The smoke hadn't even cleared from the stun grenades used to quell the violent clashes with Eritrean migrants in south Tel Aviv last Saturday before politicians vigorously pointed to the alleged culprit: the Supreme Court.

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This Pavlovian response has followed every recent crisis. An ongoing wave of murders in the Arab community? The justice system is to blame. A wave of terrorism? It's the fault of the Supreme Court, which supposedly prevents the demolition of terrorists' homes (it doesn't). A total lack of governance in the Negev? The Supreme Court yet again. Protection rackets all over the country? You already know who's responsible.

But government spokespersons would have us believe that redemption is just around the corner if only the judicial overhaul were passed. The truth is, even if it were passed, none of Israel's chronic problems would be solved. Judicial reform is a smokescreen for the government's ongoing failure to effectively address the challenges Israel faces. These challenges have been around for years and it is the government's responsibility to overcome them, not the justice system.

The governing coalition does not seem to understand that the checks and balances in Israel's system of governance do not allow the government to do whatever it pleases. Even when the government wants to implement policy and advance solutions on urgent issues – some a matter of life and death – not every policy or solution can be enacted legally.

This is because a country in which there are no reins on government activity is a potential or actual dictatorship, which cannot be accepted in a democratic nation. The law, the attorney general and the courts are meant to serve as gatekeepers that prevent us from slipping into the unrestrained exercise of power and authority.

And the truth is that the restraints the judiciary places on the government are relatively marginal. The government has the power to enact policies that will deal with the challenges above. The problem is the lack of will to enact these policies, not judicial interference.

A few examples:

Illegal immigration: Over the years, the Supreme Court has indeed intervened in government policy on this issue. It has struck down certain laws that, in its view, infringed on migrants' freedom of movement – such as "detention" facilities – and on migrants' proprietary rights regarding financial sanctions.

Nonetheless, the government still has many tools at its disposal to deal with the problem and facilitate the migrants' departure from Israel. The agreement with the UN that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu himself reached but then retracted could have been an example. There have been other opportunities, but the government failed to take advantage of them.

When the explosion came, however, no government official took responsibility. One and all, they blamed the Supreme Court for their own failures.

Lawlessness in the Negev: Violence and property crime are routine in the Negev. The "Bedouin dispersion" has been taking over territory at an increasing rate and illegal construction has reached alarming proportions. In this case, there have been a few judicial rulings that limited enforcement. But those rulings are as nothing compared to the scope of the government's mismanagement of the region. Yet here too, the "lawyers" are blamed and the Supreme Court with them.

Demolition of terrorists' homes: So far, this has been the most murderous year since the Second Intifada. The government and security establishment have an arsenal of tools that could be used in the fight against terrorism, but the wave continues. This is a failure of the government, yet every terror attack is automatically followed by criticism of the Supreme Court for supposedly preventing the government from fighting terrorism; for example, by limiting the demolition of terrorists' homes. The Supreme Court in fact frequently allows such demolitions, though within certain specific limits.

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Following the Eritrean riot, Justice Minister Yariv Levin pronounced, "If anyone was in doubt about why [judicial] reform is so important … they got an irrefutable answer today." But judicial reform would have done nothing to prevent the riot, nor would it be a panacea for any of Israel's other problems.

Supporters of reform routinely claim that the government's capabilities would grow dramatically if only the reform were passed. The reality is that the government already has these capabilities. The reform and the attacks on the Supreme Court and the judicial system are just a smokescreen for the government officials and politicians who have failed in their responsibility to work for the good of Israeli society. No doubt, they will continue to find scapegoats and make excuses for themselves until the dark day when the judicial system is corrected to their satisfaction.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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Based on information coming out of Russia, President Vladimir Putin is clearly working to hobble Jewish and Israeli organizations in the country, particularly the Jewish Agency. This developing crisis presents Israel with a terrible dilemma: Should we fight for Jewish interests behind the rewoven Iron Curtain, or prioritize Israel's interest in ensuring its freedom of action on our northern border, which depends on good relations with Russia?

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This dilemma is the first major test of the section of the 2018 Nation-State Law that obligates the State of Israel to act on behalf of Diaspora Jews. It is hoped that the current crisis will soon subside, but the dilemma it presents will likely continue to haunt Israel's relations with Russia and may also appear in other contexts. It is important to develop the tools necessary to address it.

Israel, like any sovereign state, must act to ensure the well-being and security of its citizens. But unlike other countries, Israel sees itself as the nation-state of a people that is scattered all over the world – the Jewish people. Israel is home to any Jew who wishes to immigrate there, but it is also the protector of Diaspora Jews in need of its help.

This historical and traditional obligation, which is rooted in Israel's Declaration of Independence and a long-standing political tradition, has recently been anchored constitutionally. The Nation-State Law, enacted by the Knesset four years ago to great fanfare, stipulates that the state "will strive to ensure the safety of the members of the Jewish people and of its citizens in trouble or in captivity due to the fact of their Jewishness or their citizenship."

This clause imposes an obligation upon the State of Israel to act to ensure the well-being of Diaspora Jews in general and especially when they are in distress. The law further states that Israel is obliged to act in the Diaspora to strengthen Jewish identity there, something that, among other things, is pursued in Russia by the organizations now under threat.

In the Middle East reality, however, Israel's dual commitment to the safety and well-being of its citizens and the peace and security of Diaspora Jews often places Israel in a difficult if not impossible quandary. History shows that Israeli actions sometimes come at a terrible price paid in Jewish blood, such as the murderous terror attack (85 dead and 350 wounded) on the AMIA building in Argentina, which was Hezbollah and Iran's revenge for the elimination of Abbas al-Musawi in Lebanon.

To what extent, then, should Israel exercise restraint in Gaza, knowing that the more forcefully it acts, the more likely it is that Jews abroad will suffer violence and even terrorism? And in the current crisis with the Putin regime, to what extent should Israel insist on the continued activity of Jewish and Israeli organizations in Russia, if such a confrontation could jeopardize its freedom of action in the northern arena?

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Israel's strategic dilemmas are also legal and, above all, ethical dilemmas. The fact that Israel is the national home of the Jewish people is one of the main justifications for its establishment and continued existence. It has now become a constitutional obligation. Turning a blind eye to that commitment and focusing on narrow Israeli interests would violate this fundamental existential value.

Whatever decision is taken in such dilemmas could compromise the security of Israelis here and of Jews around the world. In order to make such decisions in an informed manner, Israel must hold a principled strategic discussion aimed at designing tools for dealing with cases where these critical interests conflict, so that decision-makers can fulfill their duty while weighing all of Israel's values and interests.

Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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As the Haredi sector's share in the population continues to grow in relation to the rest of Israeli society, the different values we share have come into focus. The most prominent manifestation of these values is the call to segregate women. While Haredim enforce gender segregation in most aspects of life, a majority of Israelis oppose such a move. The red lines laid out by the court for gender separation in academia, in rooms delineated for Haredi use although not in the public sphere can serve as a compass for managing the public space in the context of increasing Haredi demands for gender segregation in the public space.

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For many years, the State of Israel has made an effort to incorporate Haredim into academia to allow them to integrate into the job market, earn a living, and build a career. To make it easier for them to enter the secular academic world and its vastly different values, numerous academic tracks were established at campuses across the country.

As part of the strict gender segregation and in an effort not to deter Haredim, female lecturers were kept from teaching Haredi men. This gender segregation, which slipped into campuses' public domain and undermined equal opportunities for women lecturers, has come under intense public scrutiny, and as is usually the case, found its way to the High Court of Justice. A series of petitions were filed against segregation in an attempt to ban it outright. On the other side, petitions were submitted to extend the segregation to additional tracks.

In its ruling this week, a majority of justices ruled the Council for Higher Education can continue its gender-segregated tracks for Haredim, with a few caveats: Gender segregation can only be maintained inside classrooms but not libraries, cafeterias, or outside, meaning not in the public space. In addition, the court determined keeping women lecturers out of classrooms where men study harms them severely and is therefore prohibited.

This important, balanced, and landmark ruling is important for a few reasons: The court, which is sensitive to any blow to equality, has shown a great deal of understanding of Haredi religious values. In the face of ultra-Orthodox complaints the sector is being trampled on by the courts, the High Court has in fact shown itself as its protector.

With the understanding their integration in academia and the workplace is an important Israeli interest, the High Court was right to remove the value of equality from its considerations. Nevertheless, this willingness has limits. The court defended the character of the Israeli public space and was unwilling to risk imposing segregation beyond the four walls of a classroom and upon those who requested it.

Yet the ruling is of even greater significance than that. In recent years, we have been witness to a series of Haredi attempts to segregate women from the public space or impose segregation on buses, sidewalks, and public performances. The more the Haredi population grows and integrates into Israeli society, the more they will make such demands.

That is why the court's ruling extends beyond campus life. The court knows and even cherishes Haredi values, but it has also determined the Israeli public space cannot be managed according to those values when that would necessarily serve to deliver the kind of blow to equality gender segregation presents.

Integrating Haredim into Israeli life is an existential interest of the State of Israel. The more the Haredim study and work, the better they will be able to lift themselves out of poverty and keep Israel from slowly transforming into a third-world country. Yet according to the court, this integration cannot proceed through the erasure of the character and values of the State of Israel some ultra-Orthodox may have hoped for.

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Relations between the Israeli government and large swathes of US Jewry have deteriorated acutely in recent years. The new government presents an opportunity to reboot this relationship and embark on a path of building bridges over the chasm.

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The gaping fissure between Israel and US Jewry is old news, but the comments by the former Israeli ambassador to the US, Ron Dermer, painted an even grimmer picture. With his undiplomatic words, Dermer said Israel should invest in the evangelical community in the US more than the Jewish community, large segments of which have been critical of Israel. In a nutshell, this is the legacy imparted by Netanyahu, who throughout his tenure as prime minister ignored most American Jews – bringing us to where we are at today.

This chasm doesn't just stem from Israeli policy. Essentially, three primary fault lines divide the relationship: On the ethical level, Israel is becoming less liberal and more nationalistic, while the majority of American Jews are liberal and belong to non-Orthodox streams of Judaism; on the diplomatic-political level, surrounding Israel's ongoing presence in the West Bank; and on the religious level, Israel is becoming more traditional and intolerant of the religious pluralism that exists in the United States.

A Pew poll of US Jews conducted in May predicted that the future will pose an even greater challenge. According to the poll, the younger US Jews are, the less they identify with being Jewish and with Israel. Hence, while 66% of American Jews say they have a relationship with Israel, only 48% of Jews under the age of 30 feel that way. Another factor behind the considerable anger progressive US Jews harbored against Israel was Netanyahu's close relationship with former President Donald Trump, who they detested.

This giant rift cannot be bridged in a day. However, the new Israeli government is an opportunity to start the healing process. To do this, the government must implement a series of practical and symbolic measures. Many US Jews who do want a relationship with Israel feel the Jewish state "doesn't care about them." If Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, himself the son of immigrants from the US, were to reach out to the Jewish community, in a different tone, it could be a significant first step in the right direction. At the same time, the government must also take practical steps. Now that the High Court of Justice essentially recognized non-Orthodox conversions, taking this sensitive issue off the table, the government should implement the clauses of the coalition agreement that can somewhat alter the relationship between religion and state. Voicing its support for a more pluralistic form of Judaism could also help.

Responsibility for mending the relationship doesn't only fall on Israel. Leaders and organizations in the US that hold Israel dear to their hearts must work to bolster the bonds to the Jewish state, mainly among the younger generations. In the face of the anti-Zionist voices from the far-left there, they must be a clear pro-Israel voice. They need to recognize that Israel is not the embodiment of their progressive American fantasy. The State of Israel is a tapestry of different shades and values and with that, support for it shouldn't be conditioned on an ethical worldview. Bridging the chasm between Israel and the large Jewish community in the US is a Jewish and Zionist challenge of the utmost importance. The new government must meet this challenge head-on.

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The Haredi community is full of kindness, but it is merciless. The rabbis set up community's boundaries. Anyone who diverges from the strict community line is condemned, and the ability of them and their family to continue living in the community suffers a serious blow.

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The violence in Haredi towns plays badly, but this isn't the real challenge facing the Haredim when it comes to Israeli society. Even when COVID is a thing of the past, the walls the Haredim built between themselves and the rest of society will remain high, and COVID has dug a deep moat around them. Two states for one people. The low point of the violent riots during the third lockdown is a symptom of the real problem. After two decades of attempts to integrate the Haredim into Israeli life, the results are limited. The main trend in mainstream Haredi society is still one of isolationism and enclosure. Even at the price of people's lives, as we have seen over the course of this past year. The conclusion is that Israel cannot allow itself the privilege of allowing Haredi isolationism to continue.

Israel is currently home to 1.175 million Haredim, who make up 12.5% of the population. Haredi society is very young, with the median age only 16. The average birth rate among Haredim women is 6.6 children, apparently the highest in the western world. The community's size is giving it more influence than it had in the past over Israel's society and economy, an influence that has grown along with the rapid demographic expansion.

By the early 2000s, it was clear that it was vital to integrate them to make Israel more egalitarian and allow it to flourish, or at least retain the quality of life of a leading western nation. Since then, the government has passed a series of laws and cabinet decisions and project initiatives designed to bring Haredim into the army, the economy, higher education, and society at large. Those behind these ideas hoped that if the Haredim integrated, the ideological and social gap between them and the other Israelis would narrow, and the walls that surrounded the community would come down.

On some issues, the efforts had limited success, while completely failing when it came to other matters. Let's start with the demand for an "equal sharing of the burden" – the demand that Haredi yeshiva students serve in the IDF. After 20 years of ping-pong that went back and forth between the Knesset and the Supreme Court, deals that were made and then crumbled, and the IDF's attempts to recruit Haredim, a few months ago the naked truth was revealed: Almost no Haredim serve in the military. What's more, most of them think that even Haredim who do not devote their time to Torah study shouldn't have to serve in the IDF. The value of serving the state, which is so central to the Israeli experience, is of no interest to the Haredim.

An effective political force

The second challenge is bringing Haredim into the workforce. On this issue, government policies and market forces saw some success. While strides were made in bringing Haredi women into the labor market and 77% of Haredi women of working age are now employed, compared to 84% of non-Haredi Jewish women of working age, the percentage of Haredi men who work remains extremely low. While 88% of working-age non-Haredi Jewish men are in the workforce, only 52.5% of Haredi men of working age are. In addition, Haredi men who do work earn dramatically less than non-Haredi Jewish men, with the average monthly salary for a Haredi man comprising only 56% of what a non-Haredi Jewish man earns. All this keeps Haredi society trapped in desperate poverty. Over half (52%) of Haredim, and 60% of Haredi children, live beneath the poverty line, compared to 9% of the children in the non-Haredi Jewish sector.

Attempts to integrate Haredim into other areas of life have also failed. Initiatives to steer them toward higher education have led to an increased number of Haredi college and university students, but still only a small number seek it out.

Meanwhile, the Haredi school system, particularly the boys' schools, do not train them for the job market or for Israeli citizenship. The vast majority of men who go through the Haredi school system are ignorant of anything except the Torah, and they have little ability to bridge those education gaps when they are in their 20s and 30s. Neither Haredi boys nor girls learn civics, and they have an insufficient understanding of "Israeliness." Some Haredi schools still have an anti-Zionist orientation, which also influences the Haredi perception of their place and their obligations as citizens of Israel.

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There is a reason for these failures and why the Haredi are not integrating into Israeli society. Haredi society is defined by and exists because of its isolationism, which serve to maintain its values, but have turned into a value unto themselves. The more Israel tried to bring them into society, the more Haredi spiritual and political leaders take a contrarian approach and fight the state's attempts to include them.

This plays out along two main axes: the spiritual-communal and the economic-political. Haredi society, as we have said, is full of kindness, but lacks mercy. The fences are put up by the rabbis. Every Hassidic rebbe encloses his own court and every yeshiva head or Torah authority has his own audience. The rabbinical and political leadership condemns anyone who steps out of line immediately. To maintain a Haredi lifestyle, and prevent the members of the community from starving, the Haredim wield their political power effectively, securing massive budgets for their institutions and their Torah scholars.

At the same time, the Haredim have developed a worldview according to which, whether Israeli society recognizes it or not, they are the ones who keep Israel going. They way they see it, the other Israelis work in the material world – the army, the economy – to serve the holy purpose of the Haredi way of life.

Other Israelis' lives

As it did with so many things, COVID intensified these trends and put them into the spotlight. This time, in order to maintain Haredi autonomy and keep the walls intact, lives had to be sacrificed. Lives in the community, which even now is seeking shocking rates of new cases, as well as the lives of other Israelis. Throughout this past year, over and over, even after the gravity of the pandemic was made clear, many Ashkenazi Haredi leaders opted to pay that price. Those choices have considerable support among the Haredim themselves. Polls show that throughout the crisis, the only people who were trusted by the Haredim to handle it were the rabbis.  

The polarization between Haredim and the rest of Israeli society is expressive of a much deeper divide. Integrating Haredim into the economy and other aspects of Israeli life is vital if the country's society, values, and economy are to flourish. If the Haredim continue to shut themselves off from the rest of us, it will be disastrous. Experience teaches us that the only thing that has caused Haredim to integrate into mainstream society to any extent is an economic policy that does not support the Haredi lifestyle. At the same time, even with the Haredi community, there are forces that seek integration and change, and they could also have an influence.

To turn things around, we need a determined political leadership. In the upcoming election, rather than focusing on the question of "yes" or "no" to Netanyahu, anyone who aspires to lead Israel must make it clear to us, the Israelis, who they intend to approach this challenge. 

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From the looks of things, there will be quite a few Jews in US President-elect Joe Biden's incoming White House. But although they may share the same religion, these Jews will be nothing like US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman, a vocal support of the settlement movement, or his US President Donald Trump's Orthodox son-in-law Jared Kushner. No, they will be left-wing Jews, whose religion, like that of the majority of US Jews, over the last four years has been "anyone but Trump."

Of the US's 5.7 million Jews, a majority are progressive. They are mostly Reform or Conservative Jews and supporters of the Democratic party. In recent years, as Israel's government has moved rightward, a chasm has opened up between them and Israel. US Jews want a Palestinian state, while Israel prefers annexation. US Jews want recognition for non-Orthodox streams of Judaism, while Israel bolsters the monopoly of the Chief Rabbinate. A generation of Holocaust survivors has been replaced by a younger and more Americanized generation whose commitment to Israel and its survival is no longer a given, and an even younger generation that at best, is losing interest in the Jewish State, and at worst, is acting against it.

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To all this, one can add the last four years of a Trump presidency. While Israel was officially on the same page as the White House, and most Israelis supported him, a majority of US Jews despised him. Hatred for Trump among members of the US Jewish community has become something of a religious obsession, pushing quite a few for Trump has made it even less deserving of their support.

Israel's decision-makers are all too familiar with this reality, yet some have knowingly given up on this important Jewish community. Instead of making an effort to bridge the abyss, there is now a certain school of thought in Jerusalem that believes that there is an alternative: Orthodox Jews, who lean farther to the right and are gaining in influence, as well as the tens of millions of evangelical Christians who support a strong, right-wing Israel.

Israel faces significant diplomatic challenges, but with far less Jewish support. The Democratic party has undergone a radicalization in recent years, and members of the radical Left who support the Palestinians and the delegitimization of Israel have become far more central in its affairs. Calls for Washington to halt military aid to or end automatic support for Israel are no longer rare. Like the White House under former President Barack Obama, the incoming administration may also abstain on a UN resolution condemning Israel. It is not at all for certain that Jews who find themselves in the White House will be willing to go the extra mile for the Jewish state.

US-Israel ties are built on shared strategic interests, but also on a longstanding positive sentiment toward Israel, the latter of which is now eroding. While this is true of Americans in general, it is unfortunately for many of its Jews as well. As we look ahead to the next four years, Israel must, for practical but also ethical reasons, bridge the widening gap between it and America's liberal US Jews. Israel won't change overnight, neither will America's Jews. But if they do not sense that there is an interest and a willingness on the part of the Israeli government to engage, there may be no turning back from our current dismal situation.

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The Israel-Sudan peace deal and, fingers crossed, the one that will be forged with Saudi Arabia, reflect diplomatic and political interests but, when it comes to religious Muslim nations, peace needed divine authorization.

In both countries, rulers need the backing of religious leaders and in both, there have recently been unprecedented statements by senior clerics supporting peace with the Jewish state and rapprochement with Jews.

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Islam had and still has a negative role in the approach Arab states take toward Israel and Jews in general. Since the establishment of the Zionist enterprise and the State of Israel, an absolute majority of the clerics in the Muslim world have determined that it is "haram," meaning something that is religiously forbidden.

Many of them called, with varying degrees of enthusiasm, to fight and destroy Israel, and some have even encouraged deadly terrorism. Against the backdrop of this anti-Israel tradition, the Muslim voices urging to normalize ties with Israel stand out.

Sudan, which has recently joined the list of Muslim countries seeking peace with Israel, may have introduced an official separation of religion and state about a month ago, but it is still a religious state, where the law is based on Sharia.

The Sudanese population is very religious, and clerics have considerable clout over public life. The struggle between senior Sudanese clerics over normalization with Israel is part of the country's "agony of peace": The official Sudanese Fatwa Council issued a ruling stating that Islam forbids establishing relations with the Jewish state and in response, one of the country's top clerics issued a counter-fatwa stating that, as Islam favors "sulha" or "peace," there is no ban on relations with Israel, and these are even desirable if they serve the Sudanese interest.

The more significant drama took place in Saudi Arabia, which is governed by Sharia law, and its legislators are members of the Shura Council, the sages, and they have great sway over the public sphere.

When the Imam of the Great Mosque of Mecca, one of the top clerics not only in Saudi Arabia but in the entire Muslim world, said in a Friday sermon some time ago that Islam is a religion of peace that welcomes relations with Jews and the Jewish religion, he rattled the Muslim world to its core.

any interpreted his statement as one greenlighting Riyadh's future rapprochement with Jerusalem. In addition, in recent days, Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman has been steadily appointing moderate clerics to the Shura Council, including one who has been leading normalization with Jews and Israelis for several years.

Clerics play a key role in the running of the states that have recently stuck peace with Israel. Without them, even if normalization is achieved, it cannot evolve into warm and close relations – something that was once fantasy and now seem more real than ever.

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The seculars in Tel Aviv, the Haredim in Jerusalem, the right-wingers in Judea and Samaria, and so on and so forth. Beyond the impracticability of this idea, the very discussion is dangerous. The fruitless discourse surrounding separate autonomies only encourages Israeli tribalism. Instead, what Israeli society actually needs is unity and conciliation. This is the only way forward for Israel.

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Even before the pandemic, Israeli society was divided. The clashes between religion and state, tribalism, radicalization in certain circles; all these created a reality in which many people view coexistence as unviable. Due to these difficulties and numerous swirling issues, legislation and policy in Israel are becoming localized. The clearest example is the matter of religion and state. For instance, despite the nationwide prohibition on public transportation on Shabbat, several cities in the country's center operate public transportation for their residents. In the "state of Tel Aviv," the municipality announced a registry for gay and lesbian couples.  

Life under the pandemic has sharpened these social rifts. The demonstrations outside the Prime Minister's Residence in Jerusalem and mainly the acute impasse with the Haredi public has led many to ponder the notion of dividing Israel into separate autonomous cantons.

Each canton, per this idea, would have the autonomy to manage its own affairs when broad agreement cannot be reached, and Israeli citizens will be able to choose their place of residence in accordance with their values, beliefs and lifestyles. Liberal-seculars will live in the canton of Tel Aviv, Haredim in the canton of Jerusalem and other Haredi cities, and traditional Israelis will live in cities befitting their worldviews. Each autonomy would legislate its own local laws,. The Knesset, meanwhile, would legislate more broadly on matters of state, which would not fall under the purview of the cantons.

This idea might seem enchanting at first glance. How much can we argue over basic rights in the eyes of a secular person, which the state denies, or the state's interference in Haredi schools that oppose certain subjects? In one fell swoop, we could get rid of all these disputes and acrimony. Looking a little closer, however, shows why this is a false spell. On the practical level, it simply wouldn't work in a state where half the population lives in a narrow stretch of land between Hadera and Gedera. A country where members of the different "tribes" live in the same or adjacent neighborhoods or in the same cities. A country whose challenges require numerous shared resources – cannot be divided into cantons. Even the coronavirus pandemic has shown that without a blanket national policy, it is all but impossible to meet a challenge of this magnitude.  

But the main consideration for discarding this idea is an ethical one. History teaches us that the Jewish state began crumbling with the split between Judea and Israel. After many long years in the Diaspora, splintering into tribes again would be a dangerous historical development. Additionally, the ability of the state and society to exist depends on fundamental solidarity among its citizens. Dividing Israel into specifically characterized autonomies will erode all that remains of the solidarity and unity we still have here.   

Israeli tribalism is a disaster and the pandemic has illustrated that partitioning Israel into communities with different values – ultimately makes it impossible to implement policy and even costs lives. The discussion about Israel's cantonization, beyond being a pipe dream, only exacerbates the schisms. To bridge the tremendous gaps and mend the social wounds even somewhat, we must start – right now and all the more vigorously – implementing a unifying, curative dialogue to temper tribalism and forge a broad social contract that will allow us to live together in a united Israel.

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The court of public opinion shows little mercy and at time, this affects law enforcement where officials, seeking to maintain public interest, opt for a harsher approach to the issues at hand.

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Indeed, a society without public standards and criticism of inappropriate acts is an ill one, but one that shows no mercy and compassion is an evil one.

In every society there are to "enforcement systems": the first is social and therefore voluntary, and it follows norms shaped over time by public discourse. The second is official and follows the state's strict laws and procedures.

The formal courts never deliver one type of verdict. The rulings rendered at the end of legal proceedings, be they civil or criminal, depends on the interpretation given to the evidence, judicial precedents and, many times, the judge's own worldview. This is why the judiciary can be both strict and lenient, as circumstances dictate, all without ever compromising its standards and principles.

In the court of public opinion, however, there are no norms to speak of. Here, every journalist, anchorperson, politician or Twitter uses is the judge, jury, and executioner. There are no defined norms, and no one adheres to procedures, and the trial is held according to subjective "public" values and perceptions.

The only norm currently acceptable in the court of public opinion is to "throw the book" at whoever is perceived as the offender. This is clear in political discords, in the media, and especially on social media, where the slightest suspicion earns you sharp barbs, verbal violence, and swift judgment.

The judiciary, it seems, is slowly adopting a stricter line of ruling, as well. This seems to be the result of public pressure but also of some overeagerness to live up to its calling.

The obligation to follow moral and legal norms and to prosecute those who break the law is at the core of Israel's principles.

But if the current atmosphere is one of being "out for blood" in the name of a skewed sense of justice continues to rule, without giving way to any compassion by the judiciary or the public, we will face a difficult social reality. Balance is key or the future will become bleak.

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It seems that beyond the massive health risk and economic damage the coronavirus is inflicting in Israel, the pandemic may also seriously undermine the Jewish state's international image, and this may take years to rectify.

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Israel, its leaders rightfully boast, is a successful country. A leader of global economy and technology; a country whose military is considered the strongest in the region and one of the most advanced in the world; a county with an acclaimed public healthcare system, and outstanding research institutions; and above all – Israel is the startup nation, creating innovative breakthroughs fueling a multibillion-dollar industry.

It is not for nothing that some of the world's top newspapers and indices have labeled Israel a superpower.

A country's image, its brand strength, is built on diverse data that reflects its degree of success. But like any other brand, this image primarily bands all of these together and the way this data is packaged and sold, domestically and abroad is how this image is measured.

Solid data and rankings are the building blocks of a successful image and leveraging dry information into a success story is a form of alchemy – and rarely is it an overnight success. Crafting the image of a power, let alone a superpower, takes years.

A country's "brand" is a prime diplomatic and economic asset. A country that is perceived as successful attracts foreign investments and international giants and both are essential for growth in today's world. But more importantly – a powerful image lends itself to strategic deterrence, which is crucial in our region but also vis-à-vis the entire world.

The signing of historic peace deals with two Arab nations in one month – with more deals reportedly in the works – prove this premise.

Israel, the leaders of the UAE and Bahrain said, is a strong and advanced country; one with which establishing open ties will serve their interests.

The way in which Israel is handling the second coronavirus outbreak could undo its image altogether. The troubling morbidity rate is further exacerbated by an unprecedented political crisis that is threatening governability and frankly, make Israel look pathetic.

Israel, a technological world leader, has been rendered helpless and leaderless by the virus in the worse possible way. Country's that are lagging far behind Israel technologically are managing to keep morbidity and mortality at bay, while the Jewish state is on the brink of chaos.

It is hard to assess the scope of the damage the coronavirus pandemic has caused Israel's image, but it is clear to all that the country's global perception has taken a blow, the price of which has yet to be determined.

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