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The visionary of the Jewish state was a prominent thinker of European liberalism at the end of the 19th Century. Yet, unlike other thinkers, Herzl's ideas were not just theoretical – they were applied to the establishment of a state, and therefore can be evaluated based on tangible results.

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Moreover, unlike others, Herzl's had unique exposure to alternative approaches to Europeanism. Herzl was at the epicenter of the three political models of late 19th Century Europe: The super-national union, nationalist nation-state, and liberal democracy.

Herzl observed how the Habsburg Monarchy, rooted in centuries of proud Austrian culture, has turned itself into a super-national kingdom. Indeed, Herzl benefited from the open borders that allowed his family to relocate from Hungary to Vienna and for Jews, Poles, Galicians, and other minorities to study at the University of Vienna. Herzl analyzed the imperfections of the super-national empire as well as its dangers. He even shared some of his thoughts with Austrian's Prime-Minister Count Kasimir Badeni – who was Polish.

Herzl's unique insight into the 19th Century super-national empire is of invaluable benefit to today's Europe. Indeed, the EU bears some resemblance to the Austro-Hungarian Empire (though the branding improved – better than the German-Franco Empire).

Herzl was also an insider to the opposite model – nationalism. As a university student, Herzl became an adamant German nationalist. He was a fan of Bismarck and a meticulous student of his state-building endeavor. "The German spirit awoke," Herzl wrote.

He was a member of the nationalist Albia fraternity. He proudly wore its uniform, engaged in its rituals, and sang songs of German patriotism. Herzl's ability to be in the epicenter of a nationalist movement exposed him to its nuances and indeed its dangers. Herzl was there when German nationalism pivoted. He resigned from his fraternity once it decided to embrace the most extreme version of anti-Semitic nationalism – that of Richard Wagner. Herzl recognized that German nationalism is no longer about "improving" the Jews and Germanizing them, but rather about negating the Jews, and denying them a place amongst the nations – both as a collective and as individuals.

Yet, perhaps Herzl's biggest added value to today's Europe stems from his four years in Paris. Herzl spent his days in Palais Bourbon, the French parliament, as a correspondent for the Viennese newspaper Neue Freie Presse. Herzl inserted himself in the Mecca of European liberalism, interacting with fellow journalists, intellectuals and politicians of various factions, such as with Georges Clémenceau.

Herzl observed French politics at its best and its worst. He analyzed the interplay between democracy and populism, studying the system of give-and-take which is at the core democratic governance, and observed the power struggle between democracy's various branches. Herzl internalized the imperfections of the Liberal Democracy and applied it to his vision of the Jewish state. Indeed, Herzl planted the seeds for an improved version of Europe. In this regard, today's Israel represents a scion of pure European Liberalism.

Europe can learn a lot from both Herzl and Israeli democracy as it pursues its own quest for a more perfect Europe. For example, in Europe's evolving relationship with a minority that does not accept the so-called "European way of life". In Herzl's vision, as expressed in Altneuland - a novel describing life in the Jewish State - Muslims were not "integrated", nor forced to accept the "Jewish way of life". They lived in their villages by own values, while at the same time being staunch Zionists. In-fact, in Herzl's novel, a Muslim is one of the leaders of the Jewish state.

In Israel today, the Druze live in insularity while being a symbol of Israeli patriotism. This is expressed through service in the military, the police, government, and civil service. On the other hand, Israeli Arabs who also choose to maintain their distinct Arab identity, are not Zionists. This, however, does not preclude Arabs from being a cornerstone of Israeli society in nonpolitical ways. For example, a large percentage of the Jewish state's doctors, nurses and pharmacists are Arabs.

No doubt, there are ample issues and challenges, but not the European-type negation. Arab women dressed in Muslim garb are common on the beaches of Tel Aviv, and are absolutely safe. This, while in Europe the fining and humiliation of Burkini-wearing Muslim women represent a symbol of contemporary counter-Liberalism.

There are dozens of other aspects that Europe can learn from Herzl's vision and how it is applied in Israel's vibrant liberal Democracy, which Herzl designed as a beacon to humanity.

The liberal philosophy of Herzl is of particular relevance since contemporary European liberalism is arguably somewhat of an aberration. It is reactionary to the shocks Europe endured in the 20th Century, after Herzl's death. The trauma of war was met with aversions to the perceived causes of war: Nationalism, religiosity, particularity, and ideology – those were key elements of early European liberalism. The abrupt loss of power and global dominance to the United States was met with attempts to hold-on to reminiscent of past glory, such as through a self-proclaimed sense of moral superiority, as well as attempts to exert European power through multinational organizations – this too was foreign to European liberalism of the 19th Century.

Herzl's vision and its application in Israel provides a "control group" for Europe that is based on a more pure version of European liberalism. French President Macron recently called for a conference that would "chart the road to European renewal". Europe should use Herzl as a cartographer of such renewal, and Israel must do its utmost to help its ally replant a scion of pure European liberalism back in Europe.

The above is an abstract of the writer's presentation to the December 10th conference: "The EU in the New Era of Illiberalism: Populism, Nationalism and the Future of the EU", held by the Israeli Association for the Study of European Integration, in connection with EU's Reconnect and Horizon 2020.

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The unprecedented designation by prosecutors of press coverage as a currency for bribery has far-reaching implications on the freedom of the press and could curtail journalists' ability to report their truth.

For example, the morning after Netanyahu's indictment, several prominent journalists and editors called for Netanyahu's immediate resignation, thereby creating public pressure for his removal. If Netanyahu resigns, and one of those journalists later receives some sort of benefit from the new government, such as an exclusive interview, then according to last week's precedent, that journalist could be exposed to charges of bribery.

Another challenge to freedom of the press that arose from last week's indictment relates to journalists' complex, multi-layer relations with their sources – a process that certainly includes a lot of give and take. A journalist's interaction with sources, including politicians, is now suddenly under scrutiny – criminal scrutiny! With such restrictions, it is possible that many journalists' headline-grabbing exposures, such as Watergate, would have not been uncovered.

There are those in Israel who dismiss this by arguing that the indictment has nothing to do with freedom of the press, but rather with Netanyahu's corruption. For decades, alas, Israeli prosecutors and investigators sought to find wrongdoing by Netanyahu and his family. "This is the best they could come up with," explained one commentator about the prime minister's indictment.

Decades of searching for misconduct now resulting in such a bizarre charge could paradoxically be interpreted by some as a testament to Netanyahu's integrity. Indeed, many around the world were quick to condemn the Israeli prosecutor's action. For example, Mark Levin tweeted: "I've carefully reviewed these charges and they're outrageous. This is an assault on freedom of the press and the investigation was corrupt."

But there is also another side to the story. Israel is a hub for global innovations: Turning air into water, saving lives through medical breakthroughs, generating cutting-edge ideas that alter long-held beliefs. In this realm, perhaps the revolutionary treatment of press coverage by Israeli prosecutors, who are revered around the legal world for their high professionalism, awakens the issue of the power of the press and brings it for debate in the global public square.

This article first appeared in The Daily Wire.

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This article originally appeared in the Daily Wire. 

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Herzl indeed concluded that European opposition to Judaism was permanent, incurable, and dangerous. But Herzl did not establish political Zionism solely in reaction to it, nor merely as a vehicle to establish a Jewish state. "There are those people who do not understand us properly and think that the goal of our efforts is to come back to our land," Herzl said in 1899. "Our ideal goes further than that. Our ideal is the great eternal truth."

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Indeed, Herzl planted the seeds for a Jewish transformation. He stunned Baron Hirsch in spring 1895 by arguing that the primary misfortune of the Jews during centuries of exile was not persecution, but rather the lack of united political leadership. 

"If we had such leadership, we could tackle the solution of the Jewish question –  from above, from below, from all sides," Herzl argued. And so, Herzl embarked on his journey to establish a political leadership that would embetter the Jews, shepherd them through the exodus from Europe – both physical and spiritual – and then represent their interests long after the Jewish state would have been established.

But Herzl quickly identified the primary hurdle to his Zionism – the same one that Moses faced – the Jews' complacency. Herzl observed how emancipated European Jews acquire more property, learn to turn a blind eye to occasional slurs such as "dirty Jew," and are more addicted to the "fleshpots of Europe," as Herzl called them. 

Those shortness-of-spirit Jews were certainly not ready to embark on an exodus. "Old prisoners do not willingly leave their cells," Herzl noted. It seems Herzl was on the verge of giving up, but then, astonishingly, he was able to put together the loose pieces and identify the propelling force that would unite Jews and lead them to the promised-land: Anti-Semitism. 

He wrote in his diary: "Anti-Semitism contains the Divine will to make good. Because it forces us together, its pressure unites us, and this unity will make us free." He told his friend Max Nordau: "Anti-Semitism turned us into Jews." 

Understanding this foundational aspect of Herzl's philosophy allows us to apply it to contemporary opposition to Judaism. Such age-old opposition is now funneled through Zionism. The alarming rise of the Israel-bashing fashion is rapidly turning into the "propelling force" that draws Jews into Zionism. Once again, Jews who might have nothing to do with Israel are pushed together by external pressures, which forces more of their Jewish identity to be intertwined with Zionism.

In theory, there could have been an alternative approach to Israel-bashing (of which the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions movement is a small part): Escape from Zionism. One can argue that being Jewish does not mean that he or she is a Zionist, but here again, Herzl proves relevant, having concluded that such escape is illusory and even laughable. In Herzl's time, some Jews opted to baptize into Christianity as a way to escape anti-Semitism. 

Herzl observed that the only thing such action would accomplish is that the slur would change to "dirty-convert" – a prediction that tragically turned true decades later as those "dirty converts" were slaughtered by Europeans alongside the "dirty Jews." Indeed, throughout history, no matter what form the opposition to Judaism took, escape routes were only illusory.

This was the case in Spain 400 years prior to Herzl: Some Jews thought they could "escape" by converting to Christianity. They quickly discovered that their conditions only worsened since as Christians they were now under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition. This is also the case today. "Non-Zionist Jews" are mocked, some are even boycotted in-spite of their own condemnation of Israel. No matter how slanderous a Jew might be of Israel, he would always be perceived by much of the outside world as a Zionist. For example, those who view The New York Times as a bastion of pro-Israel advocacy, despite its frequent criticisms of the Jewish state. This is certainly not because of its reporting, but because it is owned by Jews. Jewish BDS activists will always be "suspect" among their comrades – not because they do not bash Israel aggressively enough, but simply because they are a Jew. 

Herzl understood that the answer is not the escape from Judaism but rather to return to Judaism! Hence in Zionism, he established a vehicle for such return. Similarly today, the answer to Israel-bashing is not the escape from Zionism, but the celebration of Zionism.

The Jewish state's prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, recently called Herzl "our modern Moses." Indeed, just as it took centuries to internalize Moses' Torah, today we are only in the early stages of comprehending Herzl's Zionism.

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