I was traumatized watching the Senate hearing, which made McCarthyism pale in comparison. Having been a CEO of a major international company and a leader confronting global Jewish challenges, which involved engagement with thousands of women, I realized that in today's insane climate, it would only take one woman to go to the media and accuse me of sexual misconduct. She would soon be joined by others and Me Too supporters baying for my blood. Although entirely without evidence, their unsubstantiated testimony could transform me overnight into a pariah.

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Unfortunately, there are, of course, sexual predators who should have been dealt with long ago, and for that reason, initially I considered the Me Too movement a highly overdue effort to stamp out these abominations.

But the Kavanaugh episode demonstrated that unless the rule of law was accompanied by a presumption of innocence, the solution to misogyny propagated by the Me Too movement if left unchecked would result in innocent lives being shamelessly defamed and ruined.

Unfortunately, the media has always been selective in whom they investigate. Contrary to the unrelenting attacks on Kavanagh, when Joe Biden was faced with accusations of harassment, the media rightly refused to blindly accept the allegations.

Dershowitz is one of the most competent lawyers in the United States and renowned as a liberal and civil libertarian. He is a prominent Democrat who, until last year, was a darling of the media.

He is one of the most effective defenders of Israel, promoting the case for Israel in books, articles and innumerable addresses to frequently hostile campus audiences and has not been afraid in recent years to castigate the anti-Semitism of the radical progressive elements of the Democratic Party. Over the past year, however, he committed the cardinal sin of defending some of US President Donald Trump's policies and went so far as to argue during Trump's impeachment trial that there were no legal grounds to remove the president from office. This outraged his former liberal supporters and turned the liberal media against him.

He is regarded to be among the world's best criminal lawyers and has successfully defended some of the allegedly worst and most disgusting suspects. He takes pride in providing the best defense possible to all, which he considers a hallmark of democracy.

Having successfully negotiated a plea deal for the now deceased, convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein in the first criminal case against him, Dershowitz is now undergoing a Cavanaugh-type witch hunt and, without any evidence, is being accused of having sex with a minor who was allegedly trafficked by Epstein.

The accusation against Dershowitz is so obviously suspect that he deserves the presumption of innocence. If the media is to report on the allegations, they should at the very least be investigating the veracity of the claims of his accusers, rather than shoddily implying that "where there is smoke there is fire."

As Dershowitz has pointed out, Virginia Roberts Giuffre, who raised the allegations against him, has a long history of fabricating stories about prominent people, including Al and Tipper Gore, Bill Clinton and Leslie Wexner. Her own lawyer has even admitted that Giuffre falsely accused Wexner and other prominent individuals. Another of her lawyers has said that she was "wrong … simply wrong" in accusing Dershowitz because his travel records conclusively prove that he could not have been in the places where she claimed to have met with him. Her own emails and book manuscript even admit that she never met Dershowitz. She tried to suppress these documents because they prove the falsity of her claims but eventually they came to light. Yet the media has not focused on this evidence.

Another woman who falsely accused Dershowitz of having sex with her when she was a 22-year-old had sent The New York Post a series of emails in the runup to the 2016 election in which she claimed to have sex tapes of Hillary Clinton, Bill Clinton, Donald Trump and Richard Branson. She also claimed that Hillary Clinton has arranged for the CIA to kill her and she was now working with the KGB. Ultimately, she admitted that she had invented the whole story – just as she invented the story about Dershowitz.A third one who claimed to have seen Dershowitz in Epstein's presence with young women has now been exposed as a virulent anti-Semite who has accused all Jews of being pedophiles and racists under the domination of the Rothschild family.

Not coincidently, all three of these false accusers have the same lawyer, with a long history of ethical violations. Dershowitz is suing the lawyer as well as his accusers.

Dershowitz is not entitled to any special treatment by the media because of his history of good deeds. But if anyone deserves the presumption of innocence in the Jewish media – indeed in any media – it is Dershowitz, who is well known for telling the truth about Israel and matters of law and civil liberties.

The tragedy is that these lawsuits, necessitated by false accusations against him, have diverted Dershowitz from his major task of defending Israel and human rights. As a result, he is persona non grata and no longer invited to speak in defense of Israel on college campuses and other major platforms.

All of us who consider that Dershowitz is being denied natural justice and smeared by word of mouth, in the absence of any genuine evidence against him, should speak up and show him the support that his lifetime of good works has earned him. That applies, in particular, to Israel supporters for his courageous defense of the Jewish state.

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These elements, in particular the Black Lives Matter movement in America, are exploiting racial issues to host radical anti-Semitic groups and oppose Israel in their platform.

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They systematically riot, torch and loot buildings, beat up innocent civilians, attack police, and destroy monuments. They have demanded defunding, reduction, and in some cases, the abolition of police forces.

Many "progressives" either endorse or stand aside from this madness, with a number of Democratic mayors going so far as to justify the violent riots and destruction of property as legitimate expressions of protest. In what parallels Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution, some also seek to repudiate history and substitute it with their crazy, false narratives, which amount to a rejection of Western civilization Many of those involved were incubated in American university campuses where they were brainwashed with this nonsense by anarchistic, radical professors.

The dominant liberal media has downplayed the hatred being disseminated and encouraged "legitimate protests against racism" on the grounds of "undisputed moral authority."

While purportedly combating racism, these demonstrations have intensified the already prevalent anti-Semitism from vociferous anti-Zionists and Jew-baiters. The platform of the Movement for Black Lives accuses Israel of engaging in genocide and calls on the US to deny support for Israel. Its leaders include the most vicious anti-Semites who vociferously promote the anti-Israel Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement. The same applies in the United Kingdom, where London Mayor Sadiq Khan has allied himself with those seeking to reject the "slave culture" upon which, he alleges, Britain's history was based.

What is astonishing is that the vast majority of Jews regard it as incumbent on them to be seen supporting the BLM movement despite its anti-Semitic components. The only organization consistently and vigorously protesting the anti-Semitic aspects of BLM is the Zionist Organization of America. This is an extension of the cowardly failure of Jews to speak out against US President Barack Obama's anti-Israeli policies. It is also a reflection of the appalling global decline of Diaspora Jewish education other than in Orthodox enclaves.

Many young people today are no longer able to visualize the powerlessness of Jews before the Jewish state was created. They have come to believe that it is inconsistent to be liberal and support what they view as a "reactionary" nationalistic Jewish state. Sadly, Jews in the United States and other parts of the Diaspora do not consider support of Israel to be a priority in their political agenda and rather seek to blend into the progressive camp even if that entails abandoning or turning against Israel. This explains the deafening silence of major Jewish organizations in the face of anti-Semites in the BLM and other "progressive" movements.

A decade ago, it would have been inconceivable to have traditional Jewish-dominated constituencies abandoning support for long-standing pro-Israel congressmen and electing anti-Israel and even openly anti-Semitic candidates. One of these, Rep. Ilhan Omar (who in a recent primary defeated Antone Melton-Meaux, a well-funded pro-Israel candidate), was nominated with the support of House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi to the influential Foreign Affairs Committee. For an open anti-Semite to be approved for membership on such an important congressional committee without a protest from the major Jewish organizations (other than the ZOA) reflects not merely cowardliness but the abject collapse of American Jewry's political influence.

In less than three months, elections will take place in the United States. Should the most pro-Israel administration be displaced by a radicalized Biden administration, it would portend a great danger to Israel.

Joe Biden, having already displayed a willingness to succumb to pressure by the radicals, is not young and seems to be suffering from dementia. Should he win the election, he may not even see out his term in office. His nominated vice president, Senator Kamala Harris, a woman of color, boasts a radical voting record in the Senate. If Biden steps down or is incapacitated, she would automatically become president.

However, in relative terms, from an Israeli standpoint, Harris was nevertheless by far the preferred candidate on his vice presidential short list. In the past, she has condemned BDS, spoken at two earlier AIPAC meetings, and professed support for Israel. However, when campaigning in the Democratic primaries, she refused to attend the 2019 AIPAC conference and chose to hold private meetings with AIPAC's leadership to avoid a backlash from the progressive elements of the Democratic Party.

She endorses Biden's determination to reinstate America's support for the 2015 Iran nuclear arms deal and renew support and funding for the Palestinian Authority. It is very disconcerting that she recently appointed pro-BDS far-leftist Karine Jean-Pierre as her chief of staff.

Like Biden, she will also be under pressure from anti-Israel radicals, whose influence is dramatically expanding, and will wish to reinstate Obama administration political appointees who promote an "even handed" policy that regards Israelis and terrorists as moral equivalents. Chief among these is Susan Rice, former national security adviser, one of many key former Obama advisers who are negative toward Israel. They are the leading contenders for secretary of state and other key positions in a Biden administration.

A politically dysfunctional Israel and a hostile US administration could pose a daunting threat.

But once again, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pulled a rabbit out of his hat. With the help of US President Donald Trump, he brought about the peace treaty with the United Arab Emirates, postponing any moves to annex territories.

One cannot underestimate the importance of this achievement and what is likely to follow. It sets the foundations for Israel's peace policy goals and demonstrates to the Palestinians that the Sunni Arab world today does not support their intransigence. It creates a new economic, social, and security pact that will benefit the entire region and isolate Iran. Additional Muslim countries, outside the Iranian-Turkish bloc and its surrogates, will forge diplomatic relations with Israel. The Palestinians will then hopefully realize that there is no alternative to direct negotiations with Israel to bring about an end of conflict and peace.

Should Trump be re-elected, those seeking to undo Western civilization and promote anti-Semitism will be neutralized and the wide Arab-Israeli peace process is likely to expand across the region.

However, should Biden win, the situation may quickly deteriorate. Despite the advances reflected by the peace treaty with the UAE, a radical Democratic administration, bolstered by the Europeans, will continue seeking to pressure Israel to revert to the 1967 boundaries as a starting point for any negotiations and undermine any prospects to forge full relations between Israel and other Sunni states.

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But if now we have a united Israel dominated by a centrist government, this will largely neutralize the "progressives" and Europeans who will no longer be able to claim that Israel is run by an extremist right-wing government. It may also encourage American Jewish leaders to speak out in our favor.

We desperately need to capitalize on this achievement and unite.

If that happens, setting aside corona, we have grounds for greater optimism in the regional arena than ever before.

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There is no complete solution in the short term although there is optimism that a vaccine will be created within a year. But even the most pessimistic doomsday prophets concede that, despite impending further tragic loss of life, humanity will overcome this challenge, especially as it is rarely lethal for younger people.

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While understandably the coronavirus now dominates everyday life, we must continue to face our ongoing domestic and global security issues.

For the government, this includes not foregoing the once-in-a-lifetime opportunity of progressing toward applying sovereignty to the major settlement blocs and ensuring our security and borders.

For months, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly proclaimed that, in line with the Trump peace plan, he would apply Israeli sovereignty to all settlements and the Jordan Valley.

Although Netanyahu's coalition partner, Blue and White, has expressed its desire to ensure that other international parties be consulted in the framework of the Trump plan, it has not reneged on its commitment to adopt it. Had Netanyahu sought to launch the plan, Blue and White would have been obliged to approve, even if subject to minor modifications. However, even before the second wave of the coronavirus swept the country, Netanyahu failed to advance its implementation.

The radical right's rejection of the Trump plan is irrelevant. The plan provides for a demilitarized Palestinian state in which the Palestinians would be required to agree to end the conflict, discard all claims against Israel, reject terrorism, dismantle the Hamas and terrorist infrastructures, cease all incitement against Israel, forego the so-called Palestinian right of return, and unconditionally recognize Israel as a Jewish state.

It is inconceivable that the Palestinians would ever accept such terms. But if in the far distant future they did, such a Palestinian state would not be a threat to Israel and would certainly be a massive improvement on the current state of affairs under the corrupt Palestinian Authority.

By refusing to contemplate even the remotest possibility of compromise, the far-right sacrifices not only Israel's long-term national security interests but also the continued viability of their own communities. There could be no greater example of self-destructive madness blinded by an uncompromising, irrational messianic zeal.

Most Israelis would not approve a solution in which all of Judea and Samaria, including large Arab populations, is annexed. The absorption of such a mass of hostile Arabs into the state with full civil rights would achieve the Palestinian objective of a binational state and the erosion of the Jewish state.

Despite the coronavirus, should Netanyahu proceed now with the Trump plan, the parameters of the national unity government would ensure his success. Even more importantly, subject to minor concessions, he would be able to obtain consensus with Blue and White, setting a long-term precedent of applying Israeli sovereignty to Judea and Samaria with international recognition led by the US. The US administration has indicated that it will provide full support to the annexation of major settlement blocs and the Jordan Valley if supported by the Israeli consensus and within the framework of the Trump plan.

But Netanyahu appears to be prioritizing a short-term political need, compounded by the impending trial he faces, to freeze this issue. Indeed, he has hinted that if he does not achieve an agreement with his coalition partner over the budget, this would trigger a fourth national election in November. In the meantime, he would continue leading a caretaker government.

This would be scandalous and intensify the current outrage over his behavior. It would impact on our battle against the coronavirus and would close the narrow window of opportunity that might never recur, to apply Israeli sovereignty over the major settlement blocs and enhance our security. The primary blame would rest with Netanyahu for pursuing his own interests rather than the national interest.

US President Donald Trump is currently concentrating on his re-election campaign and the coronavirus crisis. Israel may not be his major priority but if our government reflects the national consensus and speaks in a unified voice, Trump would in all probability still actively support the implementation of his plan and formally recognize Israeli sovereignty over the Jordan valley and settlements in Judea and Samaria.

We cannot rely on the backing of American Jews because, aside from the Orthodox, most have shown that their hatred for Trump far exceeds their support of Israel, which has now become a marginal issue. But the Christian evangelicals who back the Trump plan have a tremendous influence on the current administration. They will have no political clout should Joe Biden win the presidency.

Indeed, should Trump lose the election, we are likely to be confronted with a radicalized Biden-led Democratic administration that would be far more hostile to us than was the Obama White House. The Democrats for the first time include a number of highly influential outright anti-Israel and even anti-Semitic elements.

Backed by the Europeans, they would see moral equivalence between us and the terrorists, and call for negotiations that take the 1967 boundaries as their starting point. They would accept at face value fake Palestinian peace statements made simultaneously with open calls to their people to intensify terrorism until the Jewish state is destroyed.

Biden has also pledged that he would seek to resurrect the infamous Iran nuclear deal, which would make Israel more susceptible than ever to pressure.

Until the US elections, we are in a unique position, with an American administration that is more supportive of us than any administration has ever been and that confronts the Palestinians on terror and their ongoing obscene financial rewards for Jew-killers.

We now have a so-called national unity government in which all parties pledged to accept the American peace plan. We should not allow Netanyahu to torpedo our chances for long-term security and viability.

Despite the coronavirus, we must take advantage of this United States initiative to accept a plan that enables us to incorporate into Israeli boundaries the large settlement blocs and the Jordan Valley. Failure to proceed will be viewed as a historical act of madness and an unforgivable betrayal by dysfunctional leaders who missed this unique opportunity because of short-term personal and political factors. Netanyahu must not dillydally. Even though Netanyahu deserves credit for the formulation of the Trump Plan, if the government does not act now, it will be recorded in the annals of history as having lost a historic opportunity that may never repeat itself.

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In this context, the efforts of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Health Ministry officials deserve the highest praise. While it is unfortunately unlikely that Israel will be able to prevent the spread of the virus, the Netanyahu government has nevertheless been leading the Western world in imposing strict measures to slow the pace.

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Netanyahu has carefully explained the severity of the crisis to the country without creating panic and has done his utmost to create the optimal balance between maintaining essential services and introducing regulations to achieve social distancing and probably an ultimate total lockdown of the country. Without minimizing the extent of the possible emerging disaster, he has inspired confidence in the people that, under his mature leadership, our government will be able to make difficult decisions and navigate this crisis in the best possible manner. Ultimately, the outcome may depend on the compliance of civilians with all guidelines and restrictions.

As of now, most Israelis, including many who voted against him, are relieved that Netanyahu is currently in control. They shudder at the thought of inexperienced opposition leaders like Benny Gantz, Moshe Ya'alon or Yair Lapid governing the nation and making life-and-death decisions over how to manage the coronavirus.

One would assume that in face of such an unprecedented global health crisis, it would be obvious that a national unity government would be formed. But not so in this country where the hatred of Bibi has apparently driven some people insane and caused them to lose any sense of national responsibility.

If ever there was a time for a national unity government, it is now. There is a consensus across the entire population that it is imperative so why can't our politicians get their act together? Are they so detached from the urgency of the situation that they do not see what everyone else sees?

It is beyond belief when one reads columnists in Haaretz pontificating that Bibi is a far greater threat than the coronavirus. They argue that first we need to get rid of Bibi, and only then can we direct our efforts to curbing the coronavirus. Have they lost their senses?

It is scandalous that while the majority of the nation are isolated in their homes, Blue and White leaders are still playing petty, inciting politics. Netanyahu appeared on the main TV channels on Saturday night and set out the terms of his offer for a national unity government. He offered the Blue and White party equal government representation with the right-wing bloc (even though they hold 33 seats to the 58 held by the right-wing bloc), with the key ministries of defense and foreign affairs and undertook that he would resign as prime minister after 18 months. An extremely generous offer, given the election results.

Hearing Netanyahu outline the offer and confirming that the terms of a national unity government have essentially been formulated, most Israelis were hugely relieved.

But within minutes, Lapid tweeted that Bibi is a liar and that Blue and White will persist in their efforts in the Knesset to oust him. Ya'alon proclaimed on TV that it really doesn't matter what Netanyahu says or offers – he cannot be trusted and he must resign.

I have always respected Ya'alon as a man of integrity who placed the nation above all. But his bitter hatred has blinded him. In the midst of an unprecedented crisis of major proportions, he wants the only experienced leader with the ability to reassure the nation to step down in favor of an inexperienced politician lacking any governmental expertise. Does he really believe Gantz is capable of leading Israel in this crisis? And even if we set aside all reservations about him, is now the time to replace a leader who has demonstrated that he was ahead of the rest of the world in tackling this crisis?

Gantz has been offered the opportunity to become prime minister in 18 months, when hopefully the coronavirus will be behind us. Now is the time for Gantz to demonstrate true leadership qualities and to reject those who, because of their obsessive hatred of Netanyahu, are pressuring him to lead the county into disaster and reject a unity government.

For the sake of the country, we urge opposition leaders to set aside their hatred and focus solely on the welfare of this nation. There is no alternative but to form a national unity government at this time of emergency. Those who oppose this are literally putting our lives at risk. History will not forgive them.

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In a fractured Knesset, with the anti-Zionist, Arab-majority Joint Arab List winning an unprecedented 15 seats and Avigdor Liberman's Yisrael Beytenu essentially moving the support of right-wing voters out of the right-wing column, the strong vote in favor of a Netanyahu-led government represents a tremendous achievement.

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If the ostensibly right-wing Yisrael Beytenu would join, Netanyahu would be forming a government reflecting the will of the people. Instead, Liberman is pursuing a vendetta against Netanyahu and not even pretending to be motivated by ideology.

The other significant change in this election is the rise of the Joint Arab List. Previously, it was inconceivable that an Israeli government would contemplate relying on the support of those identifying with Hamas and Hezbollah. Before the election, Blue and White Chairman Benny Gantz said his party's goal was to get a Jewish majority. However, following the collapse of his base in the elections, he has called Netanyahu a racist for referring to a Zionist majority.

This is disingenuous. Unlike Gantz, Netanyahu does not reject the Arabs as a class but merely the Arab members of Knesset who do not recognize Israel as a Jewish state.

To accuse those protesting the formation of a coalition with the Arab bloc of being racist and undemocratic is nonsensical.

The Joint Arab List is rejected as a legitimate partner because it insists on transforming Israel into a binational state. Hadash, the largest (and most moderate) of its constituent parties, is a Stalinist group. All of them support our adversaries and defend or rationalize terrorism.

Would any Western country tolerate a group that preached the state's destruction and justified terrorism?

To his eternal shame, Gantz, in addressing the nation on Saturday night, revealed that Blue and White's leadership had no qualms about accommodating Knesset members who seek Israel's destruction. It appears that Liberman, in his hatred for Netanyahu, is also prepared to go along with this cynical ploy. There are no limits to cynicism when Moshe Ya'alon - who members of the Joint Arab List have said should be charged with war crimes – is prepared to canvass their support in order to oust Netanyahu.

To form a government, 61 seats are required. Under normal circumstances, this would require Likud and Blue and White to form a national unity government or either Liberman or Labor–Gesher to join a Likud-led coalition.

For now, the deadlock remains with Netanyahu's opponents demanding he step down as a precondition to negotiations. They do so despite the fact that Gantz's mediocre statements and contradictory policies have alienated even many of Netanyahu's critics.

The prospect of a fourth election is abhorrent and out of the question.

Yet, the willingness to ally with the Joint Arab List demonstrates the extent to which hatred prevails in much of Israeli society.

To most Israelis, Netanyahu, despite his weaknesses, remains the best person to guide this nation during the next few months so that we can capitalize on the Trump peace plan.

The Trump Administration has already set in motion a process to approve annexation by Israel of delineated areas in Judea and Samaria. Bearing in mind the uncertainty in the US over their forthcoming elections (especially with coronavirus undermining the economy), this is possibly a one-time opportunity for Israel to secure its borders with American support.

With the potentially horrendous ramifications of coronavirus, we must have a united government to deal with the decisions that lie ahead.

We should also be concerned about the pressures we will face if Trump and the Republicans are defeated. Given Gantz's performance as leader of the opposition, can we rely on him to advance Israeli interests? Do we know where he stands on major issues?

And now we face the horrifying prospect of rightists Liberman and Ya'alon allying with the anti-Zionist Arab parties to overcome the Zionist majority's decision to support Netanyahu.

Gantz himself has now given formal notice of his intention to form a government relying on the support of the Joint Arab List. This will require significant concessions to an anti-Zionist bloc. Such a government will be unable to proceed with the Trump plan; it will not contemplate annexation of strategic areas even with an apparent green light.

We can only hope there are enough Blue and White Knesset members with a degree of integrity and decency who still believe that the welfare of the nation takes priority over the short-term political goals of their leaders.

Our leaders, including Netanyahu, must reach a solution that does not include a government dependent on Hamas supporters. If they fail to do so, we must mourn the fact that our leaders are perpetuating the tradition of "sinat hinam" or futile hatred, the baseless hatred that led to Israel's destruction 2,000 years ago.

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Moreover, moderate Sunni neighbors have open or covert relations with Israel; Israel has become a major exporter of energy and water desalination systems; Israel's defense forces can, if necessary, defeat all our adversaries combined, and Israel's resilient economy is enjoying historically low unemployment and sustained growth.

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Nevertheless, we face challenges: Peace with the Palestinians remains distant; Iran poses an existential threat to Israel; Hezbollah remains a security threat; integration of the ultra-Orthodox into the workforce is becoming increasingly crucial; the Chief Rabbinate remains in the hands of extremist rabbis, and We seem unable to elect a government.

The US Democratic Party is increasingly anti-Israel, as reflected in the histrionic remarks of the current Democratic frontrunner for president, Bernie Sanders. The threat to Israel of a Sanders presidency is far greater than that of a Corbyn premiership in the UK.

The six months following our upcoming election will be crucial to maximizing the opportunity presented by the Trump peace plan. The leaders of Likud and Blue and White must unite to implement it. Once an Israeli national unity government, in coordination with the US, has extended sovereignty to the major settlement blocs and the Jordan Valley, it will be very complex even for a hostile US administration to reverse the situation.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu deserves credit for the formulation of the plan. It is difficult to envisage Blue and White leader Benny Gantz maintaining such a close relationship with Trump, particularly when the latter will be focused on his own re-election.

After the previous election, Netanyahu offered to step down after six months if Blue and White would agree to a unity government. Had Gantz agreed, he would be about to become prime minister without the need for further elections.

Gantz should be relieved not to become prime minister at this time. He does not inspire confidence that he has the finesse to navigate a political minefield in which we would need to engage not only with Trump but also Putin, the UK, Asia, the EU, and moderate Sunni states, to advance the peace plan. But if Gantz and Netanyahu were to put the joint weight of their two parties behind it, it would be clear to all that Trump's plan is the only viable option on the table.

Even Netanyahu's detractors concede his diplomatic brilliance. He is the best equipped to finalize negotiations with the Americans, reinforce the relationship with the Russians and mature the alliance with moderate Sunni states.

If, after the election, Netanyahu repeats his offer, Gantz should accept (even if it means splitting from Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid) and work with Netanyahu to ensure that the parameters of Trump's plan are in place before succeeding him.

Such a scenario would also enable Netanyahu to retire in honor with an unmatched legacy while available to address his legal troubles unencumbered by the office of prime minister.

Should our leaders fail to come to such an accommodation, they will go down in history as having betrayed and endangered the nation.

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But the highpoint of the recent past is the release of the Trump Mideast peace plan. For the first time, there is an outline of a solution based on reality, supported by both dominant parties and most Israelis.

The basic tenets of the plan include:

• Recognition of Israel's rights to Judea and Samaria
• Assurance of defensible borders
• United Jerusalem as Israel's capital
• Extension of Israeli sovereignty to the Jordan Valley and the settlements
• A demilitarized Palestinian state comprising the Gaza Strip and around 70% of Judea and Samaria, with a capital in part of eastern Jerusalem, subject to the disarming of Hamas and Palestinian acceptance of coexistence, renunciation of violence, and recognition of Israel as a Jewish state
• Provision of $50 billion in aid to build the infrastructure and economy of the Palestinian state
• Territorial adjustments, taking demographics into consideration, to be finalized by a joint US-Israel team
• A four-year negotiating period during which the Palestinians must comply with the preconditions for statehood

The plan is probably close to what the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin contemplated when he approved negotiations with the Palestine Liberation Organization.

Netanyahu deserves the credit for this momentous change. Together with the Trump administration, he has achieved what no one thought was possible: a complete reset of the international community's viewpoint on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The UK, Europe and many moderate Sunni Arab states are signaling that they are not opposed to the plan.

For the first time since Oslo, there is a political consensus in Israel on how to relate to the Palestinian conflict. Hopefully, the forthcoming election results will not tempt Blue and White to retract its endorsement of the plan in order to curry favor with the far Left.

The plan may not achieve peace but it neutralizes the false Arab narrative, legitimizes settlement blocs, and affirms a united Jerusalem as Israel's capital.

Unsurprisingly, the Palestinians and their allies are furious. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas would reject any proposal that concedes Jewish sovereignty or recognition of Israel as a Jewish state.

The plan's substantial aid package would enable the Palestinians to reinvent themselves as a leading economic player in the region. We can only hope that a new Palestinian leadership will emerge who is prepared to embrace this great opportunity.

The Israeli far Left and Arab parties oppose the plan, arguing that peace can only be achieved through direct negotiations with the Palestinians. But Israel has tried this repeatedly and was consistently rebuffed.

The Israeli far Right rejects the plan because it allows for a Palestinian state – which displays their complete misunderstanding. The state proposed by the plan would not be essentially different from the autonomy that exists today.

Despite these dramatic developments, our dysfunctional political system and our leaders' personal political ambitions could lead to a disastrous forfeiting of this unique opportunity.

Those demanding immediate annexation are jeopardizing the entire plan. It is only if such steps are coordinated with the US that Israel will enjoy international recognition and legitimacy. Whether implemented now or in several months is immaterial.

Former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's attempt to undermine the US peace plan in a joint press conference with Abbas is unconscionable.

All of this is taking place during the runup to the third election, which indicators predict will lead to a third impasse.

Blue and White head Benny Gantz's recent statements suggest that he lacks the leadership to finalize this deal.

We should remind Netanyahu and Gantz that with Trump soon facing his own election, there may be only a small window of opportunity to transform this plan into reality. If the forthcoming election results in further deadlock, Trump and his evangelical Christian base will likely become exasperated. If this happens and the plan is scrapped, it will be a self-inflicted disaster that will outrage most Israelis.

The Trump plan can only succeed if there is consensus in Israel endorsing its implementation. After the last election, Netanyahu undertook to stand down after six months. If the upcoming election is again inconclusive and Netanyahu makes a similar offer, six months would be sufficient to oversee the parameters of the peace plan.

This would require temporary suspension of the feud between Likud and Blue and White. Gantz could demonstrate his leadership by moving in this direction even without the full support of Blue and White Co-Chairman Yair Lapid. The historic significance of this plan must override any political or personal considerations.

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If ideological differences were the reason for this, it would be partially understandable. But the country is more united on foreign and defense policy than at any time since the Oslo Accords. Aside from a reaction against haredi coercion, there has been no meaningful debate on any issue during the past two election campaigns.

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Most Israelis wish ultimately to separate themselves from the Palestinians but oppose the founding of a state that would become a launching pad for Palestinian terrorism and Iranian aggression. There is also a broad consensus that the major settlement blocs and the Jordan Valley should be annexed to the Jewish state.

Despite minor differences, Likud, Blue and White, and Yisrael Beytenu share these objectives and, with the exception of the extreme Left, the smaller parties also support a unity government.

Ongoing governmental paralysis is only due to the burning personal ambition of the leaders of the two large parties to head the government and their inability to reach a compromise. History will judge our leaders adversely for behaving so irresponsibly at this critical time.

Politicians and defense experts alike say we face serious threats of military confrontation on two fronts.

The Trump administration's first term is drawing to a close and in a little over a year the White House, now in the hands of the most pro-Israel US administration, could see the most hostile US administration we have ever encountered – one that would make even the hostility from Europe pale by comparison.

Although Trump abandoning the Kurds caused considerable concern, he remains publicly committed to Israel. His evangelical base would terminate their support of him if he acted otherwise.

Due to the current impasse in Israel, Trump has suspended the release of his peace plan. Although most analysts predict it will contain some recommendations that will displease Israel, overall it is likely to be a positive step forward and will take account of Israel's security requirements. It may even endorse Israeli annexation of the major settlement blocs and the Jordan Valley. A more opportune time for Israel to pursue a sustainable regional settlement seems unlikely. But alas, this opportunity will be lost if our leaders cannot get their act together.

Under normal circumstances, many Israelis, including those who dislike him personally, would prefer that the politically experienced Benjamin Netanyahu, over the neophyte Benjamin Gantz, lead the nation over the next 12 months. Aside from Netanyahu's friendship with the US president, he enjoys a unique relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and other Asian, Latin American and African leaders. It is in Gantz's interest to work for a year with Netanyahu at the helm of a national unity government, after which he would be far more equipped to assume the premiership.

Blue and White's demand that Netanyahu abandons his right-wing bloc of 55 MKs is disingenuous. Voters for this bloc effectively also voted for Netanyahu. Likud has every right to insist on retaining the bloc; to do otherwise would be political suicide. The right-wing bloc is in this way no different from Blue and White, which comprises three distinct groups joined together for political expediency, with their sole common agenda being the ousting of Netanyahu. At least the right-wing bloc agree on their preferred candidate for prime minister. That cannot be said for the Blue and White MKs, many of whom are hardly enamored with Gantz.

Netanyahu's legal cases may drag on in the courts for a year or more. Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit should determine whether to indict the prime minister as soon as possible and this could influence the formation of the next government. But even now, weeks after the pre-indictment hearing, Mendelblit appears unlikely to decide before the time allotted for forming a new government expires.

At a time when the prime minister must make critical decisions, it will be very problematic if he is distracted by defending himself in court as well as the court of public opinion. Irrespective of whether he makes the right call, many will allege he was motivated by personal interests rather than the national interest.

In the event of another election, a government will not be formed before April, when the US will be in full election mode. Trump would likely delay the release of his peace plan with no guarantee that he would be re-elected or that he would revert to the plan after the election. We may miss a heaven-sent opportunity to annex the major settlement blocs and secure American support for our security requirements. That would be a self-inflicted disaster.

It is incumbent on both Netanyahu and Gantz to stand up and be accountable to the nation. They must act responsibly, suspend their personal ambitions and reach a compromise that will achieve a unity government able to move forward to serve the country that elected them.

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Next week, on October 28, the Executive Committee will meet in Munich and will invite all Congress constituents to participate. The highlight of the meeting, which has been widely promoted, is the awarding of the Theodor Herzl Prize to German Chancellor Angela Merkel.

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This prize is awarded to recognize individuals who "work to promote Herzl's ideals for a safer, more tolerant world for the Jewish people." Previous recipients include Israeli President Shimon Peres, Elie and Marion Wiesel, and, posthumously, former US President Ronald Reagan and German journalist and publisher Axel Springer.

When first elected in 2005, Merkel not only condemned anti-Semitism but maintained that it was Germany's mission to atone for the Holocaust by ensuring Israel's security and eliminating Jew-hatred at all levels. She repeatedly expressed deep shame at Germany's Nazi past and efforts to murder European Jewry.

Alas, in recent years she has veered away from this policy. She continues verbally to condemn anti-Semitism but in practice, her government has moved in the opposite direction. In fact, she has contributed in no small way toward making Germany and the world far more dangerous for Jews.

• Merkel has enabled entry to over a million migrants from the Middle East, including numerous jihadists who have imported their anti-Jewish hatred and been involved in numerous anti-Semitic incidents. The feeling shared by most of Germany's 120,000 Jews is that anti-Semitism has increased dramatically over the past few years. However, the German government tends to downplay the anti-Semitic motivation of the crimes, dismissing them as acts of individual anti-social behavior. Merkel continues to state that the bulk of anti-Semitism in Germany emanates from right-wing extremist sources or persons suffering from mental disabilities – which is manifestly false.
• In addition to supporting the Iranian nuclear deal, Merkel's government has refused to condemn Iran's repeated threats to destroy the "cancer" Israel, dismissing these repeated threats as rhetoric. It has also refused to identify Hezbollah as a terrorist organization and enabled marches throughout Germany calling for Israel's destruction. In February, Germany's President Frank-Walter Steinmeier sent a congratulatory message to Tehran praising the 40th anniversary of the Islamic revolution. The Foreign Ministry attended an event at the Iranian Embassy celebrating the anniversary. The German government has also been at the forefront of those seeking to circumvent US sanctions against the Tehran regime.
• Germany has condemned US President Donald Trump's recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital and pressured Eastern European countries to refrain from relocating their embassies.
• Despite repeated protests from Israel, Merkel's government continues to provide millions of dollars to organizations promoting the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement, which is recognized as being anti-Semitic – a policy that is exclusively applied to Israel.
• Germany's voting record on Israel-related matters at the United Nations has been among the worst of the hypocritical European nations, which either support or abstain on excessively biased anti-Israel resolutions. Germany also equates Israel's demolition of terrorist homes with Hamas rocket attacks. One could of have expected the opposite from Germany in light of its repeated pledges to ensure that the lessons of the Holocaust be implemented.

For the WJC to now extend such a prestigious award to Merkel is not only surprising but nauseating. It dishonors Jewish dignity and should be canceled. Leading members of the German Jewish community have condemned the WJC for granting her the award. Dr. Rafael Korenzecher, a German Jewish leader and publisher, sarcastically noted that Merkel deserved a Herzl award for promoting aliyah to Israel and "thanks to her current policy, Germany will be Judenrein [free of Jews]."

Honoring Merkel in this manner makes a mockery of Jewish leadership and conveys the message that the Jews will not react adversely or protest, irrespective of the disgusting acts of their government.

In light of the flow of objections, Lauder will presumably try to overcome the criticism by making remarks expressing hopes for a better future. But this is insufficient. Unless Merkel is going to formally announce a change in Germany's negative policies toward Israel, he should cancel the award.

He can inform Merkel that he is doing so because of pressure which has been exerted on him by Jews all over the world.

In so doing, he would be conveying an appropriate message to Merkel. He would also be setting a standard for Jewish communities all over the world, encouraging them to protest when their governments pursue immoral policies against Jews or Israel. If he would act in this manner, the WJC as a global Jewish leadership organization would be worthy of its name.

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Yet ironically, the outcome could be the formation of a stable government that reflects the national consensus.

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Although recent opinion polls have proved to be misleading, Likud and its right-wing and haredi allies may again fail to win sufficient seats to form a right-wing government. As nothing Likud could offer would satisfy Yisrael Beytenu leader Avigdor Lieberman, whose primary goal is politically destroying Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a repeated deadlock seems inevitable. And holding a third election is not an option.

Apart from supporters of the Joint Arab List and the haredim, most Israelis will vote holding their noses.

Likud supporters will be voting for a government that would include the eccentric Moshe Feiglin and the legalization of marijuana.

Yamina, formerly the New Right, is headed by able and charismatic Ayelet Shaked but will have as one of its leading personalities the coarse, loud-mouthed Bezalel Smotrich, whose views radically contrast with those of religious Zionism's founders, moderates like Haim-Moshe Shapira and Yosef Burg.

Those traditionally supporting Labor Zionism are forced to choose between Amir Peretz's Labor-Gesher party and the Democratic Union, a merger of Meretz with former Prime Minister Ehud Barak's Israel Democratic Party.

Blue and White supporters have two issues to contend with. Many shudder at the prospect of Yair Lapid becoming prime minister after a rotation of two years with Benny Gantz – unless, as is likely, the partnership is terminated after the elections.

The other concern is the performance of Gantz himself, who lacks charisma, contradicts himself, and seems to be a monotonously "nice guy" but hardly the leader Israel requires. This is highlighted with comparisons to Netanyahu who – despite a viciously hostile press, major diplomatic and military challenges, legal pressures, and an impending election – remains as cool as a cucumber.

Aside from the extent to which the Supreme Court's powers may be limited, there are no major political differences between Likud and Blue and White.

Ignoring their right and left extremes, both major parties agree on:

• Security objectives
• The current inadvisability of a Palestinian state, which Iran could employ as a launching pad against us
• Carefully weighing the possibility of applying Israeli law to settlements and, if the US does not resist, annexing and applying sovereignty to Area C. This will come to a turning point after the elections when the Trump peace plan is finally revealed
• Opposition to dividing Jerusalem or ceding further territories unless a final settlement is reached
• Making great efforts, in the context of the status quo, to improve the living conditions of Palestinians in the hope that they will ultimately have leaders willing to peacefully coexist.

Actually, only two issues are motivating voters:

The principal issue is "Bibi fatigue." Those who have it argue that after 13 years, Netanyahu has outlived his political life and should go. Ten years in office is usually regarded as optimal for a democratic leader.

The secondary factor is the chance for a government in which the haredim are denied the ability to impose ever-more stringent interpretations of Halachah. Lieberman's anti-haredi incitement has touched a chord and substantially increased his party's popularity.

But what will happen after the elections when no juggling of political musical chairs enables a government to be formed?

It is possible that, despite all the obstacles, Netanyahu may still achieve a majority. He may yet again pull off a last-minute electoral gimmick. Aside from this, many who despise him still prefer an experienced hand rather than a novice at the wheel. Even those who detest Netanyahu's personal weaknesses respect him as a world-class leader enjoying excellent relations with the leaders of the US, Russia, and other countries, including Arab former adversaries now inching closer to open relations with Israel.

If Netanyahu is unable to form a right-wing government, he may make a generous offer to Gantz, possibly resulting in a split with Lapid.

A national unity government would then be achieved, which would satisfy most Israelis. The haredim could remain within the government but they would not be in a position to veto government initiatives.

Even if politically victorious, Netanyahu will still face legal charges, but the court may face a tough and lengthy battle to convict him.

Alternatively, should Likud not top the polls, there will be pressure for Netanyahu to step down and for a national unity government, with or without the haredim, to be formed, headed in rotation by Gantz and a new Likud leader.

Although this election is somewhat like a lottery, voters should support the party whose leader they feel is best equipped to head our nation over the crucial year facing us. Our choice could have existential repercussions.

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