer would not want to take time away from other priorities and acquiesce to Paul's obstruction.

"Sen. Paul is seeking to create precedent here that would be very dangerous on both sides of the aisle [that] one senator can take any non-controversial piece of legislation and insert a whole different issue into it to seek to force a vote on any different priority," said Aaron Weinberg, director of government relations at the Israel Policy Forum. "If leadership were to give into that, that would basically shut down the entire functioning of the Senate by just having any one senator be able to force the entire Senate to consider any piece of legislation at any moment. Nothing would ever get done, and there would be no point in having leadership and no point in having a calendar whatsoever."

Weinberg said that usually when there is an objection to a unanimous consent bill, the senator who opposes it does so due to their opposition to the bill itself, and is often not the only senator opposing it. In this case, Paul claims not even to oppose funding to replenish Iron Dome stockpiles but is instead trying to tie his support to Afghanistan.

"I in no way shape or form blame leader Schumer for not wanting to capitulate to Sen. Paul's antics here because they are really out of order in many ways," said Weinberg.

If no omnibus is agreed to and Congress instead passes a "clean" CR with no Iron Dome funding that lasts a year, it could be 2023 before the supplemental funding is considered again.

"[That] would be not only suboptimal but really deleterious to Israel's security posture and a shame that 99 out of 100 senators – that level of support can't get something done – and that's an indictment on really the United States Congress. … It's a shame that this is what we've come to, but this is the current situation," said Weinberg.

Weinberg and Rubin agreed that it's possible, though highly unlikely, that Schumer could let the bill pass through the regular process.

Boris Zilberman, director of public policy and strategy at the CUFI Action Fund, said that the way things are in Congress at the moment, it may be risky to pin all hopes on an omnibus spending bill passing because such agreement may not be reachable.

"I think that's why the letter is pushing for Republican and Democrat leadership to come together and figure out where do they find the time while they negotiate these other domestic priorities that they have to find the 30 hours to do this, to either come together and either get Paul to move off his hold, which seems unlikely, or find the floor time to figure this out and move this forward," he said.

Meanwhile, Zilberman said that a long-term CR is very likely to happen because the closer you get to campaign season for the midterms, there becomes less time available before members start needing to return to their districts to campaign.

After using up significant portions of its interceptor missiles during its conflict with Hamas in Gaza in May, there is widespread concern that if a major conflict flares up between Israel and Hezbollah in Southern Lebanon at any point, it's possible that there would not be enough interceptor missiles to handle the hundreds of thousands of rockets stockpiled by the Iranian-backed terrorist organization.

"Things can blow up next week, you never know what Hezbollah is going to do and that's why the letter also talks about Hezbollah," said Zilberman. "What this is really about is they don't want to get caught with their pants down basically if there's a conflict and all the while we're debating whether we have 30 hours in the Senate or not."

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"I mean, this is Iron Dome. Let's remember, this is defensive weaponry. We're not talking about sending offensive weaponry to anyone. We're talking about sending defensive weaponry to a major US ally against literal terrorists," said Weinberg. "This is a no-brainer. This is not rocket science, I guess pun intended."

"Rand Paul, you know, he's iconoclastic – he picks his issues, he is taking a stand for some reason on this. For some reason, he thinks it's the right stance to prevent us from supporting an ally in protecting itself from 250,000 terrorist rockets. For some reason, he thinks that's a good policy and the American Jewish community does not," said Rubin.

"From a national security perspective, Israel has put its stock in the United States as its strategic support for its security infrastructure. We have to be a reliable ally in that," he continued. "And part of that is ensuring that we are consistent in our support for and delivery of key items that we believe Israel should have – Iron Dome being one of them."

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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With a general rise in antisemitic violence last year, instances of antisemitism have also been on the rise in work and education settings, something the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) is closely monitoring according to senior commission members who were guests on Monday of a virtual panel discussion held by the Brandeis Center.

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EEOC commissioners Andrea Lucas and Keith Sonderling gave a presentation that included statistics on workplace and educational antisemitism, as well as the laws that protect workers against acts of antisemitism and harassment about their Judaism.

Lucas highlighted some of the statistics, including that one out of four American Jews reports having been a victim of antisemitism, according to a study by the American Jewish Committee (AJC), with 39 percent responding that they had to change their behavior to limit activities and conceal their Jewishness.

Another statistic Lucas spoke about was that according to a Brandeis Center study, 65 percent of Jewish students say that they have felt unsafe and 50 percent have hidden their Jewish identity on campus, with one in three Jewish students reporting that they've personally experienced antisemitism.

"These are horrifying statistics. And even worse, to some degree is that the general public does not seem to be aware of these concerns, or at least at the same level that American Jews do," said Lucas.

Only 60 percent of the general public viewed antisemitism as a problem, as opposed to 90 percent of Jews, and less than 50 percent of non-Jews said that it was growing, according to the AJC survey, compared to 80 percent among American Jews.

Lucas pointed to the number of incidents of workplace antisemitism that made the news last year, including antisemitic posts by a Google executive; another executive in Utah tying antisemitic conspiracy theories to the coronavirus and vaccinations; and a government commerce director in Philadelphia resigning after news broke of him creating a hostile work environment with antisemitic remarks spanning many years.

In another instance, an African-American Jewish book-publishing executive posted a statement affirming their organization's commitment to their Jewish employees but resigned after receiving an outpouring of antisemitic criticism.

Lucas said that the EEOC is always monitoring when there is a rise in a particular type of discrimination, and in May, it noticed what she described as a "serious rise" in antisemitic violence. The EEOC released a resolution, led by Lucas, to condemn in the strongest possible terms recent violence, harassment and acts of bias against Jews, and express "heartfelt sympathy" and "solidarity with victims and their families, and reaffirm our commitment to combat religious, ethnic and national origin-based harassment and all other forms of unlawful discrimination and to ensure equal opportunity inclusion and dignity for all throughout America's workplaces."

"I'm not Jewish myself, but I think it's important that we all ally ourselves together to say never again, and that includes unequivocally stating that antisemitism is unlawful and unacceptable in our workplaces and in our communities," said Lucas. "And I'm proud to ally with Jewish colleagues like Commissioner Sonderling and others on the commission. I think it's really meaningful that we had a unanimous resolution denouncing antisemitism this year."

Sonderling, whose presentation focused on the federal laws regarding workplace discrimination, thanked Lucas for her leadership on the resolution, stating that his grandparents lived through the Holocaust.

'They're afraid to speak up'

The presentation's focus was on identifying and combating workplace antisemitism from the perspective of employers and employees. After the presentation, Lucas and Sonderling took questions from Brandeis Center president Alyza Lewin and director of legal initiatives Denise Katz-Prober.

Katz-Prober, director of legal initiatives at the Brandeis Center, asked about a new form of antisemitism brought about by Diversity Equity and Inclusion (DEI) program trainings at universities and companies, noting that there has been adverse racial stereotyping not only against Jews but other individuals or groups identified or perceived as white.

"We've seen is that there are two problematic consequences. The first being that you have discrete targeted acts of discrimination that are directed at a specific individual employee, but then you might also have sort of the creation through these trainings of almost an orthodoxy in the workplace where employees find it to be intimidating," she said. "They're kind of afraid to speak up. And they're afraid that they're going to appear as though maybe they disagree or don't accept this orthodoxy."

She asked what recourse employees have against the toxic cultural environment in the workplace created by these trainings.

Lucas said that it's sometimes not well understood that such trainings could lead to a hostile environment, but that employees who perceive this hostile environment should first report it to human resources or management, and later, if no action is taken, consider reporting it to the EEOC.

Employees should be comfortable speaking up against it, said Lucas, adding, "If you don't complain, it can be much harder to protect your rights later."

The event's moderator, founder and chairman of the Brandeis Center and former US Assistant Secretary of Education Kenneth Marcus, said that when there is a bias or hate incident, such as on a university campus, the first response from administration is to defer it to the DEI program to do something about it. Sometimes, these programs find the right solution, he said, but not always. Still, there is a growing amount of anecdotal and research evidence in the prevalence of antisemitism among those working in DEI programs.

Marcus said this was problematic because the employees of DEI programs are the people professors and students need to go to when a hate crime or antisemitism is committed.

"If a university really wants to deal with this problem, what can they do to make sure – not just in training, but in the whole range of activities that DEI does – that they are part of the solution and not part of the problem?" he asked.

In June, the Brandeis Center exposed antisemitism within the DEI program of Stanford University in its programming for university employees.

Lucas said that individuals involved in DEI should look inward to determine whether they are focusing too much on the collective.

"Lots of times, the antisemitism arises because you are viewing Jews as a collective you are de-individualizing people and that, frankly, is true of a lot of racism and discrimination in general," she said. "When you engage in any kind of focus of someone on a collective, whoever they are, it can breed problematic conduct, but it can be really stark when we're talking about antisemitism."

At the same time, when DEI programs focus on power disparities, it is also a traditional avenue for antisemitism if the organization does not have a clear stance against antisemitism.

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She recalled a recent incident at the University of Illinois, where a flier was distributed on campus stating that ending white privilege means ending Jewish privilege and provided data on wealth disparities between white people and other races, and the percentage of Jews.

"These are age-old concerns about and stereotypes about Jews having more power or influence that can turn toxic extremely quickly, just sort of now in a novel context, playing on concepts of critical race theory or systemic racism," said Lucas. "It's obviously a good idea to have critical conversations about racism against any number of people in our workplaces. Diversity, equity and inclusion efforts can be tremendously wonderful if done … correctly, but if you were excluding Jews from that conversation, if you're ignoring the risks towards engaging in antisemitic tropes, you can end up hurting the very people who you thought you were helping."

Lewin said that the point was extremely important because there are Jews who are afraid to push for the inclusion of Jewish identity in these scenarios, as they feel that it means they are not taking seriously the discrimination of other groups and insisting the focus be on the Jewish community.

"I think what you've just said is that if you really want to be able to have inclusion, as you said, for all, then you have to include Jewish identity," said Lewin. "Because otherwise what happens is these programs that are meant to combat and educate about bias and discrimination, end up inadvertently fostering a negative feeling or worse towards Jews."

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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In a virtual discussion held by the Endowment for Middle East Truth (EMET), Turkish scholar and former politician Aykan Erdemir said Jews should be wary of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's outreach efforts towards Jews and Israel.

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After nearly two decades of increasingly antisemitic and anti-Israel rhetoric, Erdogan has begun making conciliatory gestures towards Jews and Israel, surprising many in the West.

In her introduction to the Jan. 5 webcast, Sarah Stern – the founder and president of EMET – spoke about Erdogan's Dec. 22 meeting with Turkey's Jewish leaders, members of the Alliance of Rabbis of Islamic State and the chief rabbi of Russia at his palace in Ankara. During the meeting, Erdogan made conciliatory statements about Israel and spoke against anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial.

"Turkey's relationship with Israel is vital towards the stability of our region," Stern quoted Erdogan, and "we must all work together to strengthen peace and stability in the Middle East. We are ready to improve our cooperation and make better use of our potential."

Turkey's government-aligned news outlet Daily Sabah, also quoted Erdogan saying: "I value our renewed dialogue with Israeli President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Naftali Bennett."

The statements are an about-face from the Turkish leader's record, in which as recently as last year he said about Israel that "they're murderers, to the point that they kill children who are five or six years old. They are only satisfied by sucking their blood. It is in their nature."

Erdogan also lashed out at the United States for its support of Israel during the 11-day conflict with Hamas in the Gaza Strip in May, saying that it had blood on its hands – statements condemned by US State Department spokesman Ned Price as "reprehensible and antisemitic."

Stern asked whether this change of character has anything to do with Turkey's recent economic outlook, including a 36% inflation rate and troubled relationships with other nations in the region, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

Erdemir, Turkey program senior director at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, pointed out that Erdogan has previously made gestures of goodwill towards the Turkish Jewish community and made appeals towards Israel only to punctuate these gestures by more outbursts of anti-Semitism.

He compared it to a publicly traded stock that appears promising but never increases in price.

"And with Erdogan, we have to look at his fundamentals, and what I mean by that, is his core values, his background, where he comes from, what is his worldview, what is his ethos?" said Erdemir. He also pointed out that last year's attack on Israel also came shortly after he had reached out to the Jewish state.

"How many times does one need to be misled before deciding, 'You know what, I don't think Erdogan is capable of change," he said.

Especially among Washington policymakers and among some scholars, according to Erdemir, Erdogan's recent statements have rekindled "wishful thinking" that Turkey – a member of NATO – could once again become a counterweight in the Middle East against Russia and Iran as it was during the Cold War.

"Today's Turkey is basically Erdogan's Turkey, and Turkey's assets, resources and institutions are no longer dedicated to serving Turkey's national interests or Turkish people's interests. On the contrary, they are all subservient to serving Erdogan's transnational Islamist interests – his Muslim Brotherhood aligned supremacist ideology's interests," said Erdemir.

It's best not to be naive about the relationship, he added, as long as Erdogan remains in power.

The US Treasury Department has sanctioned Turkey-based entities and individuals for financing Hamas, the Islamic State, Al-Qaeda, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps' (IRGC) Quds Force and other terrorist organizations at least seven times, which is the product of meticulous research and evidence gathering.

The Muslim Brotherhood also established its headquarters in Istanbul after it was ousted from Egypt.

"So one could argue that Erdogan's understanding of an outreach is mostly about sweet talk, but it's not necessarily accompanied by the work that it will require," said Erdemir.

He suspected that this new outreach was the result of what he called two bankruptcies. One was that of Turkish diplomacy, which originally promoted its isolationism after its Muslim Brotherhood allies failed in the Arab Spring of 2011; and the other because of a financial bankruptcy that resulted from this isolation, with Turkish companies being pushed out of other parts of the Middle East due to its alliance with the Islamic Brotherhood.

With Arab countries now making economic agreements with Israel, Turkey finds itself isolated in the region and losing export markets.

One hopeful footnote, Erdemir said, was that even during the years of the worst relationship between Israel and Turkey, and declining trade between Turkey and Arab countries, trade between Turkey and Israel has grown due to the strong people-to-people and trade ties between the two nations.

At least publicly, the economic and geopolitical realities are forcing Erdogan to change his hardline positions towards Israel and its allied Arab nations.

Erdogan dug himself into an economic whole over the years of his rule, according to Erdemir, by artificially forcing the interest rates low and burning through Turkey's foreign currency reserves to support its lira. Meanwhile, the lira continued to be devalued as inflation rose and Turkey is now considered a high risk for foreign investment. With this in mind, Erdogan may believe that Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the UAE can get him bail him out.

"My guess is it will not be enough, meaning there are two flaws in this proposition," said Erdemir. "On the one hand, let's say some light improvement to bilateral and multilateral relations will not be enough to say the markets, and we know that Erdogan ultimately always comes short when it comes to such rapprochement attempts."

Eredemir noted that every year when Erdogan comes for the UN General Assembly, he is criticized for his anti-Semitism and anti-Western bias. Therefore, he tries to reach out to the American Jewish organizations for publicity.

Last year, no American Jewish organization agreed to meet with him. Instead, the Turkish American National Steering Committee (TASC), which has close ties to Erdogan, including some very close relatives on the committee, announced that it signed a joint declaration with the Orthodox Jewish Chamber of Commerce to join forces against the BDS campaign and to support the Abraham Accords.

While some were impressed, Erdemir said he was puzzled knowing that Turkey, Iran and Hamas were some of the most vocal critics of the accords, and Turkey had, just before the declaration, sponsored pro-BDS event in Turkey.

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Within 24 hours, TASC withdrew from the joint declaration, saying that there was improper consensus for the declaration and that the deputy foreign minister who was photographed holding the declaration at its signing didn't know what was in the declaration.

"Now, it's all up to you whether you believe this or not, but I think this is yet the most concrete example of how Erdogan will not be embarrassed to walk back – within 24 hours – all his commitments," said Erdemir, "and how this is almost always just window dressing or a publicity stunt."

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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The US State Department's Population, Migration and Refugees Bureau ended 2021 with another payment to the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA), a move some experts have criticized as wrongheaded and in line with an eagerness to blindly reverse policies put forth by the Trump administration.

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On Dec. 30, the bureau tweeted that it was proud to announce that it was providing $99 million for UNRWA, which it claimed will go towards the "education, health care and emergency relief of hundreds of thousands of Palestinian children and families."

It also noted a focus on the agency's accountability, transparency, neutrality and stability – all issues that UNRWA has been criticized for.

Hillel Neuer, executive director of UN Watch, called the funding a mistake and quickly pointed out in a Twitter thread that UNRWA has long been the antithesis to those standards, opposing and criticizing attempts to hold it accountable.

"If you are truly focused on UNRWA 'accountability, transparency and neutrality,' why are you silent as UNRWA aggressively attacks efforts to apply oversight – and why reward their bad actions with even more money?" he wrote.

The move was not surprising, as the Biden administration announced last April that it will reverse the cash freeze applied to UNRWA by the Trump administration and has funded the organization $417.8 million in 2021.

Asaf Romirowsky, executive director of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East and author of Religion, Politics and the Origins of Palestine Refugee Relief, said the UN agency is the gatekeeper of the one single issue that sustains the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, ensuring it will never end – the "right of return" for Palestinians to the entire territory of what was once British Mandatory Palestine.

Unlike other refugees recognized by the United Nations, UNRWA is unique in conferring refugee status to its descendants, some of who are five generations removed from actual purported refugees.

"And so, you have every year, based on that, a so-called 'natural growth' of Arab-Palestinians based on a fictitious amount of individuals, where they demand more money to receive aid. And that's how the cycle plays out," said Romirowsky. "And this is why – if you go to UNRWA's website today – they will tell you they got millions and millions of refugees."

"Where did all the million come from?" he posed. "The millions come from this growth. And so what Washington is doing now is basically trying to jumpstart the flow of money because when you say the word refugee to Westerners and Americans and others, the perception is that people are fleeing for their lives with no running water, let alone WiFi. That's not the case within the refugee camps."

The organization, he said, sustains the concept of a refugee not aligned to that of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, arguing that the identity of a Palestinian is synonymous with them seeing themselves as refugees who can never agree to give up their so-called "right of return."

"There's no endgame to this," he said. "This is basically taxpayer dollars that are being thrown into an enterprise that is bottomless."

Even some former UNRWA employees, he said, say those considered refugees by UNRWA have been resettled.

The funding of UNRWA also undermines America's goal of supporting the Palestinian Authority. Romirowsky said UNRWA duplicates services that should be provided by the Palestinian government, creating a "shadow government" and keeping the areas in which it operates dependent.

"All these services – education, social services, medical services – should be, if Palestinians want a functioning state, funded by the Palestinian Authority," said Romirowsky. "It is a case study where the client has hijacked the service provider in marketing terms."

UNRWA's critics have long complained about the textbooks used in UNRWA schools, which contain incitement against Israel.

'Compel specific, tangible and constructive actions'

James Lindsey, visiting scholar at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and former legal advisor and general counsel for UNRWA, wrote in early September that the United States, which funds a significant portion of UNRWA's annual budget, should have used UNRWA's dire financial straits to push for greater reforms in the organization prior to restarting its funding.

Instead, it settled for a US-UNRWA Framework of Cooperation signed on July 14, which while touching upon some of the well-known deficiencies of the organization, "mostly focuses on process-related items, such as reporting modalities and on aspirational statements."

"More effective would have been to use UNRWA's tenuous financial position to compel specific, tangible and constructive actions … ."

Einat Wilf, a former Labor party Knesset member and co-author of the book The War of Return said the re-funding of UNRWA was disappointing and will achieve nothing but to underwrite the continued conflict.

"I don't think the Biden administration supports the UNRWA agenda, which is ultimately the whole idea that the Palestinians are perpetual refugees possessing of the right to undo Israel through this notion of return, but I think they're deeply blind to what they're funding," said Wilf. "I think this is a case where domestic and partisanship issues are leading to foreign-policy mistakes. I think this administration was quick to undo the policy of President [Donald] Trump just because it was Trump, but I don't think a serious administration should operate in this way."

Wilf said that no matter what the Americans seek to achieve with their funding, the Palestinian perception is more important.

"The way that American and all Western funding of UNRWA is perceived by Palestinians – and again we have ample evidence of that in the book – is perceived as Western legitimacy for the idea that they are refugees, that the war of 1948 is not over and that it could one day be won to their cause of no Israel," she said.

The money, she said, will serve as fuel for another generation of conflict despite America's good intentions.

"I think one of the biggest problems of US foreign policy and Western foreign policy is that they prioritize feeling good over doing good," said Wilf. "And that this is a classic case in point. They feel good about giving money, but they're actually doing something very bad. They're literally pouring money that translates into many more years of conflict."

Yet Israeli governments, with the exception of former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, have not prominently opposed the funding of UNRWA. Wilf said that this is due to a mistaken notion among the Israeli security establishment that UNRWA is a stabilizing force. Yet, she pointed out, it's not a coincidence that the places where UNRWA is most active, such as Gaza and southern Lebanon, are also the areas where Israel has found itself involved in wars combatting terrorism.

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Romirowsky pointed out that Israel doesn't contribute to UNRWA; rather, it's American taxpayers that do, making it an American issue where the United States should ask what exactly it is funding.

Wilf noted that is especially true in Gaza, where 80 percent of the population is registered as refugees by UNRWA, despite being born there. The funding of UNRWA by the United States and Western nations has convinced the Palestinians that their place in Gaza is temporary.

"This means that they have exactly zero incentive to turn Gaza into the Singapore of the Middle East or the Dubai of the Mediterranean," she said. "Because Gaza, in their view, is not their home and every dollar that goes to UNRWA merely sustains and fuels the Palestinians in their view that Gaza is a temporary station. They can have it until they take back … 'Palestine from the river to the sea.' "

Instead, Wilf said that the Biden administration would be better served by defunding UNRWA, making it clear to the Palestinians that they're not refugees, that the 1948 war is over, and that Israel is here to stay.

The Biden administration, according to Wilf, should demonstrate that they would be "thrilled" to fund Palestinians with a goal of living next to Israel, rather than instead of Israel, but that it has no intention of underwriting a worldview that seeks to "eradicate, annihilate and erase an ally of the United States."

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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